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vSmithsonian  Institition, 

Bi'REAU  OF  American  Ethnoixk>y, 

Washington,  D.  C,  Decemher  15,  1918, 

Sir:  I  have  the  honor  to  transmit  the  accompanying  manuscript, 

entitled  ''Early  History  of  the  Creek  Indiana  and  Their  Neighbors," 

by  John  R.  Swantoi\,  and  to  recommend  its  publication,  subject  to 

your  approval,  as  Bulletin  78  of  this  Bureau. 

Very  respectfully, 

J.  Walter  Fewkes, 

Dr.  Charles  D.  Walcott, 

Secretary  of  the  Sjnithsonidn  Institution. 




Introduction 9 

ClafBification  of  the  Southeastern  tribes 11 

TheCusabo 31 

History 31 

Ethnological  infonnation  regarding  the  C'usabo 72 

The  Quale  Indians  and  the  Yamasee 80 

The  Apalachee 109 

The  Apalachicola 129 

The  rhatot 134 

The  Tawasa  and  Pawokti 137 

The  Sawokli 141 

The  Pensacola 143 

The  Mobile  and  Tohome 150 

TheOsochi 165 

TheChiaha 167 

TheHitchiti 172 

The  Okmulgee 178 

The  Oconee 179 

TheTamali 181 

TheTamahita 184 

The  Alabama 191 

TheKoaaati 201 

TheMuklasa 207 

TheTuskegee 207 

Tennessee  River  tribes  of  uncertain  relationship 211 

The  Muskogee 215 

TheKasihta 216 

•   The  Coweta 225 

The  Coosa  and  their  doscendant^ 230 

The  Abihka 251 

The  Holiwahali 254 

TheHilibi 258 

The  Eufaula 260 

The  Wakokai 263 

The  Atari 265 

TheKolomi 267 

The  Pus-hatchee 269 

The  Kan-hatki 269 

TheWiwohka 270 

TheKealedji 271 

ThePakana 272 

TheOkchai 274 

The  Tukabahchee 277 

Other  Muskogee  towns  arid  villages 282 




TheYuchi 286 

The  Natchez 312 

The  Shawnee 317 

The  ancient  inhabitants  of  Florida 320 

History 320 

Ethnology 346 

The  Seminole 398 

The  Chickasaw 414 

The  Choctaw 420 

Population  of  the  Southeastern  tribes, 421 

Bibliography 457 

Index 463 



Plate  1.  Indian  tribes  of  the  southeastern  United  States. 

2.  Territory  of  the  States  of  Georgia  and  Alabama  illustrating  the  geographical 

distribution  and  movements  of  the  tribes  and  towns  of  the  Creek  Con- 

3.  The  distribution  of  Indian  tribes  in  the  Southeast  about  the  year  1715. 

From  a  MS.  map  of  the  period. 

4.  The  southeastern  part  of  the  present  United  States.    From  the  Popple 

map  of  1733. 
6.  The  territory  between  the  Chattahoochee  and  Mississippi  Rivers.     From 
the  De  Crenay  map  of  1733. 

6.  The  southeastern  part  of  the  present  United  States.    From  the  Mitchell 

map  of  1755. 

7.  Part  of  the  Purcell  map.    Prepared  not  later  than  1770  in  the  interest  of 

British  Indian  trade. 

8.  Pfert  of  the  Melish  map  of  1814,  covering  the  seat  of  war  between  the  Creek 

Indians  and  the  Americans  in  1813-14. 

9.  Towns  of  the  Creek  Confederacy  as  shown  on  the  Early  map  of  Georgia,  1818. 
10.  The  Chickasaw  country  in  1796-1«00,  according  to  G.  H.  V.  Collot. 



THEIR  neighbors'      ' 


By  John  R.  Swanton 


The  present  paper  originated  in  an  attempt  to  prepare  a  report  on 
the  Indians  of  the  Creek  Confederacy  similar  to  that  made  in  Bulletin 
43  for  those  along  the  lower  course  of  the  Mississippi  River.*  In  this 
study,  however,  it  is  still  possible  to  add  information  obtained  from 
living  Indians,  about  9,000  of  whom  were  enumerated  in  1910.^  But 
when  material  from  all  sources  had  been  tentatively  brought  together 
the  amomit  was  found  to  be  so  great  that  it  was  thought  advisable  to 
divide  the  work  into  two  or  three  different  sections  for  separate  pub- 
lication. As  our  account  of  the  distribution,  interrelationship,  and 
history  of  these  people  is  to  be  gathered  rather  from  docimientary 
sources  than  from  field  investigations  it  is  naturally  the  first  to  be 
ready  for  presentation.  Since  it  has  been  compiled  primarily  for 
ethnological  purposes,  no  attempt  has  been  made  to  give  a  complete 
account  of  the  later  fortunes  of  the  tribes  under  consideration,  such 
important  chapters  in  their  career  as  the  Creek  and  Seminole  wars 
and  the  westward  emigration  belonging  within  the  province  of  the 
historian  strictly  so  considered.  The  writer's  main  endeavor  has 
been  to  trace  their  movements  from  earliest  times  until  they  are 
caught  up  into  the  broad  stream  of  later  history  in  which  conceal- 
ment is  practically  impossible.  Although  not  pretending  that  this 
work  is  as  yet  by  any  means  complete,  he  has  aimed  to  furnish  some- 
thing in  the  nature  of  an  encyclopedia  of  information  rc^garding  the 
history  of  the  southeastern  Indians  for  the  period  covered,  and  hence 
has  usually  included  direct  quotations  instead  of  attempting  to 
recast  the  material  in  his  own  words. 

It  was  found  that  a  satisfactory  study  of  the  Creek  Indians  would 
make  it  necessary  to  extend  the  scope  of  this  work  so  as  to  consider  all 
of  the  eastern  tribes  of  the  Muskhogean  stock  as  well  as  the  Indians 
of  Florida.     The  Yuchi,  on  the  ethnological  side,  have  been  made  a 

>  Swanton,  Indian  Tribes  of  the  Lower  Mississippi  Valley,  Bull.  43,  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn.,  IMl. 
*  This  includes  the  Creek  and  Seminole  Indians  of  Oklalioma,  the  Seminole  of  Florida,  and  the  Alabeuna 
and  Kottsati  ot  Texas  and  Louisiana.    ( Ind.  Pop.  in  the  I' .  S.  and  Alaska,  1010.    Wash.,  Ittl5. ) 



special  subject  of  inquiry  by  D^.  J'cank  G.  Speck/  but  so  many 
new  facts  have  presented  thetnselvoj?  in  the  course  of  this  investiga- 
tion regarding  the  early .l)fe(ory<>f  these  Indians  that  they  have  been 
treated  at  length..  Some  new  information  is  also  given  regarding 
the  Natchez  and  tJ^gW  Shawnee  who  were  for  a  long  period  incor- 
porated with  the.'Creeks.  The  Siouan  tribes  of  the  east  have  been 
made  tfte*'3Ubject  of  a  special  study  by  Mr.  James  Mooney,'  and  all 
tljat  wetoiow  regarding  two  other  southern  Siouan  tribes,  the  Biloxi 
.  /;.aiKi  Ofo,  has  been  given  by  the  writer  in  another  publication.^  The 
.•  :  ramifications  of  the  Creek  Confederacy  extended  so  far  that  even  the 
Chickasaw  are  found  to  be  involved,  and  they  have  in  consequence 
been  considered  in  this  paper.  The  Choctaw,  however,  form  a  distinct 
problem  and  the  principal  attention  paid  them  has  been  to  incor- 
porate a  statement  regarding  their  population  so  that  it  may  be 
compared  with  that  of  the  other  Muskhogean  tribes. 

Sections  have  been  included  on  the  ethnology  of  the  Cusabo 
Indians  and  the  Florida  tribes,  for  which  we  are  dependent  entirely  on 
documentary  sources. 

To  illustrate  this  work  several  of  the  more  significant  of  the  older 
maps  have  been  reproduced,  and  two  from  data  compiled  by  the 
author.  It  must  be  understood  that  the  main  object  has  been  to 
trace  historical  movements  and  give  the  relative  positions  of  the 
various  tribes  and  bands,  so  that  few  of  the  locations  may  be  con- 
sidered final.  It  is  hoped  that  eventually  intensive  work  in  the 
Southeast,  and  in  other  parts  of  the  countrj-  as  well,  will  take  form 
in  a  series  of  large-scale  maps  in  which  the  historical  as  well  as  the 
prehistoric  village  sites  of  our  Indians  vnll  be  recorded  with  a  high 
degree  of  accuracy.  So  far  as  the  Southeast  is  concerned,  an  excel- 
lent beginning  has  been  made  by  the  Alabama  Anthropological 
.  Societj'.  The  handbook  of  this  society  for  1920,  which  comes  to 
hand  as  the  present  work  is  going  tlu'ough  the  press,  contains  a 
catalogue  of  "Aboriginal  To^tis  in  Alabama"  (pp.  42-54),  which 
marks  an  advance  over  anything  which  has  so  far  appeared  and 
should  be  consulted  by  the  student  desirous  of  more  precise  informa- 
tion regarding  the  locations  of  many  of  the  towns  dealt  with  in  this 
volume.  In  two  points  only  I  venture  a  criticism  of  this  catalogue. 
First,  I  am  entirely  unable  to  embrace  that  interpretation  of  De 
Soto's  route  which  would  bring  him  to  the  headwaters  of  Coosa 
River  below  the  northern  boundar>^  of  Georgia;  and  secondly,  it 
seems  to  me  a  little  risky  to  attempt  an  exact  identification  of  the 
towns  at  which  that  explorer  stopped  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
upper  Alabama.  At  the  same  time  I  grant  that  such  identifications 
•  are  highly  desirable  and  have  no  personal  theories  in  conflict  with 
the  ones  attempted. 

» Ethnology  of  the  Yuchilndian!!,  Anthrop.  Pubs.  Tniv.  Mus.,  T'niv.  Pa.,  i.  No.  1.  IQiW. 
•  Sloiian  Tribes  of  the  Kast,  Bull.  22,  Bur.  Amer.  Kthn..  1894. 

>  Doraey  and  S wanton,  Dictionary  of  the  Biloxi  and  Ofo  I^ngua^^e^,  Bull.  47,  Bur.  Amer.  Kthn.,  1912. 





Below  is  a  classification  of  the  linguistic  groups  in  the  southeastern 
part  of  the  United  States  considered  in  whole  or  in  part  in  this  bulletin: 

Mufikhogean  stock. 
Mufikhogean  branch. 
Southern  division. 
Hitchiti  group. 








Alabama  group. 





("'hoctaw  group. 










Quinipissa  or  Mugulasha. 





Nabochi  or  Xapissa. 

Muskhogean  stock — (^ontinued. 
Muskhogean  branch — Continued. 
Southern  division — Continued. 
Guale  Indians  and  Yamasee. 
Northern  diviMon. 
Muskogee  branch. 
Natchez  branch. 
Uchean  stock. 

Timuquanan  stock. 

South  Florida  Indians. 
A  is. 

As  above  intimated,  some  consideration  has  also  been  given  to  a 
part  of  the  Shawnee  Indians  of  the  Algonquian  stock,  who  were  for 
a  time  incorporated  into  the  Creek  Confederacy. 

Of  course  no  claim  of  infallibility  is  made  for  tliis  classification. 
The  connection  of  some  of  the  tribes  thus  brought  together  is  woD 
known,  while  others  are  placed  with  them  on  rather  slender  circimi- 
stantial  evidence.  The  strength  of  the  argument  for  each  I  will 
now  consider. 

1  Here  and  throughout  the  pres4>nt  work  the  Polish  crossed  I  stands  for  a  surd  I  common  to  nearly  all  of 
th«  southeastern  languages  and  sometimes  represented  in  English,  though  inadequately,  by  thl  or  hi. 


In  the  first  place  it  may  be  stated  that  sufficient  linguistic  material 
is  preserved  from  the  Apalachee,^  lEtchiti,  Mikasuki,  Alabama, 
Koasati,  Choctaw,  Chickasaw,  the  leading  tribes  of  the  Muskogee 
branch,  Natchez,  Yuchi,  and  Timucua,  to  establish  their  positions 
beyond  question.  The  connection  of  all  of  the  other  tribes  of  the 
Choctaw  group  except  Pensacola^  that  of  the  Chatot,  and  the  tribes  of 
the  Natchez  branch  has  been  examined  by  the  author  in  his  Indian 
Tribes  of  the  Lowct  Mississippi  Valley,  to  which  the  reader  is  referred.' 

That  Hitchiti  with  but  slight  variations  was  spoken  by  the  Apala- 
chicola,  Sawokli,  and  OkmiJgee  is  known  to  all  well-informed  Creek 
Indians  to-day,  and  some  of  the  people  of  those  tribes  can  use  it  or 
know  some  words  of  it.    The  town  names  themselves  are  in  Hitchiti. 

Oconee  is  placed  by  Bartram  among  those  towns  speaking  the 
"Stinkard"  language,'  and  all  of  the  other  towns  so  denominated, 
so  far  as  we  have  positive  information,  spoke  Muskhogean  dialects 
belonging  to  either  the  Hitchiti  or  Alabama  groups.  Oconee,  being 
a  lower  Creek  town,  would  naturally  belong  to  the  first.  Further 
evidence  is  furnished  by  the  later  associations  of  the  Oconee  people 
with  the  Mikasuki.* 

The  TamaK,  so  far  as  our  knowledge  of  them  extends,  lived  in 
southern  Geoi^a  near  towns  known  to  have  belonged  to  the  Hitchiti 
group,  and  they  were  among  the  first  to  move  to  Florida  and  lay 
the  foundations  of  the  Seminole  Nation.  In  Spanish  documents  a 
tribe  called  Tama  is  mentioned  which  is  almost  certainly  identical 
with  this,*  and  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  last  syllable  represents 
the  Hitchiti  plural  -ali.  These  facts  all  point  to  a  Hitchiti  connec- 
tion for  the  tribe. 

Bartram  tells  us  that  in  his  time  the  language  of  the  Chiaha  was 
entirely  different  from  that  of  the  Kasihta,  which  we  know  to  have 
been  Muskogee,  and  in  his  list  of  Creek  towns  he  includes  it  among 
those  speaking  Stinkard.'  As  explained  above,  this  latter  fact 
suggests  that  Chiaha  was  a  Muskhogean  dialect,  although  not  Mus- 
kogee. By  some  of  the  best-informed  Creeks  in  Oklahoma  I  was 
told  it  was  a  dialect  of  Hitchiti,  and  that  on  account  of  the  common 
language  the  Chiaha  would  not  play  against  the  Hitchiti  in  the 
tribal  ball  games,  although  they  belonged  to  different  fire  clans, 
which  ordinarily  opposed  each  other  at  such  times.  The  chief  of  the 
Mikasuki  told  me  that  CTiiaha  was  the  ''foundation"  of  the  t(»wns 
called  Osochi,  Mikasuki,  and  Hotalgihuyana,  and  that  anciently  all 
spoke  the  same  language. 

1  Almost  oonfloed  to  one  letter  published  in  facsimile,  accompiinied  by  its  Spanish  translation,  by 
BuoUngham  Smith,  in  1800. 

I  Bulletin  43,  Bur.  Amer.  Kthn.  The  Washa  and  Chawasha  have,  however,  sine  e  been  identified  as 
rhitiiniM*'''^"     (See  Amer.  Jour.  Ling.,  I,  no.  1,  p.  49.) 

I  Bartram,  Travels  in  North  America,  p.  402. 

« See  p.  401. 

•  Seep,  met  leq. 


The  Tawasa  Indians  ultimately  united  with  the  Alabama,  and 
the  living  Alabama  Indians  recall  no  differences  between  the  lan- 
guages of  the  two  peoples.  Moreover,  Stiggins,  writing  early  in 
the  eighteenth  century,  gives  certain  episodes  in  the  history  of  the 
Tawasa  as  if  he  were  speaking  of  the  whole  of  the  Alabama.^  Still 
more  ancient  evidence  is  furnished  by  Lamhatty,  a  Tawasa,  who 
was  taken  captive  by  the  Creeks  and  made  his  way  into  the  Vir- 
ginia settlements  in  1707.  There  the  historian  Robert  Beverly  met 
him  and  obtained  from  him  an  account  of  his  travels  and  a  rude  map 
of  the  region  which  he  had  crossed  in  order  to  reach  Virginia.'  While 
the  ending  of  most  river  names,  -oubahy  is  identical  with  that  which 
appears  in  Apalachee,  the  name  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  Ouquodky^  is 
plainly  the  Old  hatJci,  "white  water,"  of  the  Hitchiti,  and  is  the  name 
still  applied  by  them  to  the  ocean.  Since  the  present  Alabama 
term  is  OJci  Juiikd  we  may  perhaps  infer  that  Tawasa  speech  was 
anciently  closer  to  Hitchiti  than  to  Alabama.  Later,  however, 
it  was  entirely  assimilated  by  Alabama,  and  therefore  it  is  more 
convenient  and  less  hazardous  to  place  it  in  the  Alabama  group. 
In  either  case  the  Muskhogean  connection  of  the  language  is  assured. 

It  is  probable  that  the  "Pofihka''  of  Lamhatty^  were  the  Pawokti 
later  found  living  with  the  Alabama,  arid  if  so  it  is  a  fair  assimiption 
that  their  history  was  the  same  as  that  of  the  Taw^asa. 

Muklasa  is  set  down  by  Bartram  as  a  Stinkard  town.*  It  was 
located  in  the  upper  Creek  country,  near  the  Alabama  and  Koasati 
towns,  and  it  has  a  name  taken  from  either  the  Alabama  or  the 
Koasati  language.  Gatschet  states  with  positiveness^  that  the 
Muklasa  people  were  Alabama,  and  he  may  have  learned  that  such 
was  the  case  from  some  well-informed  Indian  now  dead,  for  to-day 
the  Creeks  have  well-nigh  forgotten  even  the  name. 

The  Pensacola  disappear  from  history  shortly  after  their  appear- 
ance in  it,  and  nothing  of  their  language  has  been  preserved.  Their 
name,  however,  is  plainly  Choctaw  and  signifies  ''hair  people.''  It 
may  have  been  given  to  them  because  they  wore  their  hair  in  a  manner 
different  from  that  of  most  of  their  neighbors,  and  Cabeza  de  Vaca 
mentions  as  a  curious  fact  that  several  chiefs  in  a  party  of  Indians 
he  and  his  companions  encountered  near  Pensacola  Bay  wore  their 
hair  long.*  When  w^e  recall  Adair's  statement  to  the  effect  that  the 
Clioctaw  were  called  Pa'^sfalaya,  '*long  hair,'"  because  of  this  very 
pecidiarity  a  connection  is  at  once  suggested  lietween  the  two  peoples. 

1  See  p.  140. 

« D.  I.  Dushnell,  Jr.,  in  Amer.  Anthrop.,  n.  s.  vol.  x,  no.  4,  pp.  568-574. 

>  Ibid.,  map. 

*  Bartram,  Travels  in  North  America,  p.  461. 
»  Qatschet,  Creeic  Mig.  Log.,  i,  p.  138. 

*  Bandeiier,  Journey  of  Alvar  Niifies  Cabeza  do  Vaca,  p.  48;  al.^io  present  worlc,  p.  145. 
'  Adair,  Hist.  Am.  Inds.,  p.  192.    lie  spells  the  word  Pas'  PharAJdi. 


The  Tuskegee  have  spoken  Muskogee  for  more  than  a  hundred 
years,  but  from  Taitt  (1772)  and  Hawkins  (1799)  it  appears  that 
they  once  had  a  language  of  their  own.*  This  statement  was  con- 
firmed to  me  by  some  of  the  old  people  and  they  furnished  several 
words  which  they  aflBrmed  belonged  to  it.'  Perhaps  these  are 
nothing  more  than  archaic  Creek,  but  in  any  case  the  long  associa- 
tion of  the  tribe  with  the  Ooeks,  Hitchiti,  and  Alabama  points  to  a 
Muskhogean  connection  as  the  most  probable.* 

The  Muskhogean  aiRnities  of  Yamasee  have  long  been  assumed 
by  ethnologists,  largely  on  the  authority  of  Dr.  Gatschet,  but  it  can 
not  be  said  that  the  evidence  which  he  gives  is  satisfying.*  One  of 
the  words  cited  by  him  as  proving  this,  Olatara^a,  is  Timucua; 
another,  yatiqui,  is  both  Creek  and  Timucua;  and  most  of  the  others 
are  not  certainly  from  Yamasee.  The  traditions  of  the  Creeks  are 
divided,  some  holding  that  the  Yamasee  language  was.  related  to 
theirs,  others  that  it  was  entirely  distinct.  This  last  contention 
need  not  have  much  weight  with  us,  however,  because  to  a  Creek 
Hitchiti  is  an  ** altogether  different"  language.  From  the  state- 
ments of  Spanish  writers  it  is  certain  that  the  language  spoken 
in  their  territories  and  those  of  the  adjoining  coast  tribes, 
northward  of  Cumberland  Island,  was  distinct  from  the  Timu- 
cua of  Cumberland  Island  and  more  southern  regions.  One  prov- 
ince is  called  the  *'lengua  de  Quale,"  the  other  the  **lengua  de 
Timucua."*  More  specific  evidence  as  to  the  nature  of  that  former 
language  is  not  wanting.  In  1604  Pedro  de  Ibarra,  governor  of 
Florida,  journeyed  from  St.  Augustine  northward  along  the  coast  as 
far  as  St.  Catherines  Island,  stopping  at  the  important  mission  sta- 
tions and  posts,  and  holding  councils  with  the  Indians  at  each  place.^ 
Until  he  left  San  Pedro  (Cumberland)  Island  he  employed  as  inter- 
preter a  single  Indian  named  Juan  de  Junco,  but  as  soon  as  he  passed 
northward  of  that  point  another  interpreter  named  Santiago  was 
added.  Moreover,  the  chiefs  met  previously  were  all  called  *  *  cacique, " 
but  afterwards  the  name  ''mica  "  is  often  appended,  thechief  of  the  very 
first  town  encountered  being  called  the  * '  cacique  and  mico  mayor  don 
Domingo. "  It  appears  in  letters  written  both  before  and  after  the  one 
quoted  above,  as  in  three  by  Governor  de  Can^o  in  1597,  1598,  and 
1603,  and  the  report  of  a  pastoral  visit  to  the  Florida  missions  by  the 
Bishop  of  Cuba  in  1606.  The  earliest  of  all  is  in  the  narrative  of  an  ex- 
pedition sent  from  Havana  in  search  of  Ribault's  Port  Royal  Colony. 

>  Mereness,  Trav.  in  Amer.  Col.,  p.  541;  Dawkins,  Sketch  of  the  Creek  Cduntry,  Ga.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls., 
m,  p.  39. 

s  S6«  p.  208. 

>  See  also  the  Alabama  tradition  (p.  192)  in  which  Twkegee,  under  the  name  Hatcataskl,  seems  to  be 
•namflrsted  among  the  Alabama  towns. 

4  Gatschet,  op.  cit.,  pp.  62-03. 

»  Serrano  y  Sanr,  Doc.  Hist.,  pp.  171, 177. 

•n>id.,  pp.  109-193. 


The  captain  of  the  vessel  * 'landed  near  the  town  of  Guale  and  went 
there,  where  was  the  lord  micoo  (el  sefior  micoo)."  A  little  later 
''the  micoo  of  a  town  called  Yanahume"*  came  to  see  him.  This 
word  is  nothing  other  than  the  Creek  term  for  chief. 

In  1598  the  confessions  of  Guale  Indians,  whose  testimony  was 
being  taken  with  reference  to  the  revolt  of  1597,  were  communicated 
by  them  to  a  Timucua  who  understood  the  language  of  Quale,  and 
by  him  to  another  Timucua  who  could  speak  Spanish.  In  a  letter 
describing  his  missionary  work  Fray  Baltazar  Lopez,  who  was  sta- 
tioned at  San  Pedro,  states  that,  while  he  is  himself  f  amihar  with  the 
language  of  his  own  Indians,  ho  employs  interpreters  in  speaking  to 
the  Guale  people  passing  back  and  forth  between  their  own  coimtry 
and  St.  Augustine.^ 

Some  supplementary  evidence  is  furnished  also  by  the  place  and 
personal  names  recorded  from  the  Indians  in  this  area,  which 
will  be  found  in  the  section  on  the  Guale  Indians  and  the  Yamasee. 
The  diflFerence  between  these  and  Timucua  names  is  apparent  when 
they  are  compared  with  the  list  of  names  on  pages  323-330.  The 
phonetic  r  does  not  appear,  except  in  one  case  where  it  is  plainly 
not  an  original  sound,  while/  and  Z,  which  are  foreign  to  the  eastern 
Siouan  dialects,  are  much  in  evidence.  So  far  as  Yuchi  is  concerned 
the  history  of  that  tribe,  as  will  be  seen  later,  tends  to  discount  the 
idea  of  any  connection  there.  Besides,  m  appears  to  occur  in  the 
Guale  language  at  least — Tumaque,  Altamahaw,  Tolomato,  Tamufa, 
Ymunapa — while  it  is  wanting  in  Yuchi.  To  these  arguments  may  be 
added  the  positive  resemblances  to  Muskhogean  forms  in  such  names 
as  Talaxe  (pronounced  Talashc),  Hinafasque,  Ytohulo,  Fuloplata, 
Tapala)  ^apala  (Sapala),  Culupala,  Otapalas,  Pocotalligo,  Dawfuskee. 

Finally,  the  relationship  is  indicated  by  the  speeches  of  various 
Creek  chiefs  at  the  time  of  their  historic  conference  with  Governor 
Oglethorpe  in  1733.'  Tomochichi,  chief  of  the  Yamacraw,  a  small 
band  of  Indians  living  near  Savannah  at  that  time,  says  *  *I  was  a 
banished  man;  I  came  here  poor  and  helpless  to  look  for  good  land 
near  the  tombs  of  my  ancestors."  The  Oconee  chief  declares  that 
he  is  related  to  Tomochichi^  and  on  behalf  of  the  Creek  Nation 
claims  all  of  the  lands  southward  of  the  river  Savannah.  Finally  the 
mico  of  Coweta  thus  expresses  himself: 

I  rejoice  that  I  have  lived  to  see  this  day,  and  to  see  our  friends  that  have  long  been 
gone  from  among  ns.  Our  nation  was  once  strong,  and  had  ten  towns,  but  we  are 
now  weak  and  have  but  eight  towns.  You  [Oglethorpe]  have  comforted  the  banished, 
and  have  gathered  them  that  were  scattered  like  little  birds  before  the  eagle.  We 
deflire,  therefore,  to  be  reconciled  to  our  brethren  who  are  here  amongst  you,  and  we 
give  leave  to  Tomo-chi-chi,  Stimoiche,  and  lUispelle  to  call  their  Idndred  that  love 

» Lowery,  M8S. 

*  A  Tnio  and  Hist.  Narr.  of  the  Colony  of  Oa.  in  .\m.,  <bc.,  Charles  Town,  S.  C,  1741,  pp.  31-30. 

16  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  78 

them  out  of  each  of  the  Creek  towns  that  they  may  come  together  and  make  one  town. 
We  must  pray  you  to  recall  the  Yamasees  that  they  may  be  buried  in  peace  amongst 
their  ancestors,  and  that  they  may  see  their  graves  before  they  die;  and  their  own 
nation  shall  be  restored  again  to  its  ten  towns. 

Here  the  Yamacraw  and  the  Yamasee  seem  to  be  treated  as  former 
members  of  the  Creek  Confederacy.  Unless  the  Yamasee  and  the 
Guale  Indians  had  been  so  considered  the  Creeks  "at  this  council 
would  not  have  claimed  all  of  the  land  on  the  Georgia  coast  south  of 
the  Savannah  River  and  at  the  same  time  have  asked  that  the 
Yamasee  be  recalled  to  inhabit  it.  It  is  as  guardians  of  these  tribes 
that  they  ceded  to  Oglethorpe  the  coast  between  Savannah  River 
and  St.  Simons  Island,  with  the  exception  of  the  islands  of  Ossabaw, 
Sapello,  and  St.  Catherines,  and  a  small  strip  of  land  near  Savannah 

The  particular  Muskhogean  dialect  which  these  Indians  spoke  is, 
however,  more  difficult  to  ascertain.  Ranjel  indicates  a  connection 
between  the  Yamasee  and  Hitchiti,*  and  this  impression  appears  to 
have  been  shared  generally  by  the  Muskogee  Indians  of  later  times. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  word  for  chief  among  the  Guale  Indians  was, 
as  we  have  seen,  miko,^  the  form  which  it  has  in  Muskogee,  whereas 
the  proper  Hitchiti  term  is  milci.  This  means  either  that  Muskogee 
was  already  the  linguci  franca  upon  the  coast  of  Georgia  or  else  that 
the  languages  of  the  Guale  Indians  and  the  Yamasee  belonged  to 
distinct  groups.  According  to  several  traditions  the  Muskogee  at  one 
time  lived  upon  this  very  coast,  and  I  am  inclined  to  accept  the  second 
explanation,  but  it  is  not  put  forward  with  overmuch  confidence. 

The  name  of  the  Cusabo  first  appears  in  the  form  ''Co^apoy*'  in  a 
letter  of  Governor  Pedro  Menendez  Marques  dated  January  3,  1580. 
It  is  there  given  as  the  name  of  a  big  town  occupied  by  hostile  Indians 
and  strongly  placed  in  a  swamp,  about  15  leagues  from  the  Spanish 
fort  at  Santa  Elena.'  The  tribe  appears  later  as  one  of  those  accused 
of  fomenting  an  uprising  against  the  Guale  missionaries  in  1597,  and 
afterwards  among  those  appealed  to  for  help  in  putting  it  down.* 
There  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  its  appellation  was  connected 
in  some  way  with  that  of  the  Coosa  Indians  of  South  Carolina,  but 
how  is  not  certain. 

By  the  English  the  name  is  sometimes  used  to  designate  all  of  the 
coast  tribes  of  South  Carolina  from  Savannah  River  to  Charleston 
and  two  on  the  lower  course  of  the  Santee.  On  the  other  hand,  not 
only  are  the  latter  sometimes  excluded,  but  at  least  one  of  the  tribes 
of  the  neighborhood  of  Charleston  Inlet.  Mooney  suggests  a  still 
more  restricted  use  of  the  word.*     In  its  most  extended  application 

» See  p.  95. 

*  Or  mko;  c  indicates  precisely  the  same  as  Jc. 
I  Lowery,  M8S. 

« Sec  p.  80. 

•  Siouan  Tribes  of  the  Kast,  Bull.  22,  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn.,  p.  88. 


it  included  the  Santee,  Sewee,  Etiwaw,  Wando,  Stone,  Eiawa,  Edisto, 
Ashepoo,  Combahee,  Indians  of  St.  Helena,  Wimbee,  Witcheau, 
and  Coosa.  However,  there  is  good  reason  to  reject  the  Santee 
and  Sewee  from  this  association  and  to  place  them  with  the  Siouan 
tribes  of  the  east,  to  which  the  Catawba  and  other  tribes  of  north- 
eastern South  Carolina  and  eastern  North  Carolina  belonged.  This 
is  the  conclusion  of  Mooney,  and  it  is  confirmed  by  the  following 

On  his  second  expedition  toward  the  north,  in  1609,  Francisco 
Fernandez  de  Ecija  had  as  interpreter,  ''for  all  that  coast,"  Maria 
de  Miranda,  a  woman  from  the  neighborhood  of  Santa  Elena,  named 
presumably  from  the  former  governor  of  Santa  Elena,  Gutierrez  de 
Miranda.  In  Cayagua  entrance  (Charleston  Harbor)  he  met  a 
Christian  Indian,  Alonso,  with  whom  he  had  previously  had  dealings 
and  who  is  spoken  of  as  ''interpreter  (lengua)  of  the  River  Jordan,*' 
the  Santee,  upon  which  stream  his  own  town  was  located.  Ecija 
states  that  Alonso  and  Maria  de  Miranda  understood  one  another 
and  even  goes  so  far  as  to  state  that  '*  they  spoke  the  same  language.'* 
From  what  follows,  however,  it  is  evident  that  we  are  to  understand 
only  that  they  understood  and  could  use  the  same  languages,  for 
just  below  Ecija  says  of  another  Indian  whom  he  calls  "mandador 
of  the  River  Jordan''  that  he  spoke  through  the  said  Maria  de  Mir- 
anda, *'  because  the  said  Indian  understood  something  of  the  language 
of  Escamaqu."  This  indicates  that  the  language  of  the  Santee 
River  people  was  distinct  from  that  of  "Escamaqu"  or  Santa  Elena. 
While  he  was  on  the  Santee,  Ecija  secured  the  surrender  of  a  French- 
man living  among  the  ''Sati"  (Santee)  Indians.  This  man  declared 
that  he  had  obtained  news  of  the  English  colony  to  the  northward 
from  three  Indians,  and  when  the  explorers  were  in  Charleston 
Harbor  on  their  return  an  Indian  came  down  the  river  who  he  said 
was  one  of  those  who  had  informed  him.  Ecij  a  questioned  this  Indian, 
but  ''understanding  that  he  (the  Indian)  understood  the  language 
of  Santa  Elena,  the  said  captain  (Ecija)  commanded  that  the  said  Maria 
de  Miranda  should  speak  with  him.  Then  he  asked  him  through 
her  the  same  questions  that  the  Frenchman  had  asked  him  in  the 
language  of  Sati."^  These  facts  show  plainly  that  the  language 
spoken  on  Santee  River  and  that  of  Santa  Elena  were  not  mutually 

In  1700-1701  John  Lawson  traveled  northeastward  from  Charles- 
ton to  the  Tuscarora  country,  thus  passing  through  the  very  heart 
of  the  eastern  Siouan  territory.  He  visited  and  described  both  the 
Santee  and  Sewee  and  hence  must  have  had  opportunities  to  hear  their 
speech.     It  is  significant,  therefore,  that  he  states  of  the  languages 

1  Lowery,  MSB. 
148061'— 2: 


of  all  the  people  through  whose  territories  he  had  passed  that  none 
of  them  had  the  sounds /or  l.^  This  is  true  of  Catawba,  the  sole 
representative  of  the  Siouan  languages  of  the  east  from  which  we 
have  much  material.  It  is  therefore  probable  that  Lawson  was 
correct  for  the  other  languages  to  which  he  refers.'  San  tee  and 
Sewee  would  thus  share  this  dialectic  pecidiarity  and  be  associated 
by  it  with  the  other  eastern  Siouan  tribes.  On  the  other  hand, 
several  town  or  tribal  and  personal  names  from  the  Cusabo  country 
contain  I  and  one  an  /.'  It  is  perhaps  significant  that  in  forming 
companies  of  his  Indian  allies  before  marching  against  the  Tuscarora, 
Capt.  BamweD  placed  the  *'Corsaboy''  in  one  company  with  the 
Yamasee,  Yuchi,  and  Apalachee,  while  the  ''Congerees  and  Sattees/' 
the  last  of  whom  must  be  the  Santee,  were  with  the  "Watterees, 
Sagarees,  Catabas,  Suterees,  and  Waxaws."  The  composition  of 
his  other  companies  shows  clearly  that  neighboring  and  related 
tribes  were  purposely  placed  together.*  On  the  other  hand,  there  are 
certain  Unguistic  considerations  which  seem  to  indicate  an  alliance 
between  the  Cusabo  tribes  proper  and  the  Indians  of  the  Muskhogean 
stock.  It  is  to  be  noted  that  the  French  Huguenots  established 
among  the  Cusabo  in  1562  visited  the  Guale  chief  to  obtain  com, 
accompanied  by  Cusabo  guides,  and  had  no  difficulty  in  commu- 
nicating with  him.*  When  Spanish  missionaries  were  sent  to  the 
Province  of  Guale,  south  of  the  Savannah,  they  composed  a  grammar 
in  the  language  of  the  people  among  whom  they  lived,  and  this 
granmiar  subsequently  fell  into  the  hands  of  missionaries  among 
the  Cusabo.*  It  would  naturally  be  supposed  that  if  any  radical 
difference  existed  between  the  languages  of  the  two  provinces  some 
comment  would  have  been  made,  but  neither  the  missionaries  at 
this  time  nor  the  Spanish  explorers  then  or  later  so  much  as  hint 
that  any  such  difference  existed,  though  they  do  indeed  recognize 
the  country  north  of  the  Savannah  River  as  constituting  a  distinct 
province  from  that  to  the  southward. 

In  1600,  when  testimony  was  taken  from  a  number  of  Quale 
chiefs,  it  is  stated  in  a  letter  detailing  the  proceedings  that  'Hhe 
notary  who  had  been  eight  years  in  the  Province  of  Santa  Elena, 
although  he  did  not  speak  the  language,  understood  much  of  the 
languages  of  those  provinces,  and  attested  that  the  Guale  Indians 

1  Lawson,  Hist.  CaroUna,  p.  378. 

s  In  his  vocabulary  of  Woocon,  another  Siouan  dialect,  there  is  no /and  hut  one  /,  in  the  word  for  "duck." 

>  See  pp.  20-24. 

*  South  CaroUna  Hist,  and  Genealogical  Mag.,  ix,  pp.  30-31. 

»  Since  their  guides  belonged  to  the  Maccou  or  Escamacu  tribe,  which  there  is  some  reason  to  think  fbay 
have  been  identical  with  that  latM*  known  as  Yamacraw,  this  fact  might  not  in  Itself  be  conclusive,  but 
these  Maccou  were  found  to  be  associating  intimately  with  the  other  Cusabo  tribes  in  their  neighborhood 
without  any  suggestion  of  a  difference  in  language,  and  a  little  later  the  Spaniards  applied  their  name  to 
the  entire  district  or  "province"  otherwlie  designated  Orlsta  or  Santa  Elena,  the  southern  part  of  the 
Cusabo  territory  (see  p.  60). 

•  Roidiat,  La  Florida,  n,  p.  307;  Baroia,  La  Florida,  pp.  188-lJO. 


spoke  the  truth.'**  Somewhat  more  equivocal  is  a  reference  to  an 
interpreter  named  Diego  de  Cardenas,  who  is  said  to  have  ''under- 
stood the  language  of  Santa  Elena  and  also  that  of  the  Province  of 
Quale."  He  himself  testifies,  in  1601,  that  he  "has  been  many 
times  in  the  lengua  de  Quale  and  is  lengua  of  that  (province)  and  of 
Elscamacu."*  Most  important  of  all  is,  of  course,  the  flat  statement 
by  Qov.  Pedro  Menendez  Marques,  when,  in  writing  in  1580  of  the 
Indians  of  Santa  Elena,  among  whom  he  then  was,  he  sajrs  ''they 
speak  the  Quale  language.''  A  more  nearly  literal  translation  of  the 
words  he  uses  would  perhaps  be,  "It  (Santa  Elena)  pertains  to  the 
linguistic  Province  of  Quale  (viene  A  la  lengua  de  Quale)."' 

In  his  expedition  north  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  to  which  reference 
has  already  been  made,'  Qovemor  Ibarra  went  no  farther  than  Quale 
(St.  Catherines  Island),  but  one  of  the  chiefs  who  came  to  see  him 
at  this  place  was  named  Ova,  in  all  probability  the  same  as  the  Oya 
or  Hoya  mentioned  by  French  and  Spaniards  as  living  near  the  pres- 
ent Beaufort,  S.  C*  While  Ibarra  was  at  St.  Catherines  we  also  learn 
that  "  the  chief  of  Aluete  said  that  the  chief  of  Talapo  and  the  chief 
of  Ufalague  and  the  chief  of  Crista,  his  nephew  and  heirs,  were  his 
vassals  and  had  left  him  and  gone  to  Uve  with  the  mico  of  Asao" 
(St.  Simons  Island);*  and  when  the  governor  came  to  Asao  on  his 
return  he  met  them  there  and  had  a  conference  with  them.*  Crista 
was  certainly  a  Cusabo  chief,  and  there  is  every  reason  to  suppose 
that  the  others  mentioned  with  him  were  also  CHisabo.  As  we  have 
already  stated,  in  his  dealings  with  the  Indians  north  of  Omiber- 
land  Island,  Qovemor  Ibarra  employed  two  interpreters,  Juan  de 
Jimco  and  Santiago.  There  is  no  hint  that  any  change  was  made 
after  that  time,  and  not  the  slightest  indication  that  the  Cusabo 
employed  a  language  different  from  that  of  the  Quale  Indians,  among 
whom  Ibarra  met  them.  The  chief  of  Cya  is  referred  to  as  a  "mico'' 
along  with  the  chief  of  Quale,  while  the  chiefs  Talapo,  Ufalague,  and 
Crista  seemed  to  have  moved  down  the  coast  to  Asao  as  the  result 
of  some  slight  disagreement  with  their  neighbors  and  to  have  settled 
there  as  if  they  were  perfectly  at  home. 

Again,  as  has  already  been  remarked,  while/  and  I  are  absent  from 
the  Siouan  dialects  to  the  north,  r  is  a  conspicuous  sound,  appearing 
in  such  names  as  Congaree,  Sugeree,  Wateree,  Shakori,  etc.  It  also 
appears  in  one  form  of  the  name  Santee  given  by  Lawson — Seretee. 
Cn  the  other  hand,  it  is  wanting  in  all  Cusabo  names  that  have  come 
down  to  us — with  one  or  two  exceptions  which  need  cause  no  disturb- 
ance.    Thus,  the  name  Crista,  given  above,  appears  persistently  in 

1  Lowcxy,  MS8.  *  Serrano  y  Saoz,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  188. 

*  Lowery  and  Brooks,  M8S.  *  Ibid.,  p.  191. 

*  See  p.  14. 


Spanish  documents,  but  it  is  evidently  the  Edisto  of  the  English  and  the 
Audusta  of  the  French.  The  Edisto  are  in  one  place  called  Edistare, 
but  it  is  probable  that  this  form  was  after  the  analogy  of  the  Siouan 
names,  and  it  may,  in  fact,  have  been  obtained  through  a  Siouan 
interpreter.  Moreover,  Laudonni^re,  on  inquiring  of  the  Cusabo 
Indians  about  the  great  chief  Chicora,  of  whom  he  had  learned 
through  Spanish  writings,  was  told  instead  of  a  chief  Chiquola  Uving 
toward  the  north.*    The  Z,  it  is  to  be  seen,  is  substituted  for  r. 

Spanish  attempts  to  record  the  Cusabo  language  were  cut  short  by 
the  unfriendliness  of  the  natives  and  the  abandonment  of  the  mis- 
sions. Linguistic  material  may  j^et  be  discovered,  however,  among 
the  unpublished  documents  of  Spain.  At  all  events  the  Spaniards 
had  a  very  much  better  excuse  than  our  own  South  Carolina  colonists 
for  their  almost  complete  failure  to  make  any  permanent  record  of 
the  language  of  the  people  among  whom  their  first  settlements  were 
made.  A  few  detached  phrases  and  the  following  place,  personal,  and 
other  names  are  practically  all  that  is  left  of  Cusabo : 

Ablandoles.  Mentioiied  together  with  the  * 'Chiluques' *  as  a  tribe  of  Santa  Elena. 
As  the  latter  probably  refers  to  a  non-Cusabo  tribe,  the  Cherokee,  the  former  may 
not  be  a  Cusabo  tribe  either.' 

Ahoyabi,  Aobi  (?).     A  small  town  near  Ahoya,  or  Hoya. 

Alush.    a  chief  of  Edisto.' 

Aluste,  Alueste,  Alieste,  Alubte.  a  chief  and  \dllage  probably  located  near 
Beaufort,  South  Carolina.*    This  may  be  only  a  form  of  Edisto  (see  p.  60). 

Appee-bee.    The  Indian  name  of  Foster  Creek,  S.  C* 

AsHEPOO,  AsHiPOo,  AssHEPoo,  AsHA-po,  IsHPow.  A  tfibo  and  a  river  named 
from  it  still  so  called;  in  one  place  this  is  made  a  synonym  for  Edisto. 

AwENDAw,  OwENDAW,  Ai-EN-DAi'-BOO-E.  An  old  town,  perhaps  Sewee.'  The 
name  is  preserved  to  the  present  day. 

Babickock.    a  creek  flowing  into  Edisto  River,  near  its  mouth. 

Backbooks,  Backhooks.  Coast  people  at  war  with  the  Santee;  they  may  have 
been  Siouan  instead  of  Cusabo.^ 

Barcho  Amini.  An  Indian  of  Santa  Elena  of  the  town  of  ( 'ambe,  perhaps  a  Spanish 

Bluacacay.    a  Santa  Elena  Indian.' 

BoHiCKBT.  An  Indian  village  near  Rockville,  S.  C. :  a  creek  and  a  modern  place  are 
Btill  BO  called." 

Boo-SHOo-EE,  Boo-CHAW-EE.  A  name  for  the  land  about  the  peninsula  between 
Dorchester  Creek  and  Ashley  River.    There  are  a  number  of  \'ariant8  of  this  name.®   . 

Callawassie.    An  island  on  one  side  of  Colleton  River. ^'^ 

Cambe.    a  town  in  the  province  of  Santa  Elena.' 

Catuco.  Name  given  in  one  place  to  the  fort  at  Santa  Elena.  It  seems  to  be  an 
Indian  word.^^ 

1  Laadooni^,  Hist.  Not.  de  la  Floride,  pp.  XK3I.  '  Ibid.,  p.  45. 

>  Copy  of  MS.  In  Ayer  CoU.,  Newberry  Lib.  •  8.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  pp.  03, 334. 

>  S.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  pp.  20, 170.  •  8.  Car.  Hist,  and  Qen.  Mag.,  yx,  p.  03  et  seq. 

•  Serrano  y  Bans,  Doc.  Hist.,  pp.  187-18&  >«  Modem  name. 

•  8.  Car.  Hist,  and  Qen. Mag.,  vi,  p.  64.  u  Brooks,  M88. 

•  LawBon,  Hist.  CaroUna,  p.  24. 

swanton)  early   history  OF  THE  CREEK  INDIANS  2l 


Chatuachb,  Satuache,  Satoachb.    a  town  and  minion  station  6  to  10  leagues 
north  of  the  Spanish  fort  of  Santa  Elena.  ^ 
Ohehaw.    a  river;  the  name  probably  refers  to  the  Chiaha  tribe,  to  be  discussed 


CmcHESSEE,  Chbchessa.  a  river  flowing  into  PoH  Royal  Sound,  and  also  a  creek, 
otherwise  known  as  Deer  Creek.' 

Clowter.  Head  warrior  of  the  ' '  Ittuans. ' '  It  appears  from  certain  writers  that 
he  took  his  name  from  a  white  family  of  the  name  Crowder,  therefore  it  is  not  really 
an  Indian  name.' 

CoiCBAHEE,  CoMBOHE,  CoMBEHE,  CoMBEE,  CoMBAHE.  A  tribe  On  a  river  which 
still  bears  their  name;  they  were  bounded  by  the  Coosa,  who  were  said  to  live  north- 
east of  Combahee  River. 

Coosa,  Kusso,  Causa,  Cussges,  Kussoes,  Kusso,  Coosoe,  Cussoe,  Coosa w, 
KusiAH,  Cuss  AH,  Kissah,  Casor,  Cocaoyo,  Cocao,  Cozao.  A  tribe  sometimes 
reckoned  among  the  Cusabo  and  sometimes  excluded  from  them.  They  lived  on  the 
upper  reaches  of  the  rivers  from  the  Ashley  to  the  Coosawhatchie.* 


CussoBOB,  C09APOY,  CoBAHUE,  CosAPUE,  CossAPUE.  Collective  name  for  the  tribes, 
or  part  of  the  tribes,  now  under  discussion.'  Originally  it  seems  to  have  been  applied 
to  a  town  (see  p.  58). 

CoTEBAs.    A  place.* 

Datha,  Dathaw.  An  island  on  the  coast.  This  is  south  of  Port  Royal  Sound; 
and  although  it  is  in  South  Carolina  it  may  have  been  in  the  Yamasee  territory.  It 
is  also  given  as  the  name  of  a  chief.^ 

Da  who.    a  modem  river  name. 

Edisto,  Edistah,  Edista,  Edistoe,  Edistoh,  Edistow,  Edisloh,  Edistarb, 
Odistash,  Crista,  Oristanum  (Latinized),  Audusta,  Adusta,  Usta.  One  of  the 
Cusabo  tribes." 

Escamacu,  Eescamaqu,  Escamaqu,  Escamaquu,  Escamatu,  Uscamacu,  Camacu, 
Camaqu,  Maccou.  One  of  the  most  important  of  the  tribes  near  Port  Royal  in  Spanish 
times;  it  frequently  gave  its  name  to  the  province  (see  p.  60). 

Etiwaw,  Etewaus,  Etiwans,  Ittawans,  Ituan,  Itwan,  Ittavans,  Ettiwan, 
Itawans,  Etwans,  Itawans,  Ilwans,  Eutaw  (?).  A  tribe  on  Wando  River, 
sometimes  included  with  the  Cusabo  and  sometimes  excluded  from  them.' 

Gualdape.  Name  of  the  region  where  Ayll6n  made  his  last  settlement,  in  1526 
(see  pp.  3&-41). 

Hemalo.  a  Cusabo  chief  who  visited  Madrid  and  was  kiUed  by  a  Spanish  captain 
in  1576. 

HoBCAW  Point.  The  extreme  south  termination  of  land  lying  between  the  Wacca- 
maw  River  and  the  sea;  also  a  point  on  the  south  bank  of  Wando  River  where  it  de- 
bouches into  Cooper  River,  now  Remley's  Point.  The  name  Hobcaw  Neck  was 
applied  anciently  to  all  land  between  Shem-ee  Creek  and  Wando  River.^^ 

1  Semno  y  Sans,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  132;  Lowery,  MSS. 

s  Modern  name. 

>  South  Carolina  Pub.  Docs.,  MS. 

*  The  name  occurs  In  numerous  places.    See  p.  68  et  seq. 

*  Occurs  In  numerous  places.   See  pp.  31-^  foilowing;  abo  Mooney,  BolL  22,  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn.* 
pp.82, 86. 

*  S.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  p.  332. 
T  See  p.  42. 

*  Modem  geographical  name. 

*  See  pp.  24-25. 

>•  S.  Car.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Mag.,  xiv,  p.  61. 

22  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  f  bull.  78 


Hooks.  Given  with  the  BackbookB  as  a  tribe  at  war  with  the  Santee;  they  may 
have  been  Siouan  instead  of  Cusabo  ^  (see  p.  20 ). 

HoYA,  Ahoya,  Oya.  a  town  mentioned  by  both  Frenchmen  and  Spaniards,  on 
or  near  Broad  River. 

IcKABEB,  IcKERBY,  AccABEE.    Peronneau's  Point  on  Ashley  River.' 

IcosANS.  According  to  Bartram,  a  tribe  near  South  Carolina  hostile  to  the  colonists 
and  driven  away  by  the  Creeks;  probably  the  Coosa.' 

Inna.    a  Santa  Elena  Indian.* 

JoHAssA.    An  island.' 

KiAWA.  Cayaoua,  Cayaqna,  Cayegua,  Kiwaha,  Kywaha.  Kywaws,  Cayawah, 
Oayawash,  Kyawaw,  Kiawhas,  Kbywaw,  Keyawah,  Kayawah,  Kaaway, 
KiAWAii,  Keywahah,  Kiaway.  Kiawaws,  Kiawas,  Keawaw,  Kayawagii.  Kye- 
WAW,  Chyawhaw.    a  Cusabo  tribe  living  on  Ashley  River.' 

Mayon.     a  town,  apparently  on  Broad  River,  in  1562  (see  pp.  49,  50). 

Palawana.  Polawak  ^?).  An  island  near  St.  Helena  Island,  which  was  granted 
to  the  remnant  of  the  Cusabo  in  1712.^ 

Patica.  Given  by  Bartram  as  a  tribe  formerly  living  near  South  Carolina  and 
driven  off  by  the  Creeks:  they  were  probably  one  of  the  Yamasee  bands.' 

Oketee,  Okeetee,  Okatie,  Oketeet.  a  river  flowing  into  Colleton  River,  near 
Port  Royal.' 

Oni-se-cai:.     Indian  name  of  Bull's  Island,  perhaps  Siouan. 

Santhiacho  Huanucase.    An  Indian  of  Santa  Elena.* 

Shadoo,  Sheedou.    a  chief  of  Edisto.® 

Siiem-ee.     a  creek  near  Charleston  now  called  Shem.^" 

StONO,     StONAH.     StONOE,     StOANOES.     StONOH,     StONOES,     OsTANO.     OSTANITM 

(lAtinized),  Stalame  (?).    One  of  the  Cusabo  tribes,  on  Stono  Inlet.' 

SuPALATE.    Probably  Cusabo  because  associated  with  Ufalague  (see  p.  82). 

Talapo,  Talapuz,  Ytalapo.    a  chief  and  town  probably  near  Beaufort.  S.  C." 

Tib  WEN.    A  plantation.  ^^ 

TiPicop  IIaw,  Tippycutlaw,  Tippycop  Law,  Tibbekudlaw.  Indian  name  of  a 
hill  in  Wadlxx)  barony.*' 

ToupPA,  To  UP  A.  A  town  and  chief,  located  apparently  on  Broad  River  in  1562 
(see  p.  49). 

Upalague,  Ufalegue.     a  chief,  probably  from  the  neighborhood  of  Beaufort,  S.  C* 

Wadboo,  Watboo,  Watroo.  a  creek  flowing  into  Cooper  River:  a  Wad Ixx)  Bridge 
appears  later." 

Wambaw.  a  creek  and  swamp,  perhaps  in  the  Siouan  territory  instead  of  in  that 
of  the  Cusabo." 

1  Lawson,  Hist.  Carolina,  p.  45. 
>  S.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  p.  3B6. 

*  Bartram,  Travels,  p.  M. 

*  Copy  of  MS.  in  Ayer  Coll.,  Newberry  Lib. 
» Modem  geographical  name. 

*  Modem  geographical  name;  also  see  pp.  24-25.  61. 

T  Thomas  in  18th  Ann.  Rept.  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn..  pt.  2,  p.  633. 

*  Bartram,  op.  cit.,  p.  54. 

*  S.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  pp.  19. 20. 23. 64-65, 68,  7U 
w  S.  Car.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Mag.,  \i,  p.  64. 

1^  Serrano  y  Sans,  Doc.  HLst.,  p.  188:  also  see  p.  82. 

u  S.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  p.  175. 

u  s.  Car.  Hist,  and  Cfcn.  Mag.,  xi,  p.  171;  xu,  pp.  47-48. 

M  Serrano  y  Sans,  Doc.  Hist.,  pp.  188,  100. 

»  S.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  CoUs.,  v,  p.  332;  S.  Car.  Hist,  and  (len.  Mag.  v,  pp.  32, 119. 

M  Modem  name. 




Wampi,  Wampbe.  The  name  of  a  plant  which  grows  in  the  lowlands  of  South 
Carolina;  also  called  pickerel  weed  (Pontedma  cordata).^ 

Wando,  Wandoe.  a  tribe  on  Cooper  River  usually  included  with  the  Cusabo; 
Wando  River  is  named  for  them  but  Uie  name  has  been  transferred  from  the  stream 
to  which  it  properly  belongs.' 

Wantoot.    a  plantation  in  the  low  country  of  South  Carolina.' 

Wapbnsaw.     Lands  near  Charleston,  S.  C* 

Wappetaw  Bridge.    A  place  name. 

Wappoo,  Wappo,  Wapoo.  A  creek  on  the  landward  side  of  Edisto  Island;  also  given 
by  Bartram  as  the  name  of  a  tribe  formerly  living  near  South  Carolina,  which  the 
Creeks  had  driven  away.* 

WAsmsHOB.    A  plantation.* 

Washua.    An  island.^ 

Westo,  Westoe,  Westoh,  Westa,  Westras.  A  name  which  appears  to  have  been 
given  to  the  Yuchi  by  the  Cusabo  and  is  evidently  in  the  Cusabo  language.' 

Westoboo,  Westoebou,  Wbotoe  bou,  Westoe  Boo,  Webtoe  Bou.  The  name  of 
the  Savannah  River  in  the  Cusabo  language,  said  to  mean  "  River  of  the  Westo''  and 
in  one  place  interpreted  as  *'the  Enemies'  River."  ^ 

WnfBEE.  Wimbehe,  Guiomaez  (?).  A  Cusabo  tribe  which  seems  to  have  been 
located  between  the  Combahee  and  Broad  Rivers.*" 

Win  A.  Mentioned  as  an  Indian  met  near  Port  Royal  in  1681  along  with  another 
named  Antonio.    It  may  be  merely  the  Spanish  Juan. 

Wis  KIN  BOO.    A  swamp  in  Berkeley  County,  between  Cooper  and  Santee  Rivers." 

WrrcHEAu,  WiCHCAUH.  Watchetsau  (?).  A  Cusabo  tribe  mentioned  only  two  or 
three  times;  location  unknown.*^ 

WoafMONY.   'The  son  of  a  chief  of  St.  Helena." 

Yeshoe.    The  name  of  certain  lands  in  South  Carolina  near  Charleston.*^ 

Yanahume.  a  town  on  the  south  side  of  "the  river  of  Santa  Elena,"  reported  by 
a  Spanish  expedition  of  1564.*' 

Following  are  the  few  words  and  phrases  to  be  found  in  early  works 
dealing  with  this  region : 

Appada  .  The  [Sewee?]  Indians  called  out  this  word  to  the  English  and  it  is  proljably 
corrupt  Spanish .  *' 

HiDDESKEH.    This  is  said  to  mean  ''sickly."  *' 

HiDDiE  DOD.  Described  as  '*a  word  of  great  kindness  among  them";  the  Indians 
who  used  this,  however,  also  referred  to  the  English  as  "comraro,"  evidently  an 
attempt  at  the  Spanish  camarada,  so  we  can  not  feel  sure  that  kiddie  dod  is  not  a 
corrupt  Spanish  expression  as  well.*' 

HiDDY  DODDY  CoMORADo  Anoles  Wbstoe  Skorrye,  ''English  very  good  friends, 
Westoes  are  nought."  **  The  words  here  are  under  the  same  suspicion  as  the  one  just 
mentioned  and  must  therefore  be  handled  carefully;  moreover,  Indian  words  con- 
tained in  old  dociunents  are  so  often  transcribed  wrongly  that  we  can  never  be  certain 
of  the  exact  form  where  we  have  but  one  example  to  which  to  refer. 

Modem  name. 
Seep.  61. 

8.  Car.  Hist,  and  Oen.  Mag.,  ra,  p.  192. 
Ibid.,  VI,  p.  64. 
Bartram,  Travels,  p.  54. 
8.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  p.  175. 
A  modem  place  name. 
See  pp.  288-291. 

8.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls. ,  v,  76-77, 166, 378, 
380-887,  428,  459-460. 

M  Ibid.,  pp.  66, 334;  also  see  p.  55. 

"  8.  Car.  Hist,  and  Oen.  Mag.,  xm.  p.  12. 

»  See  p.  70. 

i<  8.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  pp.  21, 75. 

>«  8.  Car.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Mag.,  vi,  p.  64. 

u  Lowery,  MSS. 

M  8.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v  ,p.  166. 

"Ibid., p.  201. 

u  Ibid  ,  p.  199. 

» Ibid.,  p.  459. 



One  among  the  above  names,  Ufalague,  has  an  /  and  an  Z;  six 
others  an  I,  Aluete,  Alush,  Callawassie,  Palawana,  Stalame,  Talapo; 
and  seven  an  m,  Combahee,  Shemee,  Stalame,  Wambaw,  Wampi, 
Wimbee,  Wonmiony.  As  in  the  case  of  the  Guale  and  Yamasee 
languages  (see  p.  15),  these  argue  a  Muskhogean  connection. 

The  only  other  fact  that  seems  to  promise  assistance  is  the  trans- 
lation of  the  word  Westoboo  as  **  river  of  the  Westo,'*  from  which  it 
would  seem  that  boo  signifies  "river. " ^  So  far  as  I  have  been  able  to 
find,  nothing  like  this  occurs  in  either  Yuchi  or  Catawba,  the  closest 
resemblance  being  with  the  Choctaw  hoky-  with  which  perhaps  the 
Alabama  2>a'Tji,  theTimucua  ihi(ne),  and  the  Apalachee  i/6a6  are  con- 
nected. The  ^little  evidence  this  one  word  gives  us,  therefore,  points 
toward  Muskhogean  relationship.  It  is  possible  that  the  same  word 
occurs  in  certain  of  the  names  given  above,  such  as  Ashepoo,  Bohicket, 
Boo-shoo-ee,  Backbooks,  Cusabo,  Wadboo,  Wappoo,  Wiskinboo,  and 
perhaps  also  in  Combahee  (also  spelled  Combohe).  If  this  expla- 
nation holds  good  for  Cusabo  the  term  would  probably  mean  '^  Coosa 
River  people,  *'  though  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  such  a  name  came  to 
be  applied  generally,  in  some  cases  to  the  exclusion  of  the  Coosa 
Indians  themselves.  We  must  suppose  it  to  have  been  adopted 
as  the  name  of  a  town  near  the  mouth  of  the  Coosawhatchie,  or  some 
other  river  on  which  Coosa  lived,  and  the  usage  to  have  extended 
from  that  place  along  the  coast.  It  should  be  noted  as  a  rather 
remarkable  fact,  and  one  probably  based  on  some  feature  of  the 
Cusabo  tongue,  that  of  the  place  and  personal  names  given  above, 
16,  or  more  than  one-fourth,  begin  with  w.  This  is  a  common  initial 
in  stream  names  from  the  Creek  language,  owing  to  the  fact  that 
many  of  them  begin  with  tm,  which  is  almost  the  same  as  oi,  an  abbre- 
viation of  oiway  water;  but  in  the  names  under  consideration  wa 
initial  is  more  common  than  vxi  and  we  together. 

The  evidence  so  far  adduced  applies  particularly  to  that  group 
of  Cusabo  tribes  living  near  Beaufort,  to  which  the  term  is  sometimes 
confined.  There  was  a  second  group,  farther  to  the  north,  about 
Charleston  Harbor,  consisting  of  the  Kiawa,  Etiwaw,  Wando,  and 
perhaps  the  Stono.  In  both  the  English  and  Spanish  narratives 
the  chief  of  Kiawa  appears  on  intimate  terms  with  those  of  Edisto  and 
St.  Helena,  and  their  solidarity  is  emphasized  on  more  than  one 
occasion  by  the  early  writers,  they  being  classed  as  coast  Indians,  and 
contrasted  with  the  Westo  inland  upon  the  Savannah  River  and 
the  tribes  Hving  in  the  *' sickly"  country  northward  of  them.''  In 
later  times  the  Etiwaw  assisted  the  English  in  destro^'hig  the  Siouan 
Santee  and  Congaree.*     Henry  Woodward,  upon  whom  the  English 

I  8.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  y,  p.  167. 

I  It  should  be  noted  that  final -k  in  many  Choctaw  words  is  barely  distinguishable  as  pronounced. 

*  See  p.  07;  also  Lowery,  M88. 

«  8.  Oar.  Pub.  Docs.,  M8. 


settlers  of  South  Carolina  relied  in  all  of  their  communications  with 
the  natives,  calls  the  Kliawa  *'  Chyawhaw, "  *  and  although  he  is  unsup- 
ported in  this,  his  information  should  have  been  the  most  reliable. 
If  he  is  correct,  the  Kliawa  were  probably  a  branch  of  those  Chiaha 
Indians  noted  elsewhere,  some  of  whom  are  known  to  have  lived  near 
the  Yamasee  at  an  early  period.  It  is  also  to  be  observed  that  the 
chief  of  Kiawa  accompanied  Woodward  on  his  expedition  to  visit  the 
chief  of  "Chufytachyque  "  and  acted  as  his  interpreter.*  If  the  latter 
were  the  Kasihta  Creeks,  as  I  shall  try  to  show,'  this  fact  would 
indicate  some  similarity  between  the  languages  of  the  two  peoples. 
The  following  statement  of  the  explorer  Sanford  may  be  added: 

All  along  I  observed  a  kinde  of  Emulacon  amongst  the  three  principall  Indians  of 
this  Country  (viz*)  Those  of  Keywaha,  Eddistowe  and  Port  Royall  concerning  us 
and  our  Friendshipp,  contending  to  assure  it  to  themselves  and  jealous  of  the  other 
though  all  be  allyed  and  this  Notw^'^standing  that  they  knewe  wee  were  in  actuall 
warre  with  the  Natives  att  Clarendon  and  had  killed  and  sent  away  many  of  them, 
£for  they  frequently  discoursed  with  us  concerning  the  warre,  told  us  that  the  Natives 
were  noughts  they  land  Sandy  and  barren,  their  CV)untry  sickly,  but  if  wee  would 
come  amongst  them  Wee  whould  finde  the  Contrary  to  all  their  Evills,  and  never  any 
occasion  of  dischargeing  our  Gunns  but  in  merryment  and  for  pastime.* 

Clarendon  County  was  in  the  North  Carolina  settlement  between 
Cape  Fear  and  Pamlico  Sound,  mainly  in  Siouan  territory.  In  1727 
the  Eaawa  chief  was  given  a  grant  of  land  south  of  the  Combahee 
River,  which  probably  means  that  his  people  removed  about  that 
time  to  the  south  to  be  near  the  other  Cusabo  Indians.' 

Besides  these  two  coastal  groups  of  Cusabo  the  Coosa  tribe  is  to 
be  distinguished  in  some  degree  from  the  rest  befcause,  instead  of 
occupying  a  section  of  coast,  it  was  in  the  hinterland  of  South  Caro- 
lina along  the  upper  courses  of  the  Ashley,  Edisto,  Ashepoo,  Combahee, 
and  Coosawhatchie  Rivers.  From  this  difference  in  position  and  on 
the  strength  of  the  name  I  suggest  that  it  may  possibly  have  been  a 
branch  of  the  Coosa  of  Coosa  River,  Alabama,  and  hence  may  have 
belonged  to  the  true  Muskogee  group.  On  the  basis  of  our  present 
information  this  can  not  be  definitely  affirmed  or  denied. 

By  nearly  all  of  the  living  Creeks  the  Osochi  are  supposed  to  be 
a  Muskogee  tribe  of  long  standing,  and  Bartram  classifies  them 
with  those  who  in  his  time  spoke  the  Muskogee  tongue."  Neverthe- 
less Adair  gives  them  as  one  of  the  ^'nations''  which  had  settled 
among  the  Lower  Creeks.^  In  very  early  times  they  came  to  be 
associated  very  closely  with  the  Qiiaha  and  when  they  gave  up 
their  own  square  groimd  the  two  combined.    An  old  Osochi  whom 

1  8.  Car.  Hisr.  Soc.  Colls.,  ▼,  p.  186. 
>  Ibid,  p.  191. 

•  See  pp.  216-218. 

•  8.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  pp.  79h«). 

•  8.  Car.  Docs.    ( Pub.  Records  of  8.  C^ .,  z,  p.  34.) 

•  Bartram,  Travels,  p.  462. 

'  Adair,  Hist.  Am.  Inda.,  p.  257. 


I  met  in  Oklahoma  stated  that  his  mother  knew  how  to  speak 
Hitchiti  and  he  believed  that  many  more  of  his  people  had  known 
how  to  speak  that  language  in  earlier  times.  This  would  naturally 
be  the  case  if,  as  seems  to  be  indicated,  the  Chiaha  were  a  Hitchiti 
speaking  people,  but  of  course  it  is  possible  that  the  Osochi  anciently 
belonged  to  the  Hitchiti  group  also.  However,  whether  they  ever 
spoke  Hitchiti  as  a  tribe  or  not,  I  am  strongly  of  the  opinion  that 
they  are  the  descendants  of  the  people  known  to  De  Soto  and  his 
companions  as  the  U^chile,*  Uzachil,'  Veachile,*  or  Ossachile.* 
Veachile  is  probably  a  misprint  for  U^achile.  If  this  identification 
is  correct  the  Osochi  were  evidently  a  Timucua  tribe,  which  gradually 
migrated  north  until  absorbed  by  the  Lower  Creeks.  Confirmatory 
evidence  appears  to  be  furnished  by  a  Spanish  official  map  of  the 
eighteenth  century*  on  which  at  the  junction  of  the  Chattahoochee 
and  Flint  Rivers  a  tribe  or  post  is  located  with  the  legend,  '*  Apalache 
6  Sachile.''  Apparently  the  compiler  of  the  map  supposed  tiiat  the 
6  in  this  name  was  the  Spanish  conjunction  instead  of  an  integral 
part  of  the  word.  The  position  assigned  to  them  by  him  agrees 
exactly  with  that  of  the  Apalachicola  Indians  at  that  period,  and  if 
*'6  Sachile*'  really  refers  to  the  Osochi  wo  must  suppose  either  that 
they  had  united  with  some  of  the  Apalachicola  or  that  they  were 
classified  with  and  considered  a  branch  of  them.  Since  the  word 
Timucua  often  appears  as  Tomoco  or  Tomoka  in  English  writings 
this  hypothesis  would  also  explain  the  Tomo6ka  town  westward  of 
the  Apalachicola  on  the  map  of  Lamhatty®  and  the  Tonmiahees 
referred  to  by  Coxe  in  the  same  region.^  These  particular  Timucua 
would  be  none  other  than  the  Osochi. 

The  Kasihta,  Coweta,  Coosa,  Abihka,  Holiwahali,  Eufaula,  Hilibi, 
and  Wakokai,  with  their  branches,  have  always,  so  far  as  our  infor- 
mation goes,  been  considered  genuine  Muskogee  people.  The  only 
suspicion  to  the  contrary  is  in  the  case  of  the  Coosa,  whose  name 
looks  very  much  like  a  conunon  corruption  of  the  Choctaw  word 
Jconshakf  meaning  **cane.''  By  this  name  the  Muskogee  were  known 
to  the  Mobile  Indians.  In  Padilla's  history  of  the  De  Luna  expedi- 
tion we  read  that,  when  the  Spaniards  accompanied  the  Coosa  in 
an  attack  upon  their  western  neighbors,  they  came  to  a  wide 
river  known  as  "Oke  chiton,''  or  **great  river."  If  this  name  was  in 
the  Coosa  language  it  would  prove  that  at  that  time  they  spoke 
Choctaw,  but  more  likely  it  was  in  the  language  of  their  enemies. 

1  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  n,  p.  73. 

*  Ibid.  I,  p.  41. 

*  Ibid,  n,  p.  6. 

«  Oarcilasso  de  La  Vega,  in  Shipp,  Hist,  of  De  Soto  and  Florida,  p.  33a 

*  Reproduced  in  Hamilton,  Colonial  Mobile,  p.  2ia 
i  Amer.  Anthrop.,  n.  s.  vol.  x,  p.  560 

*  French,  Hist.  CoUs.  I4i.,  1850.  p.  234.    On  his  map  he  has  "  Tomachees  "  (Desrr.  Prov.  Car.,  1741) . 



About  one-sixth  of  all  Creeks  are  probably  of  Coosa  descent,  and  it  is 
unlikely  that  a  tribe  of  such  size  should  have  given  up  its  language 
while  much  smaller  bodies  retained  theirs  almost  or  quite  down  to 
the  present  time. 

The  Tukabahchee  are  considered  by  most  Creek  Indians  at  the 
present  day  as  the  leaders  of  the  nation.  Nevertheless  Milfort/ 
and  also  Adair,-  on  the  authority  of  a  Tukabahchee  chief  of  his  time, 
declare  that  they  had  formerly  been  a  distinct  people.  This  ques- 
tion will  be  considered  again  when  we  come  to  take  up  Tukabahchee 
history,  but  it  may  be  said  that,  even  though  the  tribe  were  once 
distinct,  it  would  not  necessarily  follow  that  its  language  was  also 
different.  There  is,  at  all  events,  little  reason  to  suppose  it  was 
anything  other  than  some  Muskhogean  dialect.  A  foreign  origin 
is  also  attributed  to  the  Okchai  Indians  by  the  same  writers. 
Some  of  the  living  Okchai  appear  to  remember  a  tradition  to  this 
effect,  but  while  it  is  probably  correct  there  is  no  further  proof,  and 
there  is  no  likelihood  that  their  ancient  speech  was  anything  other 
than  Muskogee.' 

Still  another  people,  the  Pakana,  who  now  speak  pure  Muskogee, 
are  reported  to  have  been  at  one  time  distinct,  both  by  Adair*  and 
by  Stiggins.'  Since  they  settled  near  Fort  Toulouse,  they  have 
sometimes  been  spoken  of  as  if  they  were  a  branch  of  the  Alabama,  but 
this  is  probably  due  merely  to  association,  just  as  the  Okchai  have 
oc<*,asionally  been  classed  with  the  ^Vlabama  because  an  Alabama 
town  was  known  as  Little  Okchai.  In  the  absence  of  more  assured 
information-it  will  be  best  to  class  them  with  the  Muskogee. 

Northern  Florida  was  occupied  by  the  Timucua  Indians,  but 
south  of  them  were  several  tribes,  which  were  reckoned  as  distinct 
by  the  Spaniards,  though  next  to  nothing  has  been  preserved  of  their 
languages  and  very  few  hints  regarding  their  aflSnities  are  to  be 

The  Calusa  of  the  western  side  of  the  peninsula  were  the  most 
important  South  Florida  people,  and  they  were  the  last  to  disappear, 
some  of  them  remaining  in  their  old  seats  until  the  close  of  the  last 
Seminole  war.  The  chief  centers  of  their  population  were  Charlotte 
Harbor  and  the  mouth  of  the  Caloosahatchee  River,  and  this  is  of 
importance  in  connection  with  the  following  facts.  In  a  letter  writ- 
ten by  Capt.  John  H.  Bell,  agent  for  the  Indians  in  Florida,  addressed 

■  MUfort,  Mtooire,  pp.  265-266. 

s  Adair,  Hist.  Am.  Inds.,  p.  179. 

s  Mllfort  and  Adair,  Ibid.  There  is  one  direct  statement  to  the  effect  that  Olcchal  was  a  distinct  lan- 
guage (Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.,  1st  ser.,  n,  p.  48),  but  the  language  of  the  Little  Okchai  (Alabama)  may 
be  meant  (see  next  paragraph). 

«  Adair,  ibid.,  p.  257. 

•  Seep.  272. 


to  a  committee  of  Congress,  February,  1821,  a  list  of  Seminole  towns 
is  given.*  The  names  of  the  first  22  are  "extracted  from  a  talk  held 
by  Gen.  Jackson,  with  three  chiefs  of  the  Florida  Indians,  at  Pensa- 
cola,  September  19,  1821,''  and  to  them  Captain  Bell  adds  13  towns 
on  his  own  authority.  The  particular  tribe  of  Seminole  represented 
in  each  town  is  not  always  given,  but  it  is  appended  in  italics  to  the 
names  of  the  last  five.  Thus  there  is  a  town  of  the  Mikasuki,  a  town 
of  the  Coweta,  a  town  of  the  Chiaha,  a  town  of  the  Yuchi,  and  last  of 
aU  we  read  ''35.  South  of  Tampa,  near  Charlotte's  Bay,  Cfioctaws,*' 
Later  still,  in  a  census  of  the  Florida  Indians  taken  in  1847,  there 
were  120  warriors  reported,  among  whom  were  70  Seminole,  30 
Mikasuki,  12  Creeks,  4  Yuchi,  and  4  Choctaw.'  The  only  Mississippi 
Choctaw  actually  known  to  have  been  brought  into  Florida  were 
taken  there  along  with  some  Delaware  Indians  as  scouts  for  the 
American  Army,  and  at  a  much  later  date  than  the  letter  of  Captain 
Bell.  Moreover,  from  both  Bell's  account  and  the  census  of  1847 
the  Choctaw  enumerated  would  appear  to  have  formed  a  considerable 
band,  and  it  may  well  be  asked  why  it  is,  if  the  scouts  were  brought 
in  in  such  quantities,  we  do  not  hear  of  a  Delaware  band  as  well? 
These  references  therefore  introduce  the  question  of  a  possible  con- 
nection between  the  Calusa  and  Choctaw. 

All  that  is  now  known  of  the  Calusa  language  is  a  considerable 
number  of  place  names,  for  a  few  of  which  translations  are  given, 
and  a  single  expression,  also  translated.  Prac^tically  all  of  these  come 
from  the  Memoir  of  Hernando  de  Escalanto  Fontaneda,  a  Spaniard 
held  captive  among  the  Calusa  Indians  for  17  years,  somewhere 
between  1550  and  1570.'  Attempts  to  find  equivalents  in  known 
Indian  tongues  have  been  made  by  Buckingham  Smith  (1854)  and 
A.  S.  Gatschet  (1884).*  Although  better  equipped  for  this  task,  the 
latter  was  handicapped,  as  always,  by  a  lack  of  critical  acumen  in 
the  treatment  of  etymologies,  and  unfortunately  he  chose  for  com- 
parison Spanish,  Timucua,  and  Creek,  the  two  last  because  they 
were  the  Indian  languages  of  the  region  with  which  he  was  most 
familiar.  Smith,  on  the  other  hand,  without  a  tithe  of  Gatschet *s 
philological  ability,  was  favored  by  fortune  in  happening  to  depend 
for  his  interpretations  on  several  Choctaw  Indians,  including  the 
famous  chief,  Peter  Pichlynn.  Smith  seems  not  to  have  had  any 
true  appreciation  of  the  differences  between  Indian  languages  and 
to  have  assumed  that  the  authority  of  an  Indian  of  almost  any 
southeastern  tribe  was  equally  good.     By  mere  luck,  however,  he 

1  Monw,  Rep.  to  8ec.  of  War.,  pp.  306,  308, 311 ;  also  see  pp.  406-407. 
I  Schoolcraftr  Ind.  Tribes,  i,  p.  522. 

•  Col.  Doc.  Ined.,  v,  pp.  532-546:  Smith,  Letter  of  Heniando  <Ie  Soto  and  Memoir  of  Hernando  de  Esca- 
Uinte  Fontaneda.    The  translation  hi  French,  Hist.  Colls.  La.,  1875,  pp.  235-265,  is  badly  disarranged. 
« Smith,  op.  cit;  Qatschet,  Creek  Mig.  Leg.,  i,  p.  14. 


chose  a  representative  of  that  tribe  with  which  we  have  since  dis- 
covered grounds  for  believing  the  Calusa  stood  in  a  particularly  close 
relation.  But  even  so,  he  was  unable  to  obtain  interpretations  for 
most  of  Fontaneda's  Calusa  names,  and  most  of  the  remaining  ety- 
mologies suggested  to  him  must  be  rejected  as  improbable.  Yet  it 
is  interesting  to  note  that  the  impression  made  upon  his  informants 
by  these  names  was  similar  to  that  certain  to  be  impressed  upon 
anyone  familiar  with  the  Muskhogean  tongues.  He  says:  '*My 
monitors  say  that  all  these  words  are  eminently  Chahta  in  their 
sounds,  but  that  sometimes  they  are  too  imperfectly  preserved  to 
be  understood,  or  that  their  sense  can  be  detected  only  in  part." 
Of  the  translations  obtained  by  Smith  of  names  not  furnished  with 
interpretations  by  Fontaneda  only  that  of  Calaobe  (from  k&li  hofobi, 
"deep  spring'')  and  perhaps  that  of  Soco  (from  su'ko,  '* muscadine") 
seem  to  have  some  probability  in  their  favor.  Translations  are, 
however,  furnished  for  a  few  by  Fontaneda  himself,  and  while  the 
literal  correctness  of  these  must  not  be  assumed,  they  present  a 
somewhat  more  promising  field  of  investigation.  These  words  are 
Guaragunve,  a  town  on  the  Florida  keys,  the  name  of  which  is  said 
to  mean  in  Spanish  Pueblo  de  HantOy  i.  e.,  **the  town  of  weeping;" 
Cuchiyaga,  a  second  town  on  these  islands,  the  name  signifying 
"the  place  where  there  has  been  suffering;"  Calos  or  Calusa,  "in 
the  language  of  which  the  word  signifies  a  fierce  people,  as  they  are 
called  for  being  brave  and  skilled  in  war;"  the  Lake  of  Mayaimi, 
so  called  "because  it  is  very  large;"  Zertepe,  "chief  and  great  lord" 
(though  possibly  this  is  a  specific  title);  Guasaca-esgui,  a  name  of 
the  Suwanee,  "the  river  of  canes;"  5to  or  Non,  "town  beloved;" 
Cafiogacola,  or  Cailegacola,  "  a  crafty  people,  skillful  with  the  bow;" 
se-le-te-ga,  "run  to  the  lookout,  see  if  there  be  any  people  coming! " 
The  first  of  the  above  is  almost  the  only  one  in  which  an  r  appears — 
though  Carlos  is  used  for  Calos  occasionally — and  it  is  possible  that 
this  town  may  be  one  which  Fontaneda  informs  us  to  have 
been  occupied  by  Cuban  Arawaks.  In  English  the  name  would 
be  pronounced  nearly  as  Waragunwe,  and  if  we  assume  the  r 
has  been  substituted  for  an  original  Z,  we  might  find  a  cognate 
for  the  first  part  of  it  in  Choctaw  wilanlif  to  weep,  while 
the  second  part  might  be  compared  with  Choctaw  k(ywi  or  Jc&^, 
woods,  a  desert,  but  I  do  not  feel  sure  that  this  order  is  per- 
missible, and  little  confidence  can  be  placed  in  the  rendering. 
For  Cuchiyaga  Smith's  informants  suggested  hi-chi  (cJia)  ya-ya, 
"going  out  to  wail,"  though  he  remarks  that  the  interpreta- 
tions of  the  names  of  this  town  and  the  preceding  may  have 
become  transposed.  Calos  was  explained  to  Smith  as  an  abbrevia- 
tion of  the  Oioctaw  words  korla  and  Iti^sa,  "strong  (and)  black," 


but  the  form  without  a  terminal  a  seems  to  be  nearer  the  original, 
and  I  would  suggest  kdUoy  strong,  powerful,  or  violent,  followed  by 
an  article  pronoun  such  as  dsJij  the  aforesaid,  or  osh.  In  case  the 
final  a  were  original  the  second  word  in  the  compound  might  be 
a^sJia,  to  sit,  to  be.  Mayaimi  recalls  Choctaw  mmha,  wide,  and 
mihy  it  is  so,  it  is  Uke  that,  although  mih  is  usually  initial  in  position. 
I  can  do  nothing  with  Zertepo,  but,  as  suggested,  this  may  not  be 
a  generic  word.  Guasaca-esgui  should  probably  be  pronoun(*ed 
Wasaka-esgi,  and  both  parts  bear  a  strong  resemblance  to  the  Choc- 
taw uski  or  oski,  cane,  though  of  course,  in  any  case,  only  one  would 
represent  that  word ;  the  Choctaw  word  for  river  is  Jidcha.  In  expla- 
nation of  5to,  Gatschet  cites  Creek  aiwlcitcha,  ''lover,"  anuJcid^hUs, 
"I  love,"  the  Choctaw  equivalent  of  which  is  anushJcunnaj  no  or  nu 
being  assumed  as  the  radix,  but  anoa,  '* famous,"  ''noted,"  "illus- 
trious," may  also  be  mentioned  in  this  connection.  Perhaps  the 
most  suggestive  of  all  of  these  words  is  Caftogacola,  because  the 
ending  looks  suspiciously  like  Choctaw  okluj  people,  which  we  often 
find  written  by  early  travelers  ogala  or  okaia.  The  first  part  might 
be  explained  by  Alabama  kdflgo,  not  good,  bad,  or  as  a  shortened 
form  of  Choctaw  i^kana  keyu,  unfriendly.  Finally,  se-le-te-ga  may 
contain  chdi,  you  fly,  you  go  rapidly,  followed  by  -<,  used  in  con- 
necting several  verbs,  and  possibly  liaidka,  to  appear,  to  peiep, 
though  I  am  not  certain  that  this  particular  combination  is  admissible. 

Romans  is  the  only  writer  to  attempt  an  interpretation  of  names 
along  the  southeastern  Florida  coast.  He  gives  the  name  of  Indian 
River  as  Aisa  hatcha  and  interprets  this  as  meaning  "Deer  River."  * 
The  word  hatcha,  however,  was  probably  given  by  himself  or  else 
obtained  from  the  Seminole  Indians  and  there  is  no  proof  that  it 
belonged  to  the  ancient  language  of  Ais,  while  the  first  was  probably 
translated  arbitrarily  in  terms  of  the  Choctaw  language  with  w^hich 
Romans  was  to  some  extent  familiar. 

Upon  the  whole  more  resemblances  between  these  words  and 
Choctaw  seem  to  occur  than  would  be  expected  if  the  languages 
had  nothing  in  common,  and  those  which  we  find  in  Guasaca-esgui 
and  CafLogacola  are  almost  too  striking  to  be  merely  accidental. 
In  connection  with  the  first  of  these  reference  should  be  made  to 
the  name  of  a  province  mentioned  only  once  by  Fontaneda  and 
seemingly  located  near  Tampa  Bay.  This  is  Osiquevede,  in  which 
it  is  possible  we  again  have  oski.  The  latter  part  of  the  word  might 
be  interpreted  by  means  of  Choctaw  Ji^i/w,  to  whirl  or  veer  about. 

Putting  all  of  the  above  evidence  together,  we  may  fairly  conclude 
that  a  connection  with  Choctaw,  or  at  all  events  some  Muskhogean 
dialect,  is  indicated,  but  we  must  equally  admit  that  it  is  not  proved. 

1  Romans,  Concise  Nat.  Hist,  of  £.  and  W.  Fla.,  p.  273. 


In  the  interior  of  the  country,  about  Lake  Okeechobee,  were  many 
towns  said  to  be  allied  with  the  Calusa  chief,  and  from  the  names  of 
these  towns  given  us  by  Fontaneda  they  would  appear  to  have  been 
allied  in  language  also.^ 

On  the  east  coast  of  Florida  were  a  number  of  small  tribes  settled 
in  the  various  inlets.  From  south  to  north  the  most  important  were 
the  Tekesta,  Jeaga,  and  Ais.  The  name  Tekesta  resembles  those  of 
the  Calusa  towns  in  appearance,  and  so  do  the  names  of  several 
smaller  places  in  the  same  locality,  one  town,  Janar,  even  having  a 
designation  absolutely  identical  with  that  of  a  Calusa  settlement.' 

We  know  little  more  of  the  Jeaga'  and  Ais.  They  had  many 
cultural  features  in  common  with  the  Calusa — including  a  uniform 
hostility  to  Christian  missions — and  their  languages  were  at  least 
markedly  different  from  Timucua.  In  1605  the  governor  of  Florida, 
in  commenting  on  the  visit  of  some  Ais  Indians  to  St.  Augustine, 
says  that  the  language  spoken  in  that  province  was  "very  different 
from  this"  (i.  e.,  Timucua).  He  conversed  with  them  by  means  of 
Juan  de  Jxmco,  an  Indian  of  the  Timucua  mission  of  Nombre  de  Dios, 
who  spoke  to  the  interpreter  of  the  Surruque,  a  tribe  living  about 
Cape  Canaveral.  We  might  assume  from  this  that  the  Surruque 
spoke  the  same  language  as  the  people  of  Ais,  but  many  of  them 
were  familiar  with  Ais  on  account  of  the  proximity  of  the  two  peoples, 
and  I  am  inclined  to  regard  the  Siuruque  as  the  southernmost  band 
of  Timuqua  upon  the  Atlantic  coast. 

The  linguistic  position  of  the  Tamahita  Indians  is  uncertain,  but 
there  is  some  reason  to  think  that  their  name  will  prove  to  be  another 
synonym  for  Yuchi.  This  possibility  will  be  discussed  at  length 
when  we  come  to  consider  the  history  of  that  tribe. 


Little  as  we  know  about  these  people,  it  is  a  curious  fact  that  their 
territory  was  one  of  the  first  in  North  America  on  which  European 
settlements  were  attempted,  and  those  were  of  historical  importance 
and  even  celebrity.  They  were  made,  moreover,  by  three  different 
nations,  the  Spaniards,  French,  and  English. 

The  first  visitors  were  the  Spaniards,  who  made  a  landing  here  in 
1621,  only  eight  years  after  Ponce  de  Leon's  assumed'  discovery  of 
Florida.     Accounts  of  this  voyage,   more  or  less  complete,   have 

1  Fontaneda  in  Col.  Doc.  Inecl.,  v.,  p.  539;  see  pp.  331-333. 

>  See  p.  333. 

*The  Spanish  orthogmphy  of  this  word  is  retained;  it  wtki  pronounced  something  like  Ueaga. 

32    •  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  78 

been  given  by  Peter  Marytr/  Gomara,'  Oviedo,'  and  Herrera,*  and 
in  more  recent  times  by  Navarrete,*  Henry  Hanisso/  John  Gilmary 
Shea/  and  Wobdbury  Ix)wery.'  That  of  Shea  is  based  largely  on 
original  manuscripts,  and,  as  it  contains  all  of  the  essential  facts,  I 
will  quote  it  in  full. 

In  1520  Lucas  Vasquez  de  Ayllon,  one  of  the  auditore  of  the  Island  of  St.  Domingo, 
though  possessed  of  weaHh,  honors,  and  domestic  felicity,  aspired  to  the  glory  of 
discovering  some  new  land,  and  making  it  the  seat  of  a  prosperous  colony.  Having 
secured  the  necessary  license,  he  despatched  a  caravel  under  the  command  of  Fran- 
cisco Gordillo,  with  directions  to  sail  northiA'ard  through  the  Bahamas,  and  thence 
strike  the  shore  of  the  continent.  Gordillo  set  out  on  his  exploration,  and  near  the 
Island  of  Lucayoneque,  one  of  the  Lucayuelos,  descried  another  caravel.  His  pilot, 
Alonzo  Fernandez  Sotil,  proceeded  toward  it  in  a  boat,  and  soon  recognized  it  as  a 
caravel  conmianded  by  a  kinsman  of  his,  Pedro  de  Quexos,  fitted  out  in  part,  though 
not  avowedly,  by  Juan  Ortiz  de  Matienzo,  an  auditor  associated  with  Ayllon  in  the 
judiciary.  This  caravel  was  returning  from  an  unsuccessful  cruise  among  the  Bahamas 
for  Caribs — the  object  of  the  expedition  being  to  capture  Indians  in  order  to  sell  them 
as  slaves.  On  ascertaining  the  object  of  Gordillo^s  voyage,  Quexos  proposed  that 
they  should  continue  the  exploration  together.  After  a  sail  of  eight  or  nine  days,  in 
which  they  ran  little  more  than  a  hundred  leagues,  they  reached  the  coast  of  the 
continent  at  the  mouth  of  a  considerable  river,  to  which  they  gave  the  name  of  St. 
John  the  Baptist,  from  the  fact  that  they  touched  the  coast  on  the  day  set  apart  to 
honor  the  Precursor  of  Christ.  The  year  was  1521,  and  the  point  reached  was,  accord- 
ing to  the  estimate  of  the  explorers,  in  latitude  33®  30'. 

Boats  put  off  from  the  caravels  and  landed  some  twenty  men  on  the  shore;  and 
while  the  ships  endeavored  to  ent«r  the  river,  these  men  were  surrounded  by  Indians, 
whose  good- will  they  gained  by  presents. 

Some  days  later,  Gordillo  formally  took  possession  of  the  country  in  the  name  of 
Ayllon,  and  of  his  associate  Diego  Caballero,  and  of  the  King,  as  Quexos  did  also  in 
the  name  of  his  employers  on  Sunday,  June  30,  1521.  Crosses  were  cut  on  the  trunks 
of  trees  to  mark  the  Spanish  occupancy. 

Although  Ayllon  had  charged  Gordillo  to  cultivate  friendly  relations  with  the 
Indians  of  any  new  land  he  might  discover,  Gordillo  joined  with  Quexos  in  seizing 
some  seventy  of  the  natives,  with  whom  they  sailed  away,  without  any  attempt  to 
make  an  exploration  of  the  coast. 

On  the  return  of  the  vessel  to  Santo  Domingo,  Ayllon  condemned  his  captain's 
act;  and  the  matter  was  brought  before  a  commission,  presided  over  by  Diego  Colum- 
bus, for  the  consideration  of  some  important  affairs.  The  Indians  were  declared  free, 
and  it  was  ordered  that  they  should  be  restored  to  their  native  land  at  the  earliest 
]:x)ssible  moment.  Meanwhile  they  were  to  remain  in  the  hands  of  Ayllon  and  Ma- 

Another  account  of  this  expedition  is  given  by  Peter  Martyr,' 

from  whom  Gomara  and  nearly  all  subsequent  writers  copied  it. 

»  Peter  Martyr,  De  Orbe  Novo,  n,  pp.  255-271. 
s  Qomara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  p.  32 
»  Oviedo*  Hist.  Gen., m, pp.  624-<'33. 
«  Herrera^Hist.  Oen.,i,  pp.  259-2HI. 

•  NaTarrete,Col.ym,  pp.  «9-74. 

*  Harrisse,  Disc,  of  N.  Amer. ,  pp.  198-213 

» In  Winsor, Narr.  and Crit.  Hist.  Amer.,  ii, pp. 238-24 1. 
■  Lowery,  Span.  Settl.,  1513-1561,  pp.  15^-157, 160-168. 


While  it  is  not  fortified  with  official  documents  like  that  of  Shea  it 
comes  from  a  contemporary  and  one  intimately  acquainted  with  all 
of  the  principals  and  therefore  deserves  to  be  placed  beside  the  other 
as  an  original  source  of  information. 

Some  Spaniards,  anxious  as  hunters  pursuing  wild  beasts  through  the  mountains 
and  swamps  to  capture  the  Indians  of  that  archipelago  [the  Bahamas],  embarked  on 
two  ships  built  at  the  cost  of  seven  of  them .  They  sailed  from  Puerto  de  Plata  situated 
on  the  north  coast  of  Hispaniola,  and  laid  their  course  towards  the  Lucayas.  Three 
years  have  passed  since  then,  and  it  is  only  now,  in  obedience  to  CamilloGallino,  who 
wishes  me  to  acquaint  Your  Excellency  with  some  still  unknown  particulars  concerning 
these  discoveries,  that  I  speak  of  this  expedition.  These  Spaniards  visited  all  the 
Lucayas  but  without  finding  the  plunder,  for  their  neighbors  had  already  explored 
the  archipelago  and  systematically  depopulated  it.  Not  wishing  to  expose  them- 
selves to  ridicule  by  returning  to  Hispaniola  empty-handed,  they  continued  their 
course  towards  the  north .  Many  people  said  they  lied  when  they  declared  they  had 
purposely  chosen  that  direction. 

They  were  driven  by  a  sudden  tempest  which  lasted  two  days,  to  within  sight  of  a 
lofty  promontory  which  we  will  later  describe.  When  they  landed  on  this  coast,  the 
natives,  amazed  at  the  unexpected  sight,  r^arded  it  as  a  miracle,  for  they  had  never 
seen  ships.  At  first  they  rushed  in  crowds  to  the  beach,  eager  to  see;  but  when  the 
Spaniards  took  to  their  shallops,  the  natives  fied  with  the  swiftness  of  the  wind,  leaving 
the  coast  deserted.  Our  compatriots  pursued  them  and  some  of  the  more  agile  and 
swift-footed  young  men  got  ahead  and  captured  a  man  and  a  woman,  whose  flight  had 
been  less  rapid.  They  took  them  on  board  their  ships  and  after  giving  them  clothing, 
released  them.  Touched  by  this  generosity,  serried  masses  of  natives  again  appeared 
on  the  beach. 

When  their  sovereign  heard  of  this  generosity,  and  beheld  for  the  first  time  these 
imknown  and  precious  garments — for  they  only  wear  the  skins  of  lions  and  other  wild 
beasts — ^he  sent  fifty  of  his  servants  to  the  Spaniards,  carrying  such  provisions  as  they 
eat.  When  the  Spaniards  landed,  he  received  them  respectfully  and  cordially,  and 
when  they  exhibited  a  wish  to  visit  the  neighborhood,  he  provided  them  with  guide 
and  an  escort.  Wherever  they  showed  themselves  the  natives,  full  of  admiration, 
advanced  to  meet  them  with  presents,  as  though  they  were  divinities  to  be  worshipped. 
What  impressed  them  most  was  the  sight  of  the  beards  and  the  woolen  and  silk  clothing. 

But  what  then!  The  Spaniards  ended  by  violating  this  hospitality.  For  when 
they  had  finished  their  explorations,  they  enticed  numerous  natives  by  lies  and  tricks 
to  visit  their  ships,  and  when  the  vessels  were  quickly  crowded  vrith  men  and  women 
they  raised  anchor,  set  sail,  and  carried  these  despairing  unfortunates  into  slavery. 
By  such  means  they  sowed  hatred  and  warfare  throughout  that  peaceful  and  friendly 
region,  separating  children  from  their  parents  and  wives  from  their  husbands.  Nor 
is  this  all.  Only  one  of  the  two  ships  returned,  and  of  the  other  there  has  been  no 
news.  As  the  vessel  was  old,  it  is  probable  that  she  went  down  with  all  on  board, 
innocent  and  guilty.  This  spoliation  occasioned  the  Royal  coimcil  at  Hispaniola 
much  vexation,  but  it  remained  unpunished.  It  was  first  thought  to  send  the 
prisoners  back,  but  nothing  was  done,  because  the  plan  would  have  been  difficult  to 
realise,  and  besides  one  of  the  ships  was  lost. 

These  details  were  furnished  me  by  a  virtuous  priest,  learned  in  law,  called  the  bache- 
lor Alvares  de  Castro.  His  learning  and  his  virtues  caused  him  to  be  named  Dean  of 
the  Cathedral  of  Concepcion,  in  Hispaniola,  and  simultaneously  vicar  and  inquisitor. 

148061  **— ^2 3 

84  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  (bull.  73 

Thus  his  testimony  may  be  confidently  accepted.  ...  It  is  from  (Jastro's  report  and 
after  several  enquiries  into  this  seizure  that  we  have  learned  that  the  women  brought  from 
that  r^on  wear  lions'  skins  and  the  men  wear  skins  of  all  other  wild  beasts.  He  says 
these  people  are  white  and  larger  than  the  generality  of  men.  When  they  were  landed 
some  of  them  searched  among  the  rubbish  heaps  along  the  town  ditches  for  decaying 
bodies  of  dogs  and  asses  with  which  to  satisfy  their  hunger.  Most  of  them  died  of 
misery,  while  those  who  survived  were  divided  among  the  colonists  of  Hispaniola, 
who  disposed  of  them  as  they  pleased,  either  in  their  houses,  the  gold-mines,  or  their 

Farther  on  Peter  Martyr  gives  Ayllon,  "one  of  those  at  whose 
expense  the  two  ships  had  been  equipped, "  and  his  Indian  servant, 
Francisco  of  Chicora,  as  additional  iiiiormantSy  and  states  that  he 
had  sometimes  invited  them  to  his  table. 

In  1523  Ayllon  obtained  a  royal  c6dula  securing  to  him  exclusive 
right  of  settlement  within  the  limits  of  a  strip  of  coast  on  either  side 
of  the  place  where  his  subordinate  had  come  to  land.  In  1525,  being 
unable  to  visit  the  new  land  himself,  in  order  to  secure  his  rights  he 
sent  two  caravels  to  explore  his  territory  \mder  Pedro  de  Quexos. 
'  *  They  r^ained  the  good  will  of  the  natives/ '  says  Shea,  *  *  and  explored 
the  coast  for  250  leagues,  setting  up  stone  crosses  with  the  name  of 
Charles  V  and  the  date  of  the  act  of  taking  possession.  They 
retimied  to  Santo  Domingo  in  July,  1525,  bringing  one  or  two  Indians 
from  each  province,  who  might  be  trained  to  act  as  interpreters.  *'  ^ 
After  considerable  delay  Ayllon  himself  sailed  for  his  new  government 
early  in  Jime,  1526,  with  three  large  vessels,  600  persons  of  both 
sexes,  including  priests  and  physicians,  and  100  horses.  They 
reached  the  North  American  coast  at  the  mouth  of  a  river  calcu- 
lated by  them  to  be  in  north  latitude  33°  40',  and  they  called  it  the 
Jordan — from  the  name  of  one  of  Ayllon's  captains,  it  is  said.  Here, 
however,  Ayllon  lost  one  of  his  vessels,  and  his  interpreters,  including 
Francisco  of  Chicora,  deserted  him.  Dissatisfied  with  the  region  in 
which  he  had  landed  and  obtaining  news  of  one  better  from  a  party 
he  had  sent  along  the  shore,  Ayllon  determined  to  remove,  and  he 
seems  to  have  followed  the  coast.  The  explorers  are  said  to  have 
continued  for  40  or  45  leagues  until  they  came  to  a  river  called 
Gualdape,  where  they  began  a  settlement,  which  was  called  San 
Miguel  de  Gualdape.  The  land  hereabout  was  flat  and  full  of  marshes. 
The  river  was  large  and  well  stocked  with  fish,  but  the  entrance  was 
shallow  and  passable  only  at  high  tide.  The  colony  did  not  prosper, 
the  weather  became  severe,  many  sickened  and  died,  and  on  October 
18,  1526,  Ayllon  died  also.  Trouble  soon  broke  out  among  the  sur- 
viving colonists  and  Anally,  in  the  middle  of  a  s(»vcrc  winter,  those 
that  were  loft  sailed  ])ack  to  Ilispaniola." 

"Shea,  op.  cit.,  p. 'J40.  Mbid.,  \k2M 


Such  are  the  principal  facts  concerning  the  first  Spanish  explora- 
tions and  attempts  at  colonization  upon  the  coast  of  the  Carolinas. 
Before  giving  the  information  obtained  through  them  regarding  the 
aborigines  of  the  coimtry  and  their  customs  it  will  be  necessary  to 
determine  as  nearly  as  possible  the  location  of  the  three  rivers  men- 
tioned in  the  relations,  the  River  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  the  River 
Jordan,  and  the  River  Gualdape,  an  undertaking  which  has  been 
attempted  already  in  the  most  painstaking  manner,  by  the  historians 
Harrisse,  Shea,  and  Lowery.* 

So  far  as  the  River  Jordan  is  concerned,  there  is  scarcely  the 
shadow  of  a  doubt  that  it  was  the  Santee.  The  identification  is 
indicated  by  evidence  drawn  from  a  great  many  early  writers,  and 
practically  demonstrated  by  the  statements  of  two  or  three  of  the 
more  careful  navigators.  Ecija,  for  instance,  places  its  mouth  in 
N.  lat.  33®  11',  which  is  almost  exactly  correct.'  A  very  careful 
pilot's  description  appended  to  the  account  of  his  second  voyage 
puts  it  only  a  little  higher.^  Furthermore,  tribes  that  can  be  iden- 
tified readily  as  the  Sewee  and  Santee  are  mentioned  by  him  and 
they  are  on  this  river  in  the  positions  they  later  occupied.  He 
states  also,  on  the  authority  of  the  Indians,  that  a  trail  led  from  the 
mouth  of  it  to  a  town  near  the  moimtains  called  Xoada,  which  is 
readily  recognizable  as  the  Siouan  Cheraw  tribe.'  Now,  as  Mr. 
Mooney  has  shown,'  and  as  all  evidence  indicates,  the  Cheraw  were 
at  this  time  at  the  head  of  Broad  River.  The  Pedee  or  the  Capo 
Fear  would  have  carried  travelers  to  the  Cheraw  miles  out  of  their 
way.  Finally  it  must  be  remembered  that  the  name  Jordan  was 
applied  to  a  certain  river  during  the  entire  Spanish  period  in  the 
Southeast.  It  had  a  definite  meaning,  and  when  the  English  settled 
the  coimtry  Spanish  cartographers  were  at  no  loss  to  identify  their 
Jordan  under  its  new  English  name,  so  that  Navarrete  says  that 
"on  some  ancient  maps  there  is  a  river  at  thirty-three  degrees  North, 
which  they  name  Jordan  or  Sant6e. ''  *  One  of  the  reasons  for  imcer- 
tainty  regarding  it  is  the  fact  that  the  ancient  Cape  San  Roman, 
from  which  the  Jordan  is  frequently  located,  is  not  the  present  Cape 
Romain,  but  apparently  Cape  Fear,  and  is  thus  imiversally  repre- 
sented as  north  of  the  Jordan  instead  of  south  of  it.  The  argiunent 
could  be  elaborated  at  length,  but  it  is  unnecessary.  The  biu-den  of 
proof  is  rather  on  him  who  would  deny  the  identification. 

With  regard  to  the  other  two  rivers  we  have  no  such  certain  evi- 
dence, and  their  exact  positions  will  probably  always  remain  in  doubt. 

»  Op.  tit.  3  Bull.  22,  Bur.  Amer.  Kthn.,  p.  57. 

« Lowery,  MSB.,  Lib.  Cons.  *  Navarrcto,  Col.,  m,  p.  70. 

36  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

The  c^dula  issued  to  Ayllon  places  tlie  newly  discovered  land  in 
which  was  the  River  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  in  N.  lat.  35^-37^,*  but 
for  anything  hke  an  exact  statement  we  must  depend  entirely  on  the 
testimony  of  the  pilot  Quexos,  who  estimated  that  it  lay  considerably 
farther  south,  in  N.  lat.  33°  30'.*  It  would  therefore  be  somewhere 
in  the  inmiediate  neighborhood  of  the  Jordan,  possibly  that  very 
stream.  However,  immediately  after  the  statement  of  Navarrete 
quoted  above,  he  adds,  "  to  the  northeast  of  that  which  they  name 
San  tee,  at  a  distance  of  48  miles,  there  is  another  river,  which  they 
call  Chico.'*^  This  would  at  once  suggest  an  identification  of  that 
stream  with  the  Pedee,  or  with  Winyah  Bay,  though  of  course  where 
they  enter  the  ocean  the  Santee  and  Pedee  are  much  nearer  together 
than  48  miles.  I  am,  however,  inclined  to  suspect  that  "  the  river 
Chico"  represented  simply  some  cartographer's  guess  as  to  the  loca- 
tion of  Chicora,  and  was  not,  as  Navarrete  seems  to  assume  farther 
on,  itself  the  original  of  the  term  Chicora. 

The  general  position  is,  however,  indicated  by  another  line  of 
evidence.  It  will  be  remembered  that  among  the  Indians  carried 
off  by  Gordillo  and  Quexos  from  the  River  of  St.  John  tlie  Baptist 
in  1621  was  one  who  received  the  name  Francisco  of  Chicora,  who 
related  such  wonderful  tales  of  the  new  country  that  many  Sptmiards, 
including  the  historian  Oviedo,  believed  that  no  confidence  could 
be  reposed  in  him.*  His  remarkable  story  of  tailed  men,  however, 
Mr.  Mooney  and  the  writer  have  been  able  to  estabhsh  as  an  element 
in  the  mythology  of  the  southern  Indians,  and  enough  of  the  "prov- 
inces" which  he  mentioned  are  identifiable  to  show  that  the  names 
are  not  the  pure  fabrication  which  Oviedo  supposed. 

So  far  as  I  am  aware  there  are  but  three  original  sources  for  the 
complete  list  of  provinces — two  in  the  Documentos  Ineditos '  and 
the  third  in  Oviedo."  An  equally  ancient  authority  for  part  of  them, 
however,  is  Peter  Martyr.'  I  give  these  in  the  following  compara- 
tive table,  and  in  addition  the  Hsts  from  Navarrete,^  and  Barcia,' 
who  had  access  to  the  original  do(;uments. 

'Navarrete,  Col.,  iii,  p.  153;  Doc.  Inod.,  xxii,  p.  79. 
•Shea  in  Winsor,  Narr.  siud  Cril.  Ilisl.,  ii,  p.,23U. 
•Navarrete,  Col.,  in,  p.  TO. 
< Oviedo,  Hist.  (Jen.,  p.  «28. 

•  Vols.  XIV,  p.  ftKi,  and  xxu,  p.  S2. 

•  Hist,  (ien.,  in,  628. 

T  reter  Martyr,  Do  Orbc  Novo,  ii,  pp.  2,V>2r)l. 
»  Navarrete,  Col.,  m,  p.  154. 
»  Barcia,  La  Florida,  pp.  4-5. 

s  wanton] 



Ntxi  Hoc.  IiMMl.  XIV. 









Doc  Ined. 

Duachc .  - . 







Aram  be 
















[Sooapasqul. .. 

I  * 











Peter  Martyr. 

DuhAre  or  Du- 





Tivecoca\ o 

Guacaya.... . 












Pallor. . . . 

Iniaiguanin. . 




Suache Duaarhe. 

Chlcora :  Chlcora. 

Xapira •  Xapira. 


V  Tatancal 








Arambe..  % 






Yamiacaron. . . 







.,  .Vnoxa I  y  Noxa. 



The  variants  of  these  names  enable  us,  by  comparing  them  with 
one  another,  to  determine  the  originals  with  considerable  certainty 
in  most  cases,  though  some  still  remain  in  question.  As  recon- 
structed, the  list  would  be  something  like  this:  Duhare  or  Duache, 
Chicora,  Xapira  or  Xapida,  Yta  or  Hitha,  Tancal  or  Tancac,  Anica, 
Tiye  or  Tihe,  Cocayo,  Quohathe,  Guacaya,  Xoxi,  Sona,  Pasqui, 
Arambe,  Xamunambe,  Huaque,  Tanzaca,  Yenyohol,  Pahoc  or 
Paor,  Yamiscaron,  Orixa,  Insiguanin  or  Inziguanin,  Anoxa. 

Yamiscaron  without  doubt  refers  to  the  Yamasee  Indians,  the 
ending  probably  being  a  Siouan  suflTix,  and  the  whole  possibly  the 
original  of  the  name  Yamacraw  appHed  at  a  much  later  date  to  a 
body  of  Indians  at  the  mouth  of  the  Savannah.  There  can  be 
little  question  also  that  Orixa  is  the  later  Spanish  Orista,  and  English 
Edisto,  Cocayo  the  Coosa  Indians  of  the  upper  courses  of  the  rivers 
of  lower  South  CaroUna,    or   perhaps   the    town   of    *'Co9apoy"* 

>  See  p.  58. 

88  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [boll.  73 

and  Xapini,  or  rather  Xapida,  Sampit.  Pasqui  is  evidently 
the  Pasque  of  Ecija,  which  seems  to  have  been  inland  near  the 
Waxaw  Indians.  The  remaining  names  can  not  be  identified 
with  such  probability,  but  plausible  suggestions  may  be  made 
regarding  some  of  them.  Thus  Yta  is  perhaps  the  later  Etiwaw 
or  Itwan,  Sona  may  be  Stono,  which  sometimes  appears  in  the  form 
''Stonah/'  and  Guacaya  is  perhaps  Waccamaw,  gua  in  Spanish 
being  frequently  employed  for  the  English  syllable  vxi.  If  Pahoc 
is  the  correct  form  of  the  name  of  province  19  it  may  contain  an 
explanation  of  the  "Backbooks''  mentioned  by  Lawson,^  supposing 
the  form  of  the  latter  which  Rivers  gives,  '*Back  Hooks,"  is  the 
correct  one.* 

Two  facts  regarding  this  list  have  particular  importance  for  us  in 
this  investigation,  first,  the  appearance  of  the  phonetic  r  (in  Duliare, 
Chicora,  Xapira,  Arambe,  Yamiscaron,  Orixa),  and,  second,  that  all 
of  the  provinces  identified,  all  in  fact  for  which  an  identification  is 
even  suggested,  are  in  the  Cusabo  country  or  the  regions  m  close 
contact  with  it.  The  first  of  these  points  indicates  that  Francisco 
came  from  one  of  the  eastern  Siouan  tribes,  while  the  second  would 
show  that  he  had  considerable  knowledge  of  the  tribes  south  of  them, 
and  thus  points  to  some  Siouan  area  not  far  removed.  Since  this 
was  also  on  the  coast,  the  mouths  of  the  Santee  and  Pedee  are  the 
nearest  points  satisfying  the  requirements.  It  is  true  that  there  is 
no  Z  in  Catawba,  while  two  words  ending  in  I — Tancal  and  Yenyohol — 
occur  in  the  list;  but  these  may  have  been  taken  over  intact  from 
Cusabo,  or  they  may  have  been  incorrectly  copied,  since  Oviedo  has 
Tancac  for  the  first  of  them.  Winyah  Bay  or  the  Pedee  River  would 
be  indicated  more  definitely  if  Daxe,  a  town  which  the  Indians  told 
Ecija  was  four  days  journey  north,  or  rather  northeast,  of  the  Santee, 
were  identical  with  the  Duache  of  the  Ayllon  colonists.  But,  how- 
ever interesting  it  might  be  to  establish  the  location  of  the  river  of 
John  the  Baptist  with  precision,  it  makes  no  .practical  difference 
in  the  present  investigation  whether  it  was  the  Santee  or  one  of  those 
streams  flowing  into  Winyah  Bay.  That  it  was  one  of  them  can 
hardly  be  doubted. 

The  third  river  to  be  identified,  Gualdape,  is  the  most  difficult  of 
aU.  This  is  due  in  the  first  place  to  an  uncertainty  as  to  which  way 
the  settlers  moved  when  they  left  the  River  Jordan.  Oviedo,  who 
is  our  only  authority  on  this  point,  says:  ^^Despues  que  estovieron 
all!  algunos  dias,  descontentos  de  la  tierra  6  ydas  las  lenguas  6  guias 
que  llevaron,  acordaron  de  yrse  d  poblar  la  costa  adelante  hd^ia  la 
costa  oc9idental,  6  fueron  k  un  grand  rio  (quarenta  6  quaronta  6 
^inco  leguas  de  alU,  pocas  m&s  6  menos)  (jue  se  dice  Gualdape;  ^  alii 

>  Lawson,  Hist.  CaroHna,  p.  45.  *  Rivers,  Hist.  8.  Cor.,  p.  36. 


assentaron  sii  campo  6  real  ea  la  costa  d61. ''  (''After  they  had  been 
there  for  some  days,  being  dissatisfied  with  the  country  and  the 
interpreters  or  guides  having  left  them,  they  decided  to  go  and  settle 
on  the  coast  beyond,  in  the  direction  of  the  west  coast;  and  they  went 
to  a  large  river,  40  or  45  leagues  from  that  place,  more  or  less,  called 
Oualdape;  and  there  they  established  their  camp  or  settlement  on  the 
coast.  ")^  Navarrete  interprets  this  to  mean  that  they  traveled 
north,'  and  he  has  been  followed  by  both  Harrisse*  and  Shea.*  The 
last  is  confirmed  in  his  opinion  by  the  narrative  of  Ecija,  which 
states  that  ''Guandape"  was  near  where  the  English  had  estab- 
lished their  settlement;'  consequently  he  carries  AyDon  from  the 
River  Jordan  all  the  way  to  Jamestown,  in  Virginia.  It  seems  to 
the  writer,  however,  that  the  "English  settlement''  to  which  Ecija 
refers  and  which  he  places  on  an  island  must  have  been  the  Roanoke 
colony,  although  in  Ecija's  time  it  had  been  abandoned  20  years.  But 
in  either  case  the  distance  from  the  mouth  of  the  Pedee  or  Santee 
was  too  great  to  be  described  as  •'  40  or  45  leagues. '' 

On  the  other  hand,  there  are  good  reasons  for  l)eHeving  that  Ayllon 
did  not  move  north  after  abandoning  the  River  Jordan,  but  southwest. 
It  is  unfortunate  that  Oviedo's  words  are  not  clearer,  but  it  seems  to 
the  writer  that  the  most  natural  interpretation  of  them  is  that  the 
settlers  followed  the  coast  westward,  which  would  actually  be  in  this 
case  toward  the  southwest.  Lowery  also  comes  to  this  conclusion, 
but  since  he  starts  them  from  a  different  point — the  mouth  of  the 
Cape  Fear  River — he  brings  them  no  farther  than  the  Pedee,  our 
starting  point.'  To  what  Oviedo  tells  us  of  this  movement  Nava- 
rrete adds  the  information,  that  the  women  and  the  sick  were  trans- 
ported thither  in  ]>oats  while  the  remainder  of  the  company  made 
their  way  by  land.^  Lowery  accepts  this  statement  without  ques- 
tion,* but  Navarrete  is  not  an  absolutely  reliable  authority.  His 
information  on  this  point  can  only  have  been  drawn  from  unpub- 
lished manuscripts,  and  unless  wo  have  some  means  of  substantiating 
it,  it  seems  unsafe  to  assume  a  march  of  so  many  leagues  when  no 
reason  is  presented  why  the  Spaniards  should  not  have  taken  to  their 
vessels.  My  belief  is  that  they  did  so.  But  how  much  of  the  coast 
is  embraced  in  these  40  or  45  leagues  it  is  impossible  to  say,  for 
often  the  ''leagues''  of  these  old  relations  are  equivalent  only  to  the 
same  number  of  miles.  Thus  Gualdapo  might  be  anywhere  from  40 
to  135  miles  away,  somewhere  between  Charleston  Harbor  and  the 
mouth  of  Savannah  River. 

Charleston  Harbor  itself  seems  to  be  excluded  by  the  descnption 
of  the  bar  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  of  Gualdape  which  the  vessels 

»  Ovledo,  Hist.  Gen.,  m,  p.  628.  •  Ibid.,  p.  2R;'). 

«  Navarrete.  Col.,  m,  p.  723.  •  Ix)wery.  Spoil.  Settl.,  i,  pp.  H.S-l(W. 

•  Harriase,  Wac.  of  N.  Amer.,  p.  213.  »  Na\'arrete,  Col.,  in.  p.  72. 

«  Shm  in  Winsor.  Narr.  and  Crit.  Hist.  .\mtT.,  n,  p.  240.  •  Lowery,  op.  cit. 

40  BUREAU   OF  AMERKJAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

could  cross  only  at  high  tide — '*la  tierra  toda  mu}^  liana  6  de  muchas 
^ifinegas,  pero  el  rio  muy  poderoso  6  de  niuchos  6  buenos  pescados ;  6 
k  la  entrada  d61  era  baxo,  si  con  la  cres^iente  no  entraban  los  navios.  '^ 
C*  The  land  very  flat  and  with  many  swamps,  but  the  river  very  pow- 
erful and  with  many  good  fish,  and  at  its  entrance  was  a  bar,  so  that 
the  vessels  could  enter  only  at  flood  tide.")*  K  Navarrete  is  right  in 
stating  that  the  able-bodied  men  reached  Gualdape  by  land  I  think 
we  must  make  a  very  conservative  interpretation  of  the  40  or  45 
leagues  and  assume  miles  rather  than  leagues.  This  would  not 
bring  us  farther  than  the  neighborhood  of  Charleston  Harbor.  If, 
however,  we  take  the  distance  given  by  Oviedo  at  its  face  value  it 
carries  us  to  the  mouth  of  the  Savannah.  As  a  matter  of  fact  we 
can  not  know  absolutely  where  this  river  lay.  It  might  have  been  the 
Stono,  the  North  or  South  Edisto,  the  Coosawhatchie,  the  Broad,  or 
some  less  conspicuous  stream.  All  of  these  have  offshore  bars,  and 
the  channels  into  most  are  so  narrow  that  they  might  not  have  been 
discovered  by  the  explorers,  who  therefore  supposed  that  the  Gual- 
dape River  could  be  entered  only  at  high  tide.  But  taking  Oviedo 's 
two  statements,  regarding  the  distance  covered  and  the  size  of  the 
river,  which  was  apparently  of  fresh  water,  I  am  inclined  to  believe 
the  Savannah  to  have  been  the  river  in  question,  because  there  are 
two  independent  facts  which  tend  to  bear  out  this  theory.  In  the 
first  place  the  companions  of  De  Soto  when  at  Cofitachequi  dis- 
covered glass  beads,  rosaries,  and  Biscayan  axes,  '*from  which  they 
recognized  that  they  were  in  the  government  or  territory  where  the 
lawyer  Lucas  Vazquez  de  Ayllon  came  to  his  ruin.'^  So  Ranjel.* 
Biedma  says  in  substance  the  same,'  but  what  the  Fidalgo  of  Elvas 
tells  us  is  more  to  the  point:  **In  the  town  were  found  a  dirk  and 
beads  that  had  belonged  to  Christians,  who,  the  Indians  said,  had 
many  years  before  been  in  the  port,  distant  two  day's  journey.  ''* 

Now  Cofitachequi  has  usually  been  placed  upon  the  Savannah 
River,  and  'Hhe  port*'  might  naturally  refer  to  that  at  its  mouth. 
At  all  events  two  days'  journey  woidd  not  take  the  traveler  very 
far  to  the  north  or  south  of  that  river,  nor  is  it  likely  that  these 
European  articles  had  gotten  many  miles  from  the  place  where  they 
had  been  obtained.  They  might  indeed  have  been  secured  from 
the  navigators  who  conducted  the  first  or  the  second  expedition  or 
from  Ayflon  when  he  was  at  *'the  River  Jordan/'  but  on  the  first 
voyage  the  dealings  with  the  natives  were  very  brief,  and  no  rela- 
tions with  them  seem  to  have  been  entered  into  whUe  Ayllon  and 
his  companions  were  at  the  Jordan  on  their  last  voyage.  It  is  also 
rather  unlikely  that  so  many  Spanish  articles  should  have  readied 
the  Savannah  from  the  mouth  of  the  Pedee.     In  fact  this  is  ])re- 

1  Oviedo,  Hist.  Oen.,  m,  p.  628.  *  Ibid. .  p.  14. 

« Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  n,  p.  100.  *  Ibid.,  i,  p.  67. 


eluded  if  the  statement  of  the  Indians  quoted  by  Elvas  is  to  be 
relied  upon.  The  second  expedition  was  a  mere  reconnoissance  and 
the  explorers  do  not  seem  to  have  stopped  long  in  any  one  place. 
The  most  natural  conclusion  is  that  Cofitachequi  was  not  far  from 
the  point  where  Ayllon  had  made  his  final  and  disastrous  attempt 
at  colonization,  and,  as  I  Iiave  said,  Cofitachequi  is  not  usually 
placed  by  modern  students  eastward  of  the  Savannah.  Secondly, 
the  name  Gualdape,  containing  as  it  does  the  phonetic  2,  would 
seem  not  to  have  been  in  Siouan  territory,  but  instead  suggests  a 
name  or  set  of  names  very  common  in  Spanish  accounts  of  the 
Geoi^a  coast.  Thus  Jekyl  Island  was  known  as  Gualdaquini,  and 
St.  Catherines  Island  was  called  Quale,  a  name  adopted  by  the 
Spaniards  to  designate  the  entire  province.  True,  Oviedo  seems 
to  place  Gualdape  in  N.  lat.  33°  or  even  higher,*  but  this  was 
evidently  an  inference  from  the  latitude  given  for  the  first  landfall 
at  the  River  Jordan  and  his  supposition  that  the  coast  ran  east  and 
west.  All  things  considered,  it  would  seem  most  likely  that  the  at- 
tempted settlement  of  San  Miguel  de  Gualdape  was  at  or  near  the 
mouth  of  Savannah  River. 

To  sum  up,  then,  if  my  identification  of  these  places  is  absolutely, 
or  only  approximately,  correct  the  River  of  St.  John  the  Baptist  and 
the  River  Jordan  would  be  near  the  mouths  of  the  Pedee  and  Santee, 
and  any  ethnological  information  reported  by  the  Spaniards  from 
this  neighborhood  would  concern  principally  the  eastern  Siouan 
tribes,  while  Gualdape  would  be  near  the  mouth  of  the  Savannah, 
and  any  ethnological  information  from  that  neighborhood  would 
apply  either  to  the  Guale  Indians  or  to  the  Cusabo. 

Regarding  the  Indians  of  Chicora  and  Duhare  a  very  interesting 
and  important  account  is  preserved  by  Peter  Martyr,  who  obtained 
a  large  part  of  it  directly  from  Francisco  of  Chicora  himself  and  the 
rest  from  Ayllon  and  his  companions.  This  account  has  received 
less  credence  than  it  deserved  because  the  original  has  seldom  been 
consulted,  but  instead  Gomara's  narrative,  an  abridged  and  to  some 
extent  distorted  copy  of  that  of  Peter  Martyr,  and  still  worse  repro- 
ductions by  later  writers.*  Thus  in  the  French  translation  of  Gomara 
we  read  that  the  priests  of  Chicora  abstained  from  eating  human 
flesh  C*  lis  ne  mangent  point  de  la  chair  humaine  comme  les  autres  "),' 
while  the  original  simply  says  **they  do  not  eat  flesh  (no  comen 
came)."*  The  translation  also  informs  us  that  the  Cliicoranos 
made  cheese  from  the  milk  of  their  women  (**  lis  font  du  fromage 
du  laict  de  leurs  femmes"),  while  the  original  states  that  they  made 

1  Oviedo,  Hist.  Gen.,  m.  p.  S28.  *  HLst.  Gen..  Paris,  1606,  p.  53. 

t  Goznara,  Hist,  de  las  Indias,  chap,  xuii,  pp.  32-33.  *  Gomara,  op.  cit.,  p.  32. 


it  from  the  milk  of  doas.*  But  even  in  his  original  narrative 
Gomara  has  "improved  upon'*  Peter  Martyr,  since  he  tells  us  that 
deer  were  kept  in  inclosures  and  sent  out  with  shepherds,  while 
Peter  Martyr  merely  states  that  the  young  were  kept  in  the  houses 
and  their  mothers  allowed  to  go  out  to  pasture,  coming  back  at. 
night  to  their  fawns  (see  below).  Out  of  a  not  altogether  impossible 
fact  we  thus  have  a  quite  improbable  story  and  utterly  impossible 
accessories  developed.  Although,  as  I  have  endeavored  to  show,  these 
people  were  probably  Siouan,  they  were  so  near  the  Cusabo  that 
influences  could  readily  pass  from  one  to  the  other,  and  for  that 
reason  and  because  the  material  has  hitherto  escaped  ethnological 
investigators  I  will  append  it. 

Leaving  the  coast  of  Chicorana  on  one  hand,  the  Spaniards  landed  in  another  country 
called  **  Duharhe."'  Ayllon  says  the  natives  are  white  men,'  and  his  testimony  is 
confirmed  by  Francisco  Chicorana.  Their  hair  is  brown  and  hangs  to  their  heels. 
They  are  governed  by  a  king  of  gigantic  size,  called  Datha,  whose  wife  is  as  lai^  as 
himself.  They  have  five  children.  In  place  of  horses  the  king  is  carried  on  the 
shoulders  of  strong  young  men.  who  run  with  him  to  the  different  places  he  wishes 
to  visit.  At  this  point  I  must  confess  that  the  different  accounts  cause  me  to  hesitate. 
The  Dean  and  Ayllon  do  not  agree;  for  what  one  asserts  concerning  these  young  men 
acting  as  horses,  the  other  denies.  The  Dean  said :  "  I  have  never  spoken  to  anybody 
who  has  seen  these  horses."  to  wliich  Ayllon  answered,  **I  have  heard  it  told  by- 
many  people,"  while  Francisco  Chicorana,  although  he  was  present,  was  unable  to 
settle  this  dispute.  Could  I  act  as  arbitrator  I  would  say  that,  according  to  the  inves- 
tigations I  have  made,  these  people  were  too  barbarous  and  uncivilized  to  have  horses.* 
Another  country  near  Duhare  is  called  Xapida.  Pearls  are  found  there,  and  also  a 
kind  of  stone  resembling  pearls  which  is  much  prized  by  the  Indians. 

In  all  these  regions  they  visited  the  Spaniards  noticed  herds  of  deer  similar  to  our 
herds  of  cattle.  These  deer  bring  forth  and  nourish  their  young  in  the  houses  of  the 
natives.  During  the  daytime  they  wander  freely  through  the  woods  in  search  of 
their  food,  and  in  the  evening  they  come  back  to  their  little  ones,  who  have  been 
cared  for,  allowing  themselves  to  be  shut  up  in  the  courtyards  and  even  to  be  milked, 
when  they  have  suckled  their  fawns.  The  only  milk  the  natives  know  is  that  of  the 
does,  from  which  they  make  cheese.  They  also  keep  a  great  variety  of  chickens, 
ducks,  geese,  and  other  similar  fowls.^  They  eat  maize  bread,  similar  to  that  of  the 
islanders,  but  they  do  not  know  the  yuc(^  root,  from  which  cassabi,  tho  food  of  the 
nobles,  is  made.  The  maize  grains  are  very  like  our  Genoese  millet,  and  in  size  are 
as  large  as  our  peas.  The  natives  cultivate  another  cereal  called  xathi.  This  is 
believed  to  be  millet  but  it  is  not  certain,  for  very  few  Castilians  know  millet,  as  it  is' 
nowhere  grown  in  Castile.  This  rountry  produces  various  kinds  of  potatoes,  but 
of  small  varieties.    .    .    . 

The  Spaniards  speak  of  still  other  regions— Ilitha,  Xamunambe,  and  Tilie — all  of 
which  are  believed  to  be  governed  by  tho  same  king.     In  the  la^t  named  tho  inhabit- 

1  Oomara,  op.  cit.,  p.  33;  Fr.  trans.,  p.  53. 

>The  reader  will  observe  in  this  narrative  that  the  many  wonderful  things  widely  reported  of  Chi- 
oora  really  apply  to  Dahare. 

*  Evidently  Indians  of  lighter  color. 

*  Peter  Martyr  makes  the  simple  difficult.    The  custom  was  universal  among  southern  t  rii)e.s  of  carrying 
chiefs  and  leading  personages  alxHit  in  litters  i)orne  on  the  shoulders  of  several  mm. 

&  Of  course  these  statements  arc  erroneoiLs,  i>ut  there  may  huve  Iteen  individual  cases  of  domestication 
which  furnished  some  foundation  for  .^uch  reports. 


ant8  wear  a  distinctive  priestly  (^ostunio,  aud  they  are  regarded  as  priests  and  vener- 
ated as  such  by  their  neighbors.  They  cut  their  hair,  leaving  only  two  locks  growing 
on  their  temples,  which  are  bound  under  the  chin.  When  the  natives  make  war 
against  their  neighbors)  according  to  the  regrettable  custom  of  mankind,  these  priests 
are  invited  by  both  sides  to  be  present,  not  as  actors,  but  as  witnesses  of  the  conflict. 
When  the  battle  is  about  to  open,  they  circulate  among  the  warriors  who  are  seated  or 
lying  on  the  ground,  and  sprinkle  them  with  the' juice  of  certain  herbs  they  have 
chewed  with  their  teeth;  just  as  our  priests  at  the  beginning  of  the  Mass  sprinkle  the 
worshippers  with  a  branch  dipped  in  holy  water.  When  this  ceremony  is  finished,  the 
opposiDg  sides  fall  upon  one  another.  While  the  battle  rages,  the  priests  are  left  in 
chaige  of  the  camp,  and  when  it  is  finished  they  look  after  the  wounded,  making  no 
distinction  between  friends  and  enemies,  and  busy  themselves  in  burying  the  dead.' 
The  inhabitants  of  this  country  do  not  eat  human  fiesh;  the  prisoners  of  war  are 
enslaved  by  the  victors. 

The  Spaniards  have  visited  several  regions  of  that  vast  coimtry;  they  are  called 
Arambe,  Guacaia,  Quohathe,  Tanzacca,  and  Pahor.  The  color  of  the  inhabitants  is 
dark  brown.  None  of  them  have  any  system  of  writing,  but  they  preserve  traditions 
of  great  antiquity  in  rhymes  and  chants.  Dancing  and  physical  exercises  are  held  in 
honor,  and  they  are  passionately  fond  of  ball  games,  in  which  they  exhibit  the  greatest 
skill.  The  women  know  how  to  spin  and  sew.  Although  they  are  partially  clothed 
with  skins  of  wild  beasts,  they  use  cotton  such  as  the  Milanese  call  bombasio,^  and 
they  make  nets  of  the  fiber  of  certain  tough  grasses,  just  as  hemp  and  flax  are  used  for 
the  same  pidrposes  in  Europe. 

There  is  another  country  called  Inzignanin,  whose  inhabitants  declare  that,  accord- 
ing to  the  tradition  of  their  ancestors,  there  once  arrived  amongst  them  men  with  tails 
a  meter  long  and  as  thick  as  a  man's  arm.  This  tail  was  not  movable  like  those  of  the 
quadrupeds,  but  formed  one  mass  as  we  see  is  the  case  with  fish  and  crocodiles,  and 
was  as  hard  as  a  bone.  When  these  men  wished  to  sit  down,  they  had  consequently 
to  have  a  seat  with  an  open  bottom ;  and  if  there  was  none,  they  had  to  dig  a  hole  more 
than  a  cubit  deep  to  hold  their  tails  and  allow  them  to  rest.  Their  fingers  were  as 
long  as  they  were  broad,  and  their  skin  was  rough,  almost  scaly.  They  ate  nothing 
but  raw  fish,  and  when  the  fish  gave  out  they  all  perished,  leaving  no  descendants.' 
These  fables  and  other  similar  nonsense  have  been  handed  down  to  the  natives  by 
their  parents.    Let  us  now  notice  their  rites  and  ceremonies. 

The  natives  have  no  temples,  but  use  the  dwellings  of  their  sovereigns  as  such.  As 
a  proof  of  this  we  have  said  that  a  gigantic  sovereign  called  Datha  ruled  in  the  prov- 
ince of  Duhare,  whose  palace  was  built  of  stone,  while  all  the  other  houses  were 
built  of  lumber  covered  with  thatch  or  grasses.  In  the  courtyard  of  this  palace,  the 
Spaniards  found  two  idols  as  large  as  a  three-year-old  child,  one  male  and  one  female. 
These  idols  are  both  called  Inamahari,  and  had  their  residence  in  the  palace.  Twice 
each  year  they  are  exhibited,  the  first  time  at  the  sowing  season,  when  they  are 
invoked  to  obtain  successful  result  for  their  labors.  We  will  later  speak  of  the  har- 
vest. Thanksgivings  are  offered  to  them  if  the  crops  are  good ;  in  the  contrary  case 
they  are  implored  to  show  themselves  more  favorable  the  following  year. 

The  idols  are  carried  in  procession  amidst  pomp,  accompanied  by  the  entire  people. 
It  will  not  be  useless  to  describe  this  ceremony.  On  the  eve  of  the  festival  the  king 
has  his  bed  made  in  the  room  where  the  idols  stand,  and  sleeps  in  their  presence.  At 
daybreak  the  people  assemble,  and  the  king  himself  carries  these  idols,  hugging  them 

1  There  Is  some  confUsion  here.  Kvidently  the  reference  L<;  to  a  class  of  doctors  or  shamans  who  performed 
such  offices,  not  to  an  entire  tribe. 

s  Probably  this  is  a  reference  to  the  use  of  mulberry  bark  common  among  all  southern  tribes. 

*  This  is  a  native  myth  which  Mr.  Mooney  has  collected  ftom  the  Cherokee,  and  I  from  the  Alabama. 
Possibly  it  is  a  myth  regarding  the  alligator  from  ixK>ple  who  had  only  heard  of  that  reptile. 

44  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

to  his  breast,  to  the  top  of  his  palace,  where  he  exhibits  them  to  the  people.  He  and 
they  are  saluted  with  respect  and  fear  by  the  people,  who  fall  upon  their  knees  or 
throw  themselves  on  the  ground  with  loud  shouts.  The  king  then  descends  and 
hangs  the  idols,  draped  in  artistically  worked  cotton  stuffs,  upon  the  breasts  of  two 
venerable  men  of  authority.  They  are,  moreover,  adorned  with  feather  mantles  of 
various  colors,  and  are  thus  carried  escorted  with  hymns  and  songs  into  the  country', 
while  the  girls  and  young  men  dance  and  leap.  Anyone  who  stopped  in  his  house 
or  absented  himself  during  the  procession  would  be  suspected  of  heresy;  and  not  only 
the  absent,  but  likewise  any  who  took  part  in  the  ceremony  carelassly  and  without 
observing  the  ritual.  The  men  escort  the  idols  during  the  day,  while  during  the 
night  the  wcHnen  watch  over  them,  lavishing  upon  them  demonstrations  of  joy  and 
respect.  The  next  day  they  were  carried  back  to  the  palace  with  the  same  ceremonies 
with  which  they  were  taken  out.  If  the  sacrifice  is  accomplished  with  devotion  and 
in  conformity  with  the  ritual,  the  Indians  believe  they  will  obtain  rich  crops,  bodily 
health,  peace,  or  if  they  are  about  to  fight,  victory,  from  these  idols.  Thick  cakes, 
similar  to  those  the  ancients  made  from  flour,  are  offered  to  them.  The  natives  are 
convinced  that  their  prayers  for  harvests  will  be  heard,  especially  if  the  cakes  are 
mixed  with  tears.* 

Another  feast  is  celebrated  every  year  when  a  roughly  carved  wooden  statue  is  car- 
ried into  the  country  and  fixed  upon  a  high  pole  planted  in  the  ground.  This  first 
pole  i3  surrounded  by  similar  ones,  upon  which  people  hang  gifts  for  the  gods,  each 
one  according  to  his  means.  At  nightfall  the  principal  citizens  divide  these  offerings 
among  themselves,  just  as  the  priests  do  with  the  crakes  and  other  offerings  given  them 
by  the  women.  Whoever  offers  the  divinity  the  most  valuable  presents  is  the  most 
honored.  Witnesses  are  present  when  the  gifts  are  offered,  who  announce  after  the 
ceremony  what  every  one  has  given,  just  as  notaries  might  do  in  Europe.  Each  one  is 
thus  stimulated  by  a  spirit  of  rivalry  to  outdo  his  neighbor.  From  sunrise  till  evening 
the  people  dance  round  this  statue,  clapping  their  hands,  and  when  nightfall  has 
barely  set  in,  the  image  and  the  pole  on  which  it  was  fixed  are  carried  away  and 
thrown  into  the  sea,  if  the  country  is  on  the  coast,  or  into  the  river,  if  it  is  along  a  river's 
bank.    Nothing  more  is  seen  of  it,  and  each  year  a  new  statue  is  made. 

The  natives  celebrate  a  third  festival,  during  which,  after  exhuming  a  long-buried 
skeleton,  they  erect  a  black  tent  out  in  the  country,  leaving  one  end  open  so  that  the 
sky  is  visible;  upon  a  blanket  placed  in  the  center  of  the  tent  they  then  spread  out 
the  bones.  Only  women  surround  the  tent,  all  of  them  weeping,  and  each  of  them 
offers  such  gifts  as  she  can  afford .  The  following  day  the  bones  are  carried  to  the  tomb 
and  are  henceforth  considered  sacred.  As  soon  as  they  are  buried,  or  everything  is 
ready  for  their  burial,  the  chief  priest  addresses  the  surrounding  people  from  the 
summit  of  a  mound,  upon  which  he  fulfills  the  functions  of  orator.  Ordinarily  he 
pronounces  a  eulogy  on  the  deceased,  or  on  the  immortality  of  the  soul,  or  the  future 
life.  He  says  that  souls  originally  came  from  the  icy  regions  of  the  north,  where  per- 
petual snow  prevails.  They  therefore  expiate  their  sins  under  the  master  of  that 
region  who  is  called  Mateczungua,  hut  they  return  to  the  southern  regions,  where 
another  great  sovereign,  Quexuga,  governs.  Quexuga  is  lame  and  is  of  a  sweet  and 
generous  disposition.  He  surrounds  the  newly  arrived  souls  with  numberless  atten- 
tions, and  with  him  they  enjoy  a  thousand  delights;  young  girls  sing  and  dance, 
parents  are  reunited  to  children,  and  ever>ahing  one  formerly  loved  is  enjoyed.  The 
old  grow  young  and  everybody  is  of  the  same  age.  occupied  only  in  giving  himself  up 
to  joy  and  pleasure.^ 

>  This  ceremony  seems  to  correspond  in  intention  to  the  Creek  busk,  but  the  form  of  it  is  quite  dilTerent. 
s  Compare  with  this  the  Chickasaw  belief  in  a  western  liuarter  peopled  by  malevolent  beings  through 
which  the  soul  passes  to  the  world  of  the  sky  deity  above. 


Such  are  the  verbal  traditioaa  haaded  down  to  them  from  their  ancestors.  They  are 
regarded  as  sacred  and  considered  authentic.  Whoever  dared  to  believe  differently 
would  be  ostracised.  These  natives  also  believe  that  we  live  under  the  vault  of 
heaven;  they  do  not  suspect  the  existence  of  the  antipodes.  They  think  the  sea  hafi 
its  gods,  and  believe  quite  as  many  foolish  things  about  them  as  Greece,  the  friend  of 
lies,  talked  about  Nereids  and  other  marine  gods — Glaucus,  Phorcus,  and  the  rest 
of  them. 

When  the  priest  has  finshed  his  speech  he  inhales  the  smoke  of  certain  herbs, 
puffing  it  in  and  out,  pretending  to  thus  purge  and  absolve  the  people  from  their 
sins.  After  this  ceremony  the  natives  return  home,  convinced  that  the  inventions 
of  this  impostor  not  only  soothe  the  spirits,  but  contribute  to  the  health  of  their  bodies. 

Another  fraud  of  the  priests  is  as  follows:  When  the  chief  is  at  death's  door  and 
about  to  give  up  his  soul  they  send  away  all  witnesses,  and  then  surrounding  his  bed 
they  perform  some  secret  jugglery  which  makes  him  appear  to  vomit  sparks  and 
ashes.  It  looks  like  sparks  jumping  from  a  bright  fu'e,  or  those  sulphured  papers, 
which  people  throw  into  the  air  to  amuse  themselves.  These  sparks,  rushing  through 
the  air  and  quickly  disappearing,  look  like  those  shooting  stars  which  people  call 
leaping  wild  goats.  The  moment  the  dying  man  expires  a  cloud  of  those  sparks 
shoots  up  3  cubits  high  with  a  noise  and  quickly  vanishes.  They  hail  this  flame  as 
the  dead  man's  soul,  bidding  it  a  last  farewell  and  accompanying  its  flight  with  their 
wailings,  tears,  and  funereal  cries,  absolutely  convinced  that  it  has  taken  its  flight 
to  heaven.     I^Amenting  and  weeping  they  escort  the  body  to  the  tomb. 

Widows  are  forbidden  to  marry  again  if  the  husband  has  died  a  natural  death;' 
but  if  he  has  been  executed  they  may  remarry.  The  natives  like  their  women  to  be 
chaste.  They  detest  immodesty  and  are  careful  to  put  aside  suspicious  women. 
The  lords  have  the  right  to  have  two  women,  but  the  common  people  have  only  one. 
The  men  engage  in  mechanical  occupations,  especiaUy  carpenter  work  and  tanning 
skins  of  wild  beasts,  while  the  women  busy  themselves  with  distaff,  spindle,  and 

Their  year  is  divided  into  12  moons.  Justice  is  administered  by  magistrates, 
criminals  and  the  guilty  being  severely  punished,  especially  thieves.  Their  kings 
are  of  gigantic  size,  as  we  have  already  mentioned.  All  the  provinces  we  have  named 
pay  them  tributes  and  these  tributes  are  paid  in  kind ;  for  they  are  free  from  the  pest 
of  money,  and  trade  is  carried  on  by  exchanging  goods.  They  love  games,  especially 
tennis;'  they  also  like  metal  circles  turned  vdth  movable  rings,  which  they  spin  on 
a  table,  and  they  shoot  arrows  at  a  mark.  They  use  torches  and  oil  made  from  dif- 
ferent fruits  for  illumination  at  night.  They  likewise  have  olive-trees.'  They 
invite  one  another  to  dinner.    Their  longe\'ity  is  great  and  their  old  age  is  robust. 

They  easily  cure  fevers  with  the  juice  of  plants,  as  they  also  do  their  w^ounds,  unless 
the  latter  are  mortal.  They  employ  simples,  of  which  they  are  acquainted  with  a 
great  many.  When  any  of  them  suffers  from  a  bilious  stomach  he  drinks  a  draught 
composed  of  a  common  plant  called  Guahi,^  or  eats  the  herb  itself;  after  which  he 
immediately  vomits  his  bile  and  feels  better.  This  is  the  only  medicament  they 
use,  and  they  never  consult  doctors  except  experienced  old  women,  or  priests  ac- 
quainted with  the  secret  \Trtue8  of  herbs.  They  have  none  of  our  delicacies,  and  as 
they  have  neither  the  perfumes  of  Araby  nor  fumigations  nor  foreign  spices  at  their 
disposition,  they  content  themselves  with  what  their  countr>'  produces  and  live 
happily  in  better  health  to  a  more  robust  old  age.  Various  dishes  and  different  foods 
are  not  required  to  satisfy  their  appetites,  for  they  are  contented  with  little. 

i  Probably  with  a  time  limitation  like  the  Miiskhogean.s. 
>  This,  of  course,  refers  to  the  great  southern  ball  game. 

*  Oil  was  extracted  from  acorns  and  several  kinds  of  nuts.    One  of  these  is  evidently  intended. 

*  Perhaps  the  I  lei  vwnitoria  from  which  the  "black  drink  "  was  brewed. 

46  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

It  is  quite  laughable  to  hear  how  the  people  salute  the  lords  and  how  the  king 
responds,  especially  to  his  nobles.  As  a  sign  of  respect  the  one  who  salutes  puts 
his  hands  to  his  nostrils  and  gives  a  bellow  like  a  bull,  after  which  he  extends  his 
hands  toward  the  forehead  and  in  front  of  the  face.  The  king  does  not  bother  to 
return  the  salutes  of  his  people,  and  responds  to  the  nobles  by  half  bending  his  head 
toward  the  left  shoulder  without  saying  anything. 

I  now  come  to  a  fact  which  will  app^r  incredible  to  your  excellency.  You 
already  know  that  the  ruler  of  this  region  is  a  tyrant  of  gigantic  size.  How  does  It 
happen  that  only  he  and  his  wife  have  attained  this  extraordinary  size?  No  one  of 
their  subjects  has  explained  this  to  me,  but  I  have  questioned  the  above-mentioned 
licenciate  Ayllon,  a  serious  and  responsible  man,  who  had  his  information  from  those 
who  had  shared  with  him  the  cost  of  the  expedition.  I  likewise  questioned  the 
servant  Francisco,  to  whom  the  neighbors  had  spoken.  Neither  nature  nor  birth 
has  given  these  princes  the  advantage  of  size  as  an  hereditary  gift;  they  have  acquired 
it  by  artifice.  While  they  are  still  in  their  cradles  and  in  charge  of  their  nurses, 
experts  in  the  matter  are  called,  who  by  the  application  of  certain  herbs,  soften  their 
young  bones.  During  a  period  of  several  days  they  rub  the  limbs  of  the  child  with 
these  herbs,  until  the  bones  become  as  soft  as  wax.  They  then  rapidly  bend  them 
in  such  wise  that  the  infant  is  almost  killed.  Afterwards  they  feed  the  nurse  on 
foods  of  a  special  \'irtue.  The  child  is  wrapped  in  warm  covers,  the  nurse  gives  it 
her  breast  and  revives  it  with  her  milk,  thus  gifted  with  strengthening  properties. 
After  some  days  of  rest  the  lamentable  task  of  stretching  the  bones  is  begun  anew. 
Such  is  the  explanation  given  by  the  servant,  Francisco  (^hicorana. 

The  Dean  of  La  Concepcion,  whom  I  have  mentioned,  received  from  the  Indians 
stolen  on  the  vessel  that  was  saved  explanations  differing  from  those  furnished  to 
Ayllon  and  his  associates.  These  explanations  dealt  with  medicaments  and  other 
means  used  for  increasing  the  size.  There  was  no  torturing  of  the  bones,  but  a  very 
stimulating  diet  composed  of  crushed  herbs  was  used.  This  diet  was  given  princi- 
pally at  the  age  of  puberty,  when  it  is  nature's  tendency  to  develop,  and  sustenance 
is  converted  into  flesh  and  bones.  Certainly  it  is  an  extraordinary  fact,  but  we  must 
remember  what  is  told  about  these  herbs,  and  if  their  hidden  virtues  could  be  learned 
I  would  willingly  believe  in  their  efficacy.  We  understand  that  only  the  kings  are 
allowed  to  use  them,  for  if  anyone  else  dared  to  taste  them,  or  to  obtain  the  recipe  of 
this  diet,  he  would  be  guilty  of  treason,  for  he  would  appear  to  equal  the  king.  It  is 
considered,  after  a  fashion,  that  the  king  should  not  be  the  size  of  everybody  else, 
for  he  should  look  down  upon  and  dominate  those  who  approach  him.  Such  is  the 
story  told  to  me,  and  I  repeat  it  for  what  it  is  worth.  Your  excellency  may  believe 
it  or  not. 

I  have  already  sufficiently  described  the  ceremonies  and  cuHtoms  of  these  natives. 
Let  us  now  turn  our  attention  to  the  study  of  nature.  Hread  and  meat  have  been 
considered ;  let  us  devote  our  attention  to  trees. 

There  are  in  this  country  virgin  forests  of  oak,  pine,  cypress,  nut  and  almond  trees, 
amongst  the  branches  of  which  riot  wild  vines,  whose  white  and  black  grapes  are 
not  used  for  wine-making,  for  the  people  manufacture  their  drinks  from  other  fruits. 
There  are  likewise  fig-trees  and  other  kinds  of  spice-plants.  The  trees  are  improved 
by  grafting,  just  as  with  us:  though  without  cultivation  they  would  continue  in  a 
wild  state.  The  natives  cultivate  gardens  in  which  grows  an  abundance  of  vegeta- 
bles, and  they  take  an  interest  in  growing  their  orchards.  They  even  have  trees  in 
their  gardens.  One  of  these  trees  is  called  the  eorito,  of  which  the  fruit  resembles  a 
small  melon  in  size  and  flavor.  Another  called  ^uacumine  b<*ars  fruit  a  little  larger 
than  a  quince  of  a  delicate  and  remarkable  o<lor,  and  which  in  very  \vhole.*<onie.  They 
plant  and  cultivate  many  other  trees  and  i)lant.s,  of  which  I  shall  not  npeak  further, 
lest  by  telling  everything  at  one  breath  1  become  monotonous.' 

»  Peter  Martyr.  Pe  Orbe  Novo,  n,  pp.  259- 2e». 


In  this  narrative  there  appears  to  bo  very  little  not  based  on  fact. 
The  sharp-tailed  people  are,  as  noted,  still  believed  in  by  the  southern 
Indians,  from  which  we  may  infer  that  the  story  regarding  them  was 
known  throughout  the  South.  As  to  the  receipts  for  making  giants 
they  are  such  as  any  Indian  might  believe  efficacious  and  where  great 
stature  happened  to  follow  assume  that  his  treatment  had  been  the 
efficient  cause,  and  when  it  did  not  that  the  fault  did  not  lie  with 
the  medicines.  The  notion  that  doer  were  herded  and  milked  might 
very  well  have  originated  in  the  fact  that  the  Spaniards  encountered 
pet  animals  in  certain  of  the  villages  they  visited.  The  ceremonials 
described  are  the  reverse  of  improbable.  The  reverence  for  a  male 
and  a  female  deity  connected  with  sowing  and  harvesting  would 
seem  to  be  the  result  of  a  natural  association  of  sexual  processes  with 
germination  in  the  vegetable  world;  and  the  ceremonies  over  the 
bones  of  the  dead  recall  what  Lawson  tells  us  of  the  separation  of  the 
flesh  from  the  bones  among  the  Santee  and  interment  in  mounds.  It 
is  a  ciuious  and  interesting  fact  that,  although  the  name  Chicora 
appears  most  prominently  in  subsequent  histories  and  charts,  so  as  to 
give  its  name  to  a  large  part  of  the  Carohnas,  Peter  Martyr,  the 
original  authority  for  most  that  has  been  said  about  that  country, 
assigns  it  a  very  subordinate  position.  As  already  noted,  the  greater 
part  of  what  he  has  to  tell  applies  to  Duharo,  the  second  province 
visited  by  the  Spaniards,  and  ho  seems  to  say  that  aU  of  the  provinces 
which  he  mentions*  were  subject  to  the  king  of  Duharo  and  paid 
him  tribute.  At  least  ho  says  as  much  for  Hitha,  Xamunambe, 
and  Tihe.  Of  course  no  reUanco  can  be  placed  upon  tales  of  sub- 
jection and  the  exaction  of  tribute,  but  at  least  Duharo  was  plainly  a 
very  important  country  at  that  time,  distinctly  overshadowing  Chi- 
cora. What  is  said  about  the  people  of  Tihe  being,  as  it  were,  a  race 
of  priests  is  interesting,  and  may  mean  that  they  were  of  a  differ- 
ent stock.  It  is  probable  that  Inzignanin  (or  rather  Inziguanin), 
the  inhabitants  of  which  told  about  the  race  of  sharp-tails,  was  a 
province  farther  south  than  the  others,  perhaps  in  the  Cusabo  or 
Quale  country,  but  so  far  it  has  been  impossible  to  identify  it. 
Chicora  and  Duhare  were  evidently  upon  the  coast,  but  how  far.  apart 
we  do  not  know.  Unfortunately  Peter  Martyr  does  not  tell  us  whether 
the  Spaniards  turned  north  or  south  from  Chicora  in  going  to  the 
latter  province.  We  may  feel  pretty  certain  that  both  were  in 
Siouan  territory,  but  more  than  that  we  can  not  say  with  any  degree 
of  assurance. 

For  information  regarding  the  people  of  Gualdapo  wo  must  consult 
Oviedo.  While,  as  wo  have  said,  the  quotations  made  from  Peter 
Martyr  evidently  apply  to  some  of  the  eastoni  Siouan  tribos,  we  now 

1  See  p.  43. 


como  to  Indians  almost  certainly  of  Muskhogean  stock.     The  foDow- 

ing  is  Oviedo's  description : 

The  country  of  Gualdape,  as  well  as  from  the  river  of  Santa  Elena  toward  the  west, 
is  all  level.  The  Spaniards  who  came  with  the  licentiate  Ayllon  did  not  see  the  vil- 
lages; they  only  met  with  a  few  isolated  houses  or  cabins  forming  little  hamlets,  at 
great  distances  one  from  the  other.  On  some  of  the  small  islands  on  the  coast  there  are 
certain  mosques  or  temples  of  those  idolatrous  people  and  many  remains  [bones]  of 
their  dead,  those  of  the  elders  apart  from  those  of  the  young  people  or  children.  They 
look  like  the  ossuaries  or  burying  places  of  the  common  people;  the  bodies  of  their 
principal  people  Sure  in  temples  by  themselves  or  in  little  chapels  in  another  community 
and  also  on  little  islands.  And  those  houses  or  temples  have  walls  of  stone  and  mortar 
(which  mortar  they  make  of  oyster  shells)  and  they  are  about  one  estado  and  a  half  in 
height,*  the  rest  of  the  biulding  above  this  wall  being  made  of  wood  (pine).  There 
are  many  pines  there.  There  are  several  principal  ^  houses  all  along  the  coast  and 
each  one  of  them  must  be  considered  by  those  people  to  be  a  village,  for  they  are  very 
big  and  they  are  constructed  of  very  tall  and  beautiful  pines,  leaving  the  crown  of 
leaves  at  the  top.  After  having  set  up  one  row  of  trees  to  form  one  wall,  they  set  up 
the  opposite  side,  leaving  a  space  between  the  two  sides  of  from  15  to  30  feet,  the 
length  of  the  walls  l)eing  300  or  more  feet.  As  they  intertwine  the  branches  at  the 
top  and  so  in  this  manner  there  is  no  need  for  a  tiled  roof  or  other  covering,  they 
cover  it  all  with  matting  interwoven  between  the  logs  where  there  may  be  hollows 
or  open  places.  Furthermore  they  can  cross  those  beams  with  other  [pines]  placed 
lengthwise  on  the  inside,  thus  increasing  the  thickness  of  their  walls.  In  this  way  the 
wall  is  thick  and  strong,  because  the  beams  are  very  close  together.  In  each  one  of 
those  houses  there  is  easily  room  enough  for  200  men  and  in  Indian  fashion  they  can 
live  in  them,  placing  the  opening  for  the  door  where  it  is  most  convenient.' 

Lower  down  Oviedo  mentions  '^  blackberries,  which,  being  dried, 
the  Indians  keep  to  eat  in  the  winter/**  This  is  practically  aU  the 
ethnological  information  which  the  historians  of  the  AyDon  expedi- 
tions furnish.  It  is  interesting  to  find  the  mat  communal  house, 
which  does  not  appear  to  have  been  used  by  the  Creeks,  in  existence 
so  far  south,  but  Oviedo  is  probably  in  error  in  representing  the  walls 
as  constructed  of  hving  trees.  The  ossuaries  described  show  that 
the  custom  of  erecting  them,  so  common  along  the  lower  Mississippi, 
extended  eastward  as  far  as  the  Atlantic. 

Our  next  information  regarding  the  Ousabo  and  their  neighbors 
comes  from  the  chroniclers  of  the  French  Huguenot  expeditions  to 
Carolina  and  Horida.  The  first  of  these  loft  France  February  18, 
1562,  under  Jean  Ribault,  and  after  a  voyage  of  two  months  made 
land  at  about  30°  N.  lat.,  in  what  is  now  the  State  of  Florida.  The 
explorers  then  turned  nortli  and  after  having  some  intercourse  with 
the  Indians  at  the  mouth  of  the  present  St.  Johns  River,  which  they 
named  the  River  May  from  the  month  in  wliich  it  had  been  discovered, 
resumed  their  voyage  northward  along  the  coast.  They  observed 
the  mouths  of  eight  rivers,  which  they  named  in  succession  the  Seine, 
Somme,  Ijoire,  Charente,  (jaronne,  (Jironde,  Belle,  and  Grande,  and 

>  An  rstado  is  1.S5  yards.  »  Oviedo,  HLst.  Ccn.,  m,  pp.  63(V-«31. 

« In  this  case  "  principal "  means  gr«?ftt  or  large.  *  Ibid.,  p.  631. 




finally  they  entered  the  mouth  of  a  broad  river  which  *'by  reason  of 
its  beauty  and  grandeur"  they  called  Port  Royal.  This  was  the 
inlet  in  South  Carolina  which  still  bears  the  name  of  Port  Royal 
Sound,  and  here,  before  he  returned  to  France,  Ribault  left  a  colony 
of  28  men,  constructing  for  them  a  smaU  fort  near  the  modem  Port 
Royal,  South  Carolina.  Ribault  himself  then  continued  northeast 
along  the  coast  for  a  short  distance,  but  becoming  alarmed  at  the 
numerous  bars  and  shallows  which  he  encountered  and  believing 
he  had  accomplished  sufficient  for  one  voyage,  he  returned  to  France. 
Meanwhile  the  settlers  whom  he  had  left  finished  their  fort  and  then 
set  out  to  explore  the  country.  Very  fortunately  they  placed  them- 
selves on  the  best  of  terms  with  their  Indian  neighbors,  from  whom 
they  obtained  provisions  sufficient  for  their  sustenance,  giving  the 
Indians  in  exchange  articles  of  iron  and  other  sorts  of  merchandise. 
The  building  in  which  most  of  their  provisions  were  kept  was,  how- 
ever, destroyed  by  fire,  troubles  broke  out  among  them,  and  finally 
the  survivors  built  a  small  vessel  and  left  the  country.  On  the 
voyage  they  ran  short  of  provisions  and  some  of  them  starved  to 
death,  but  the  survivors  were  at  length  rescued  by  an  English  vessel, 
and  part  of  them  ultimately  reached  France. 

From  the  story  of  these  survivors  recorded  by  Laudonnidre  *  and 
the  data  on  Le  Moyne's  map  *  we  are  enabled  to  get  an  inter- 
esting glimpse  of  the  number,  names,  and  disposition  of  the  tribes 
of  this  section  in  the  year  1562,  as  also  some  important  information 
regarding  their  ceremonies.  From  these  sources  it  appears  that  on 
the  west  side  of  Broad  River,  opposite  Port  Royal  Island,  were 
four  small  tribes.  The  first  encountered  in  going  up  is  caDed  by 
the  French  Audusta'  or  Adusta*,  the  second  Touppa*  or  Toupa.* 
Beyond  this  Le  Moyne  places  Mayon,*  omitting  Hoya,*  the  fourth, 
from  his  map  entirely.  From  the  order  in  which  Laudonnidre 
enumerates  the  tribes,  however,  it  would  seem  probable  that  Hoya 
lay  between  Touppa  and  Mayon;  at  any  rate  it  was  in  the  immediate 
neighborhood.  Farther  toward  the  north,  apparently  on  the  chan- 
nel between  Port  Royal  Island  and  the  mainland,  was  Stalame.^ 
These  five,  according  to  the  chief,  Audusta,  were  in  alliance,  or 
rather  on  terms  of  friendship,  with  each  other.'  Farther  along  in 
the  narrative  we  learn  of  a  chief  called  Maccou  living  on  the  channels 
southwest  of  Port  Royal  Sound."  It  should  be  noted  that,  foDowing 
the  feudal  custom  then  prevalent  in  Europe,  the  chiefs  in  this  narra- 
tive are  given  the  names  of  their  tribes.  Yet  more  toward  the 
south,  beyond  Maccou,  hved  two  chiefs,  said  to  be  brothers.     The 

»  Hist.  Not.  de  la  Floride,  pp.  15-59. 

*  Narr.  of  Le  Moyne,  map. 

*  Laudonnidre,  op.  cit.,  p.  42. 

148061°— 22 1 

«  Le  Moyne,  op.  cit. 

•  Laudonnlftre,  op.  oit.,  p.  41. 

•  n)id.,  p.  47. 


nearer  was  named  Ouad6,  the  more  distant  Couexis  (Covexis).^ 
According  to  the  narrative  of  Laudonnidre  they  found  Ouad6  on  the 
river  they  had  named  "Belle/'  and,  since  messengers  sent  by  Ouad6 
to  Ck)uexis  for  a  quantity  of  provisions,  returned  with  it  very  early 
the  next  day,  it  is  evident  that  Couexis  was  only  a  short  distance 
beyond.'  From  what  has  already  been  said  and  from  other  parts 
of  Laudonnidre's  narrative  it  is  evident  that  all  these  tribes  except 
the  two  last  mentioned  were  close  friends,  and  we  may  suspect  that 
they  were  related.  Ouad6  and  Couexis,  though  not  hostile  to  the 
others,  seem  to  have  stood  apart  from  them,  but  there  is  no  internal 
evidence  that  the  languages  of  any  of  them  differed  in  the  slightest 
degree."  Of  the  first  group  there  seems  little  doubt  that  Audusta  or 
Adusta  was  the  tribe  afterwards  known  as  Edisto,  although  they 
were  some  distance  from  the  river  which  now  bears  their  name,  the 
shores  of  which  were  apparently  occupied  by  them  at  a  later  period. 
The  name  Hoya  does  not  occur  in  Carolina  documents,  but  it  is 
given  by  Ibarra,  Vandera,  and  the  missionary  Juan  Rogel  in  the 
forms  Oya,  Hoya,  or  Ahoya.*  Vandera  mentions  another  place 
near  Ahoya  called  Ahoyabe,  "a  Uttle  town  subject  to  Ahoya."* 
Maccou  is  the  tribe  which  appears  in  these  Spanish  accounts  as 
Escamacu  or  Uscamacu,  "  an  island  surrounded  by  rivers."  •  Touppa 
and  Mayon  can  not  be  found  in  Spanish  narratives,  nor  are  we  able 
to  identify  them  with  any  names  in  the  documents  of  South  Caro- 
lina. Even  in  Laudonnifire's  history  they  seem  to  occupy  a  sub- 
ordinate position,  and  it  is  probable  that  in  Pardo's  time  they  had 
become  united  with  the  Orista,  Escamacu,  or  Hoya.  Very  Ukely 
one  of  them  is  the  iVhoyabe  above  noted.  The  failure  of  the  Span- 
iards to  mention  Stalame  may  have  a  different  meaning.  This 
tribe  lay  somewhat  apart  from  the  others;  away  from  the  trail 
foDowed  by  Pardo  in  his  various  expeditions  into  the  interior.  Since 
we  find  in  later  times  that  the  Audusta  or  Orista  had  affixed  their 
name  to  Edisto  River  farther  east  it  is  possible  that  the  Stalame  had 
then  moved  still  farther  east,  and  I  venture  a  guess,  followuig  a  con- 
jecture of  Mooiiey,  that  they  are  the  Stouo  of  later  colonial  history. 
Of  the  two  tribes  lying  southward  a  complete  continuity  of  infor- 
mation shows  that  Ouad6  was  the  Guale  of  the  Spaniards  and  the 
Wallie  of  the  EugUsIi,  and  therefon^  that  their  homo  was  near  and 
gave  its  name  to  St.  Catherines  Island  on  the  (icorgia  coast.  Couexis 
would  then  apply  to  one  of  the  Guale  tribes  or  towiis  unless  wo  are 
to  discern  in  it  an  ancient  form  of  the  name  Coosa. 

»  Laudcamifere,  Hist.  Not.  de  la  Floridc,  p.  47. 
»  Ibid.,  pp.  48,  61-52. 
>  See  p.  18. 

*  Serrano  y  Sanx,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  1>*;  liuidiai,  La  Florida,  ii,  pp.  MH,  481. 
6  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  n,  p.  481. 

•  Ibid.,  pp.^,  481.    Also  spelled  Escamaqu,  Eescamaqu,  Escamaquu,  Escaiiiatu,C.amacu,and  Camaqu 

(see  p.  21). 




This  identification  of  Ouad6  is  important  because  it  enables  us  to 
fix  with  something  approaching  certainty  the  location  of  the  rivers 
and  islands  named  by  Ribault.  Researches  among  documents  from 
Spanish  sources  have  enabled  the  writer  to  determine  with  even 
greater  accuracy  the  equivalent  names  appUed  by  the  Spaniards, 
and  as  this  information  will  be  of  some  value  both  to  future  ethnolo- 
gists and  future  historians,  as  well  as  of  immediate  utility  ixk  the 
present  bulletin,  it  is  incorporated  in  the  subjoined  table.  The 
names  in  this  table  rmi  from  south  to  north,  beginning  with  the  coast 
north  of  St.  Augustine,  Fla.  The  French  *' rivers"  are  practically 
identical  with  the  bays,  sounds,  and  entrances  of  Spanish,  English, 
and  American  writers,  although,  indeed,  one  or  more  rivers  falls  into 
each  of  these. 

Geographical  Names  from  St.  Augustine  to  Cape  Fear 


Rivi^e  de  Hay. 

R.  de  Sarauahl  (or  Soranay), 
called  R.  Halixnacani  and  (mis- 
takenly?) R.  Somme  in  the 
Gourgues  narrative. 

Ue  de  May. 

Riviere  Seine. 

Ue  de  la  Seine. 

Riviere  Somme  (called  Aine  by 

Le  Moyne). 
Ue  de  la  Somme. 

Rivifere  Loire. 
He  de  la  Loire. 
Riviere  Charente. 
Ue  de  la  Charente. 
Riviere  Garonne. 
He  de  la  Garonne. 
Riviere  Gironde. 
lie  de  la  Gironde. 
Riviere  Belle. 

He  de  la  Riviere  Belle. 

RiWere  Grande. 

He  de  la  Riviere  Grande. 


Isla  de  Santa  Gnu. 
Rio  de  Sas  Mateo. 
Isla  de  San  Juan. 
Bahia  de  Santi.  Maria  (or  B.  dc 


Ccast  land  north  of  St.  Augustine. 
River  St.  Johns. 
Talbot  Island. 
Nassau  Sound. 

Amelia  Island. 
St.  Marys  River. 

Ciunberland  Island. 
St.  Andrews  Sound. 

Isla  de  Santa  Maria. 

Bahia  de  San  Pedro  (or  Tacata- 

Isla  de  San  Pedro  (or  Tacatacuru). 
Bahia    de    Ballenas    ("Bay    of 

Isla  de  Gualequini  (or  Obalda-    Jekyllsland. 

Bahia  de  Gualequini. 
Isla  do  Asao  (or  Talaxe). 
Bahia  de  Asao  (or  Talaxe). 

Bahia  de  Espogue. 

Isla  de  Sapala. 

Bahia  de  Sapala. 

Isla  de  Santa  Catarina  (or  Giiale). 

Bahia  de  Santa  Catarina  (or  Cofo- 

Isla  de  Asopo. 
Bahia  de  Asopo. 

Rivij^re  Dulce. 


Rio  Dulce. 

Bahia  de  loa    Baxos  ("Bay   of 


(See  He  de  la   Riviere    Grande    Isla delosOsos(" Island  of  bears"), 

Riviere  de  Port  Royal.  Bahia  de  Santa  Elena. 

He  de  Port  RoyaL  Isla  de  Santa  Elena. 

Riviere  de  BeUe  Voir  (7).  Bahia  de  Crista. 

He  de  Belle  Voir  (T).  

Bahia  de  Ostano. 

Bahia  de  Cayagiia. 

Riviere  Jordan.  Rio  Jordan. 

Rio  de  San  Lorenro  (also  Rio  de 

Chico,  perhaps  also  Rio  de  San 
Juan  Bautista).> 

Cap  Roman.  C^abo  Romano. 

St.  Simon  Sound. 
St.  Simon  Island. 
Altamaha  Sound. 
Wolf  Island. 
Doboy  Sound. 
Sapelo  Island. 
Sapelo  River. 
St.  Catherines  Island. 
St.  Catherines  Sound. 

Ossalww  Island. 
OK.sabaw  Sound. 
Great  Wassaw  Island  (or  llilton 

Head  Island). 
Wassaw  Sound. 
Savannah  River. 
Tyboe  Roads. 

Hilton  Head  Island. 

Port  Royal  Sound. 

St.  Helena  Island. 

St.  Helena  Sound. 

Edisto  Island. 

North  Edisto  River. 

Charleston  Harbor. 

Santee  River. 

Winyaw  Bay  (and  Pedee  River). 

Cape  Fear. 

'  See  pp.  S-Vaii. 

52  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [boll.  73 

The  French  names  of  the  coast  islands  are  for  the  most  part 
inferred  from  a  statement  by  Ribanlt  to  the  effect  that  the  island 
(or  the  land  assumed  by  him  to  be  an  island)  was  given  the  same 
name  as  the  river  immediately  south  of  it.*  Not  having  access  to 
his  chart,  I  have  been  unable  to  check  up  the  identification  of  these 
islands.  In  his  narrative,  or  the  translations  of  it  available,  the 
Garonne  is  omitted  from  the  list  of  rivers,*  but  I  am  inclmed  to 
beUeve  this  is  accidental.  Le  Moyne  makes  another  innovation  by 
substituting  the  name  Aine  [Aisne]  for  Somme.'  The  writer  would 
have  attributed  this  to  a  mere  blunder  were  it  not  that  in  the  narra- 
tive of  the  Gourgues  expedition  the  name  Somme  is  apphed  to  a 
stream  between  the  ''Seine''  (St.  Marys)  and  the  ''May"  (St.  Johns), 
probably  the  Sarauahi  of  other  French  writers,  the  present  Nassau.' 
Therefore  it  is  possible  that  soiiie  change  in  nomenclature  was  made 
by  certain  of  the  French  explorers. 

Just  north  of  the  River  Grande  Ribault  and  his  companions  encoun- 
tered bad  weather  which  made  it  necessary  for  them  to  put  out  to  sea. 
When  they  came  shoreward  again  the  vessel  in  which  Laudonnifere  sailed 
discovered  another  river,  which  they  named  Belle  k  Veoir,  or  Belle 
Voir.  Le  Moyne  gives  this  as  a  river  encountered  south  of  Port 
Royal,  but  his  text  is  based  on  Laudonnidre  and  on  a  misunder- 
standing of  that,  so  that  it  may  be  discarded  as  authority.  For 
instance,  where  Laudonnifere  says  that  from  the  River  Grande  they 
explored  northward  toward  the  River  Jordan,  Le  Mo3me  has  it  that 
they  reached  that  river,  and  he  places  it  between  the  Grande  and 
"  BeUe  Voir.''  *  On  his  map,  however,  the  Belle  Voir  does  not  appear, 
the  Grande  being  next  to  Port  Royal,  and  the  Jordan  is  correctly 
located  north  of  the  latter  place.  The  fact  of  the  matter  appears  to  be 
this.  After  leaving  Ossabaw  Sound  and  having  been  forced  to  sea  by 
stormy  weather,  Ribault's  vessel  passed  northward  of  Broad  River, 
discovered  one  of  the  rivers  flowing  into  St.  Helena  Sound  and 
named  it  Belle  Voir.  But  in  the  meantime  one  of  liis  other  ships  had 
gotten  into  Broad  River,  and  when  it  rejoined  the  rest  informed 
Ribault  of  the  great  advantages  of  that  inlet,  with  the  result  that  they 
tiUTied  back  and  made  their  settlement  there.  Therefore  in  Ribault's 
narrative  the  River  Belle  Voir  is  placed  north  of  Port  Royal.  Later, 
when  the  colonists  sent  men  to  Ouad6  asking  for  food,  they  came 
upon  a  river  of  fresh  water  10  leagues  from  their  fort.     This  is  the 

1  French,  Hist.  CoUs.  La.,  1875, 2d  ser.,  n,  p.  183. 

s  Le  ICosrne,  Narr.,  descr.  of  illus.,  p.  2. 

»  Laudonni^e,  Hist.  Not.  de  la  Floride,  p.  211;  French,  Hist.  Colls,  l.a.,  181,9,  2d  scr.,  i,  pp.  350-351; 
Ibid.,  1875,  ad  ser.,  n,  p.  279.  The  Gourgues  narratives  give  the  native  name  of  t  his  stream  as  Haiimacani, 
after  a  Timucua  chief  whose  town  was  near  the  mouth  of  the  St.  Johns  on  the  north  si<le,  while  St.  George 
Inlet,  or  a  stream  flowing  into  it,  is  called  Sarabay,  the  Sarrauahi  of  earUer  French  ^Titers.  As  indicated 
above,  I  believe  the  last-mentioned  name  was  originally  applied  to  Nassau  Inlet. 

*  Narr.  of  Le  Moyne,  desc.  of  illus.,  p.  2. 


River  Dulce  of  Le  Moyne — on  his  map  erroneously  inserted  between 
the  Rivers  Grande  and  Belle — and  in  all  probability  is  identical 
with  Savannah  River. 

The  only  remaining  tribal  name  mentioned  by  LaudonniSre  is 
Chiquola/  but  the  circumstances  imder  which  it  was  obtained  render 
its  ethnographical  value  very  slight.  Being  familiar  with  some  of 
the  narratives  of  the  Ayllon  expedition  in  which  Chicora  is  given  con- 
siderable prominence,  Laudonniftre  inquired  of  the  Indians  whom 
he  met  regarding  it.  He  was  entirely  imacquainted  with  their 
language  but  imderstood  that  they  were  trying  to  tell  him  that  Chi- 
quola  was  the  greatest  lord  of  all  that  coimtry,  that  he  surpassed 
themselves  in  height  by  a  foot  and  a  half,  and  that  he  lived  to  the 
north  in  a  large  palisaded  town.  Later  he  tells  us  that  the  fact  of 
the  existence  of  such  a  chief  and  his  great  power  were  confirmed  by 
those  who  were  left  to  form  a  settlement.  If  there  is  any  truth  in 
this  story  and  the  Indians  were  not  simply  teUing  what  they  thought 
the  explorers  would  like  to  hear,  the  great  town  was  probably  that  of 
the  Kasihta.^ 

In  1564  a  Spanish  vessel  was  sent  from  Habana  to  find  the  French 
and  root  them  out,  and  the  narrative  of  this  expedition  states 
that  there  were  said  to  be  17  towns  aroimd  the  Bay  of  Santa  Elena.  A 
town  called  Usta  is  mentioned,  evidently  identical  with  Audusta,  and 
another  town,  not  elsewhere  recorded,  called  Yanahume.*  In  the 
former  was  a  Frenchman  who  had  remained  in  the  country  rather 
than  take  chances  in  the  small  vessel  in  which  his  companions  had 
ventured  forth. 

The  same  year  Laudonnidre  again  sailed  for  America,  but  this  time 
the  Frenchmen  decided  to  settle  upon  St.  Johns  River,  Florida,  and 
they  did  not  return  to  Port  Royal.  The  year  following  their  new 
settlement  was  destroyed  by  the  Spaniards  imder  Men^ndez,  and 
French  attempts  to  colonize  the  Carolinas  and  Florida  came  to  an  end. 

In  a  letter  written  shortly  after  his  conquest,  Menfindez  states  that 
he  had  heard  that  the  elder  brother  of  Ribault  with  the  survivors 
from  the  French  garrison  *'had  gone  25  leagues  away,  toward  the 
north,  to  a  very  good  port  called  Guale,  because  the  Indians  of  that 
place  were  his  friends,  and  that  there  were  within  3  or  4  leagues 
40  vUlages  of  Indians  belonging  to  two  brothers,  one  of  whom  was 
named  Cansin  and  the  other  Guale.  ^'^  In  Cansin  and  Quale  we  of 
course  recognize,  in  spite  of  changes  and  corruptions  in  orthography, 
Couexis  and  Ouad6.  In  the  spring  of  1566  Men^ndez  sailed  north- 
ward himself  and  reached  Guale,  where  he  was  informed  by  a  French 
refugee  that  Guale  and  Orista  were  at  war  with  each  other  and  that 

1  Laudonni^,  Hist.  Mot.  de  la  Floride,  pp.  29-^1.  a  I.owery,  MSB.  in  Lib.  Codk. 

•See  p.  210.  *  Ruldiaz,  La  Florida,  n,  p.  145. 

54  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

the  ))oople  of  Gualo  had  captured  two  men  belougiiig  to  those  of 
Orista.  Men^ndez  prevailed  upon  the  Guale  chief  to  make  peace 
with  his  northern  neighbor,  who  is  said  to  have  been  the  more  power- 
ful of  the  two — the  advantage  which  had  been  gained  over  him  having 
been  due  to  the  French  refugees  at  Ouale.  Then,  taking  the  two 
Orista  captives  with  him,  and  leaving  two  Spaniards  as  hostages, 
Men^ndez  kept  on  toward  the  north  and  finally  entered  Broad 
River.  There  he  foimd  that  the  town  of  Orista,  which  is  of  course 
identical  with  the  French  Audusta,  had  been  burned  and  the  inhabit- 
ants were  starting  to  rebuild  it.  The  Indians  met  him  at  first  in  no 
friendly  spirit,  but  through  the  mediation  of  his  two  captives  he  soon 
placed  himself  upon  good  terms  with  them,  and  they  sent  to  all  the 
surrounding  villages  to  siunmon  the  chiefs  and  people  to  come  to  see 
him.  "They  lighted  great  fires,  brought  many  shellfish,  and  a  great 
multitude  of  Indians  came  that  night,  and  three  chiefs  who  were 
subject  to  Orista;  they  counselled  him  that  he  should  go  to  another 
village  a  league  from  Orista,  where  many  other  chiefs  would  come  to 
see  him.*'  The  next  day  Orista  himself  and  two  more  chiefs  came, 
along  with  other  Indians.  "Many  Indians  came  laden  with  com, 
cooked  and  roasted  fish,  oysters,  and  many  acorns,''  and  the  Spanish 
leader  on  his  side  brought  out  biscuits,  wine,  and  honey.  After  the 
feast  "  they  placed  the  Adelantado  in  the  seat  of  the  chief,  and  Orista 
approached  him  with  various  ceremonies,  and  took  his  hands;  after- 
wards the  other  chiefs  and  Indians  did  the  same  thing — the  mother 
and  relatives  of  the  two  slaves  whom  they  had  brought  from  Guale 
wept  for  joy.  Afterwards  they  began  to  sing  and  dance,  the  chiefs 
and  some  of  the  principal  Indians  remaining  with  the  Adelantado; 
and  the  celebration  and  rejoicing  lasted  until  midnight,  when  they 
retired. '*  Later  the  Spaniards  returned  to  the  village  of  Orista 
itself,  where  they  were  again  hospitably  entertained.  "  In  the  morn- 
ing the  chief  took  the  Adelantado  to  a  very  large  house,  and  placed 
him  in  his  seat,  going  over  with  him  the  same  ceremony  that  had 
been  performed  in  the  first  village."  The  Spaniards  were  presented 
with  well-tanned  deerskins  and  some  pearls,  although  these  were  of 
little  value,  because  they  had  been  burned.  At  Men^ndez's  request 
the  chief  showed  him  a  site  suitable  for  a  fort,  which  was  begun  forth- 
with and  received  the  name  of  San  Felipe.  On  his  way  back  Meu6n- 
dez  was  able  to  make  such  au  impression  on  the  Indians  of  Guale, 
who  believed  that  the  cross  he  had  set  up  in  their  to^Mi  had  ])een 
instrumental  in  breaking  a  long  drought,  that  they  desired  to  have 
Christians  left  with  them  and  inside  of  the  islands  along  the  Georgia 
coast  many  Indians  came  down  to  the  shore  to  bog  for  crosses. 
Barcia  states  that  a  bolt  of  lightning  having  fallen  on  a  tree  near  the 
cross  which  had  been  set  up  at  Guale  "  the  Indians,  men  and  women, 
all  ran  to  the  place  and  picked  up  the  splinters  in  order  to  keep 


them  ill  their  houses  as  relics."'  The  isiaud  of  Guale,  2is  already 
stated,  was  St.  Catherines  Island.  It  is  described  in  the  narrative 
which  we  have  just  quoted  as  ''about  4  or  5  leagues  in  diameter.'' 
In  August  Men^ndez  again  visited  Fort  San  Felipe  and  Guale,  but  his 
stay  was  short.  Finding  the  garrison  at  the  former  place  in  serious 
straits  for  food,  he  directed  Juan  Pardo  to  take  150  soldiers  inland 
and  quarter  them  at  intervals  upon  the  natives.  While  there  are 
several  accounts  of  this  and  subsequent  expeditions  undertaken  by 
Pardo  into  the  interior,  the  only  one  that  concerns  us  here  is  a  Rela- 
tion by  Juan  de  la  Vandera,  in  command  of  the  post  at  San  Felipe, 
which  sets  forth  ''the  places  and  what  sort  of  land  is  to  be  found  at 
each  place  among  the  provinces  of  Florida,  through  which  Captain 
Juan  Pardo,  at  the  command  of  Pero  Men^ndez  de  Avilfis,  entered 
to  discover  a  road  to  New  Spain,  from  the  point  of  Santa  Elena  of  the 
said  provinces,  during  the  years  1566  and  1567."*  The  first  part  of 
this  is  of  considerable  importance  for  our  study  of  the  Cusabo  tribe. 
It  runs  as  follows : 

He  started  from  Santa  Elena  with  his  company  in  obedience  to  orders  received 
and  on  that  day  they  went  to  sleep  at  a  place  called  Uscamacu,  which  is  an  island 
surrounded  by  rivers.  Its  soil  is  sandy  and  makes  very  good  clay  for  pottery,  tiles, 
and  other  necessary  things  of  the  kind;  there  is  good  ground  here  for  planting  maize 
and  grapevines,  of  which  there  is  an  abundance. 

From  Uscamacu  he  went  straight  to  another  place  called  Ahoya,  where  they  stopped 
and  spent  the  night.  This  Aho3ra  is  an  island;  some  parts  of  it  are  surroimded  by 
rivers,  others  look  like  mainland.  It  is  good  or  at  least  reasonably  good  soil  where 
maize  grows  and  also  big  vine  stocks  with  runners. 

From  Aho3ra  he  went  to  Ahoyabe,  a  small  village,  subject  to  Aho3ra  and  in  about 
the  same  kind  of  country. 

From  Ahoyabe  he  went  to  another  place,  which  is  called  Cozao,  which  belongs  to  a 
rather  great  cacique  and  has  a  lot  of  good  land  like  the  others,  and  many  strips  of 
stony  ground,  and  where  maize,  wheat,  oats,  grapevines,  all  kinds  of  fruit  and  vege- 
tables, can  be  grown,  because  it  has  rivers  and  brooks  of  sweet  water  and  reason- 
ably good  soil  for  all. 

From  Cozao  he  went  to  another  small  place  which  belongs  to  a  chieftain  (cacique) 
of  the  same  Cozao;  the  land  of  this  place  is  good,  but  there  is  little  of  it. 

From  here  he  went  to  Enfrenado,^  which  is  a  miserable  place,  although  it  has  many 
comers  of  rich  soil  like  the  others. 

From  Enfrenado  he  went  to  Guiomaez  from  where  to  the  cape  of  Santa  Elena  there 
are  forty  leagues.  The  road  by  which  he  went  is  somewhat  difficult,  but  the  land  or 
soil  is  good  and  everything  that  is  grown  in  Cozao  can  be  cultivated  here  and  even  more 
and  better;  there  are  great  swamps,  which  are  deep,  caused  by  the  great  flatness  of 
the  country.* 

Uscamacu,  where  Pardo  spent  the  first  night,  is  certainly  identical 
with  the  Maccou  of  the  French,  and  would  thus  be  somewhere  to 
the  southwest  of  Broad  River.  Pardo  and  his  company  were  prob- 
ably set  across  to  the  neighborhood  of  this  place  in  boats  from  Fort 

>  Rarda,  La  Florida,  pp.  KM-UO. 

s  Raidlax,  La  Florida,  n,  pp.  451-486. 

*  This  word  would  mean  "bridled ''  In  8panl<)h.    It  may  bo  a  native  term  but  does  not  look  like  one. 

*  Translation  by  Mrs.  F.  Bandelier. 


Sail  Felipe,  unless  the  site  ordinarily  assigned  to  the  fort  is  errone- 
ous.^ From  Uscamacu  they  marched  northwest  along  Broad  River 
and  then  up  the  Coosawhatchie.  The  first  stopping  place  after 
leaving  Uscamacu  was  Ahoya,  the  Hoya  of  the  French,  one  of  those 
tribes  or  villages  allied  with  Audusta.  Ahoyabe  would  probably 
be  an  out  settlement  from  Ahoya  and  hence  belong  to  the  same 
group.  In  the  name  of  the  next  place,  Cozao,  we  have  the  second 
historical  mention  ^  of  the  Coosa  tribe  of  South  Carolina,  which  occu- 
pied the  upper  reaches  of  the  Coosawhatchie,  Combahee,  Ashepoo, 
Edisto,  and  Ashley  Rivers,  the  first  notice  having  been  in  the  list 
of  provinces  given  by  Francisco  of  Chicora.  The  greater  power 
ascribed  to  this  chief  agrees  with  our  later  information  regarding 
the  prominence  of  his  people.  From  the  narrative  it  is  evident 
that  the  next  place  where  the  Spaniards  stopped  was  also  a  Coosa 
village.  The  last  two  places  may  have  been  Coosa  towns  also,  but 
there  is  no  means  of  knowing.  It  has  been  suggested  that  Guiomaez 
was  perhaps  the  later  Wimbee,  but,  if  so,  the  tribe  must  have  moved 
nearer  the  coast  before  the  period  of  EngUsh  colonization,  when 
they  were  between  Combahee  and  Broad  Rivers.  The  next  place, 
Canos,  10  leagues  from  Guiomaez,  was  identical  vrith  the  Cofitachequi 
of  De  Soto  and  probably  with  the  later  Easihta  town  among  the 

Barcia  mentions  as  one  result  of  the  Florida  settlements  the  dis- 
covery of  an  herb  of  wonderful  medicinal  quahties,  which  was  in  all 
probability  the  nut  grass  (Oyperus  rotundus).     He  says: 

The  Spaniards  discovered  in  this  land  some  long  roots,  marked  like  strings  of  beads, 
so  that  each  portion  cut  off  remains  roimded;  outside  they  are  black  and  within 
white  and  dry,  hard  like  bones;  the  bark  is  so  hard  that  one  can  scarcely  remove  it. 
The  taste  is  aromatic,  so  that  it  appears  to  be  a  specific;  the  galanga  is  like  it.  The 
plant  which  produces  it  throws  out  short  shoots,  and  spreads  its  branches  along  the 
ground;  its  leaves  are  very  ]>road,  and  very  green;  it  is  warm  (or  heated)  at  the  limit 
of  the  second  degree,  dries  at  the  beginning  of  the  first;  it  grows  in  moist  situations: 
The  Indians  use  the  plant,  crushed  between  two  stones,  to  rub  over  their  entire  Ixxiies, 
when  they  bathe  themselves,  because  they  say  that  it  tightens  and  strengthens  the 
flesh,  with  the  good  odor,  which  it  has,  and  that  they  feel  much  improved  on  account 
of  it.    They  also  use  it  in  the  form  of  a  powder,  for  pains  in  the  stomach. 

The  Spaniards  learned  of  this  from  the  Indians,  and  they  used  it  for  the  same  pur- 
poees,  and  afterwards  they  discovered  that  it  was  an  admiraljle  Hpecific  for  colic  (or 
pain  in  the  side),  and  urinary  trouble,  since  it  causes  the  stones  to  he  driven  out, 
even  though  they  are  very  large.  Other  virtues  were  discovered,  ita  estimation 
growing  so  much  among  the  soldiers,  that  they  all  carried  rosaries  of  these  Ixjads, 
which  they  called  '^of  Santa  Elena"  on  account  of  the  great  abundance  of  these 
which  there  are  in  the  marshy  places  at  the  Cape  of  Santa  Elena  and  pro\ance  of  Orista 
and  the  neighlwring  parts.* 

»  Lowory,  Span.  Settl.,  n,  pp.  43&-440. 

'U  Couezis  be  excepted. 

>Sco  pp.  21G-218. 

«Barcia,  La  Florida,  p.  133.    See  I>owery,  Span.  Settl.,  ii,  p.  381. 


In  1569  the  Jesuit  missionary  Juan  Rogel  arrived  at  Santa  Elena, 
and  at  the  same  time  Antonio  Sedeflo  and  Father  Baez  proceeded 
to  Guale.  In  a  letter  written  by  Rogel  to  Men^ndez,  December  9, 
1570,  he  relates  the  fortunes,  or  rather  misfortunes,  of  his  work 
among  the  people  of  the  province  of  Orista. 

In  the  beginniag  of  my  relations  with  those  Indians  Pie  sayls],  they  grew  very 
much  in  my  eyes,  for  seeing  them  in  their  customs  and  order  of  life  far  superior 
to  those  of  Carlos,  I  lauded  God,  seeing  each  Indian  married  to  only  one  woman, 
take  care  of  and  cultivate  his  land,  maintain  his  house  and  educate  his  children 
with  great  care,  seeing  that  they  were  not  contaminated  by  the  most  abominable 
of  sins,  not  incestuous,  not  cruel,  nor  thieves,  seeing  them  speak  the  truth  with 
each  other,  and  enjoy  much  peace  and  righteousness.  Thus  it  seemed  to  me  we 
were  quite  sure  of  them  and  that  probably  I  would  take  a  longer  time  in  learning 
their  language  in  order  to  explain  to  them  the  mysteries  of  our  Holy  Faith  than 
they  would  need  to  accept  them  and  become  Christians.  Therefore  I  myself  and 
three  more  of  the  fathers  of  our  company  studied  with  great  diligence  and  haste  to 
learn  it  and  within  six  months  I  spoke  to  them  and  preached  in  their  tongue. 

But  after  two  and  a  half  months  the  time  for  gathering  acorns  ar- 
rived, and  all  left  him  and  ''scattered  through  those  forests,  each  one 
to  his  own  place,  and  came  together  only  at  certain  feasts,  which 
they  held  every  two  months,  and  this  was  not  always  in  one  place, 
but  at  one  time  here  and  at  another  in  another  place,  etc."  In  fact 
they  lived  scattered  in  this  manner  for  nine  months  out  of  the  year. 

And  there  are  two  reasons  for  this  [he  says] :  First  because  they  have  been  accus- 
tomed to  live  in  this  manner  for  many  thousands  of  years,  and  to  try  to  get  them  away 
from  it  looks  to  them  equal  to  death;  the  second,  that  even  if  they  wished  to  live  thus 
the  land  itself  does  not  allow  it — ^for  being  so  very  poor  and  miserable  and  its  strength 
very  soon  sapped  out — and  therefore  they  themselves  state  that  this  is  the  reason  why 
they  are  living  so  disseminated  and  changing  their  abode  so  often. 

Rogel  endeavored  to  continue  his  wprk,  attending  the  infrequent 
gatherings  mentioned  above  whenever  he  was  able.  At  one  time  he 
spoke  to  the  greater  part  of  ''the  vassals  of  Orista"  who  had  come 
together  at  the  Rio  Dulce,  presumably  the  Savannah,  and  in  the 
spring  he  proposed  that  they  plant  enough  ground  so  that  they  could 
remain  in  one  place,  where  he  could  approach  them  more  easily. 
This  was  done,  but  all  except  two  families  soon  left,  and  later  Vandera, 
commander  of  the  fort  of  San  Felipe,  was  compelled  to  exact  several 
canoe  loads  of  com  from  the  Indians  and  to  quarter  some  of  his 
troops  among  them.  This,  as  Rogel  anticipated  and  as  the  event 
proved,  incensed  the  Indians  so  much  that  further  missionary  efforts 
on  his  part  were  out  of  the  question,  and  on  July  13,  1570,  he  left 
them  to  return  to  San  Felipe,  which  he  soon  afterwards  abandoned 
for  Habana.  One  main  cause  of  Rogel's  failure  to  impress  these 
people  was  evidently  a  misapprehension  on  his  part,  for  he  says  that 
when  he  began  to  preach  against  the  devil  they  were  highly  offended, 
declaring  that  he  was  good,  and  afterwards  they  all  left  him.    Pre- 

58  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [dull.  7;*. 

suiuably  tlioy  uiidorstood  that  an  attack  had  boeu  made  on  one  of 
their  own  deities,  and  very  likely  Rogel  was  perfectly  willing  on  his 
side  to  identify  the  prince  of  evil  with  any  or  all  of  them.  Among 
the  chiefs  upon  whom  Vandera  levied  the  above-mentioned  tribute  of 
com  Rogel  mentions  Escamacu,  Orista,  and  Hoya,  the  first  of  whom 
is  of  course  the  Uscamacu  of  Vandera  and  Pardo.* 

In  1576  the  Indian  policy  which  had  caused  Rogel's  withdrawal 
brought  on  a  rebellion.  Most  narratives  attribute  this  to  an  attempt 
to  levy  a  contribution  of  provisions  on  Indians  near  Fort  San  Felipe, 
but  from  one  very  trustworthy  document  it  appears  that  it  was  at 
least  brought  to  a  head  by  the  arbitrary  conduct  of  a  Capt.  Solis,  left 
temporarily  in  charge  of  the  above-mentioned  post  by  Hernando  de 
Miranda.  This  man  killed  two  Indians,  seemingly  without  suffi- 
cient cause,  one  a  chief  named  Hemalo,  who  had  been  in  Madrid.  In 
July  of  that  year,  the  garrison  of  Fort  San  Felipe  being  short  of  pro- 
visions, and  the  Indians  having  refused  to  give  them  any,  the  Alffirez 
Moyano  was  sent  at  the  head  of  22  men  to  take  some  by  force.  The 
Indians,  however,  persuaded  Moyano  to  have  his  men  extinguish  the 
matches  with  which  their  guns  were  fired,  on  the  ground  that  their 
women  and  children  were  afraid  they  were  going  to  be  killed,  and  as 
soon  as  they  had  done  so  the  Indians  fell  upon  them  and  killed  all 
except  a  soldier  named  Andres  Calder6n.  This  took  place  July  22. 
Testimony  taken  in  St.  Augustine  in  1600  gives  the  name  of  the  tribe 
concerned  as  Camacu  (i.  o.,  Escamacu)'  but  contemporary  letters, 
which  are  probably  correct,  call  it  *'Oristau''  or  '*Oristan.'*  Calde- 
r6n  reached  the  fort  in  three  days  and  gave  the  alarm.  Meanwhile 
''the  Provinces  of  Guale,  Uscamacu,  and  Oristau'*  had  risen  in 
revolt.  News  reached  Hernando  de  Miranda  and  he  returned  at 
once  to  Santa  Elena.  Capt.  Sohs  was  then  dispatched  against  the 
Indians,  but  he  was  ambushed  and  kiUod  along  with  eight  soldiers. 
The  Indians  to  the  number,  according  to  one  Spanish  narrative,  of 
2,000  then  besieged  the  fort,  and  they  killed  several  Spaniards  besides, 
including  an  interpreter  named  Aguilar.  One  account  says  that 
32  men  were  slain,  but  it  does  not  appear  whether  this  included 
Moyano^s  force  or  not.  Among  those  lost  were  the  factor,  auditor 
(contador),  and  treasurer.  Finally  the  Spaniards  wore  withdrawn 
to  St.  Augustine  and  the  Indians  entered  the  fort  and  burned  it.  It 
was  restored  shortly  under  the  name  of  Fort  San  Marcos,  and  in  1579 
Governor  Pedro  Men6ndez  Marques  visited  the  place  to  pay  the 
troops  and  incidentally  to  take  revenge  on  the  neighboring  hostiles. 
He  attacked  a  fortified  town  named  Co^apoy,  20  leagues  fl-om  Fort 
San  Marcos,  strongly  placed  in  a  swamp  and  occupied  by  Indians 
said  never  to  have  been  willing  to  make  peace  with  the  Spaniards. 
The  town  was  severely  handled,  a  number  of  Indians,  including  a 

^  Ruldiax,  La  Florida,  n,  pp.  301-306.  *  Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  147. 


sistor  of  the  chief,  his  mother,  a  son,  .aud  the  sou's  wife,  were 
captured,  aud  40  Indians  were  burned  in  their  houses.  Men6ndez 
liberated  most  of  his  male  captives  and  exchanged  the  women  for 
some  Frenchmen,  who  were  largely  blamed  for  the  uprising,  and 
most  of  whom  were  subsequently  executed. 

In  1580  a  new  uprising  occurred,  again  attributed  to  the  French. 
In  fact,  shortly  before,  a  French  vessel  was  captured  near  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  Johns  and  two  others  belonging  to  the  same  fleet  were 
known  to  have  entered  the  bay  of  Gualequini  and  to  have  opened  com- 
munication with  the  natives.  Indian  witnesses  also  testified  that  they 
had  been  promised  assistance  from  a  new  French  armada  shortly  to 
appear.  Fort  San  Marcos  was  evidently  abandoned,  or  captured  by 
the  Indians,  at  this  time  and  was  not  reestablished  until  late  in  1582 
or  early  in  1583.  A  letter  dated  July  19,  1582,  says  that  the  Indians 
of  the  Province  of  Santa  Elena  had  rebelled  and  **  there  was  no  rem- 
edy for  it.*^  In  1583,  however,  Grovemor  Men^ndez  writes  that  all 
of  the  Indians — both  inland  and  on  the  coast — had  come  to  see  him 
and  to  yield  obedience  and  that  the  chief  of  Santa  Elena  ^'has  done 
a  great  deal,  as  he  was  the  first  to  embrace  the  faith.''  Fort  San 
Marcos  may  have  received  still  another  name,  for  a  document  of  the 
period  refers  to  it  as  *'Fort  Catuco.  '*  In  1586  Gutierrez  de  Miranda, 
who  was  prominent  in  a  war  against  the  Potano  Indians  of  Florida, 
was  in  command  of  the  Santa  Elena  fort.  Late  in  1587,  however,  or 
very  early  in  1588,  it  was  finaUy  abandoned  and  the  garrison  with- 

In  a  letter  written  to  the  king,  February  23,  1598,  Gonpalo  Mendez 
de  Can^o,  Governor  of  Florida,  states  that  the  chief  of  Eaawa  had 
accompanied  the  chief  of  Escamacu  to  war  against  the  Indians  of 
Guale  and  they  had  taken  seven  scalps.'  In  another,  written  the 
day  following,  he  mentions,  among  the  chiefs  who  had  come  to  St. 
Augustine  '*to  give  their  submission"  to  him,  'Hhe  cliief  of  Aluste" 
and  *'the  chief  of  Aobi."*  I  have  not  found  a  later  mention  of 
Aobi,  but  the  name  ^Vluste  occurs  several  times  in  Spanish  docu- 
ments, spelled  Alieste,  Alueste,  and  Aluete.  That  it  was  to  the 
north  is  shown  by  a  statement  to  the  effect  that  in  the  massacre  of 
monks,  which  had  taken  place  the  preceding  year,  all  of  those  between 
iVluste  and  Asao  had  been  killed.*  More  specific  information  is 
contained  in  the  relation  of  a  visit  which  Governor  Pedro  de  Ibarra 
made  to  the  Indians  along  the  Georgia  coast  in  November  and  Decem- 
ber, 1604.  The  northernmost  point  reached  by  him  was  Guale  (St. 
Catherines  Island),  where,  besides  calling  together  the  Guale  chiefs, 

I  The  information  contained  in  this  paragraph,  except  as  otherwise  noted,  is  principally  from  the  Tvowery, 
lirooks,  and  Wright  manuscripts  in  the  library  of  Congress. 
*  Lowery  and  Brooks,  MSS.,  Lib.  Cong. 
>  Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  135. 
« Ibid.,  p.  180. 


'*  ho  commanded  that  within  two  days  should  assemble  all  the  micos 
of  Oya  and  Alueste  and  other  chiefs  from  the  country  around."  * 
In  Oya  we  recognize  the  Cusabo  town  already  mentioned,  and  we 
learn  just  below  that  Alueste  was  in  the  same  province;  for,  when 
Ibarra  inquired  of  the  assembled  chiefs  if  any  of  them  had  any 
complaints  to  make,  'Hhe  chief  of  Aluete  said  that  the  chief  of 
TaJapo  and  the  chief  of  Ufalague  and  the  chief  of  Orista,  his  nephew 
and  heirs,  were  his  vassals  and  had  risen  and  gone  to  Uve  with  the 
mico  of  Asao."* 

When  Ibarra  returned  to  Asao  he  interviewed  these  chiefs,  and 
he  states  that  they  admitted  the  truth  of  what  Alueste  had  said, 
adding  that  they  had  done  so  '^  because  he  was  a  bad  Indian  and 
had  a  bad  heart,  and  he  gave  them  many  bad  words,  and  for  that 
reason  they  had  withdrawn  and  were  obeying  the  chief  of  Orista, 
who  was  the  heir  of  the  said  Alueste,  and  was  a  good  Indian  and 
treated  them  well,  and  gave  them  good  words."  The  governor, 
however,  exacted  a  promise  from  them  that  they  would  '^retiu'n  to 
their  obedience,"  to  which  they  agreed.*  It  is  sufficiently  evident 
from  this  that  all  of  the  tribes  mentioned  were  Cusabo,  whether 
Alueste  and  Orista  are  or  are  not  variants  of  the  later  Edisto.  Re- 
sponsibility for  the  miu*der  of  the  missionaries  in  1597  was  laid  by 
one  of  the  captiu*ed  Indians  on  the  Indians  of  Cosahue  (Cosapue), 
the  Salchiches  (an  unidentified  tribe  living  inland),  the  Indians  of 
Tulufina  (a  Guale  town),  and  those  of  Santa  Elena.  The  chiefs  of 
Ufalague  and  Sufalete  are  said  to  have  killed  Fray  Pedro  de  Corpa, 
and  the  Ufalague  and  Alueste  assisted  in  disposing  of  Fray  Bias,  but, 
on  the  other  hand,  the  chief  of  Talapo  saved  the  life  of  Fray  Davila, 
the  only  missionary  to  escape.  At  a  later  date,  by  a  comfortable 
volte-face  not  unusual  with  Indians,  those  of  Cosapue  and  Ufalague, 
together  with  those  of  Talapo,  helped  pimish  the  murderers.* 

From  about  the  time  of  this  massacre  we  begin  to  find  the  name 
E^camacu  used  for  the  Indians  of  Santa  Elena  in  preference  to 
Orista.  In  the  report  of  his  expedition  of  1605,  Ecija  speaks  of  the 
chief  of  E^camacu  as  '^the  principal  of  that  land"  (i.  o.,  the  land  of 
Santa  Elena),  and  he  places  *^the  bar  of  Orista"  6  leagues  north  of 
that  of  Santa  Elena,  where  is  the  River  Edisto.  Nevertheless  the 
name  had  become  fixed  upon  it  at  a  much  earlier  period  for  in  a 
letter  of  Bartdlome  de  Arguelles,  of  date  1586,  the  bay  of  Orista  is 
said  to  be  beyond  that  of  Santa  Elena  to  the  north,  5  leagues.*  It 
is  evident,  therefore,  that  whatever  temporary  changes  had  taken 
place  in  the  residence  of  portions  of  the  Edisto  tribe,  changes  such 
as  are  indicated  in  Ibarra's  letter,  a  part  of  them,  probably  the  main 

1  Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  186.  >  Ibid.,  p.  191. 

*Ibid.,  pp.  18&-189.  *  Lowery  and  Brooks,  MSS.,  Lib.  Cong. 


body,  had  become  settled  upon  the  stream  which  still  bears  their 
name  by  the  date  last  given. 

The  first  clear  notice  of  the  Stono  seems  to  be  in  the  narrative  of 
Elcija's  second  voyage,  1609.  When  he  was  in  the  port  of  Cayagua 
(Charleston  Harbor)  on  his  return  he  encountered  a  canoe,  in  which 
were  the  chiefs  of  Cayagua,  E^amacu,  and  "Ostano."  In  the  pilot's 
description  at  the  end  of  this  narrative  we  read,  "From  the  bar  of 
Orista  to  that  of  Ostano  are  4  leagues."  The  opening  was  narrow 
and  the  distance  to  the  bar  of  Cayagua  8  leagues.^  From  the  figures 
it  seems  clear  that  this  was  not  the  present  Stono  Inlet,  but  North 
Edisto  River.  The  possibiUty  that  this  tribe  was  the  Stalame  of 
Laudonnidre  and  that  it  moved  eastward  in  later  times  has  already 
been  indicated. 

A  letter  written  Jime  17,  1617,  by  the  Florida  friars,  complaining 
of  conditions,  mentions  Santa  Elena  among  those  provinces  where 
there  were  then  no  missions.*  In  another  from  the  governor  of 
Florida,  dated  November  15,  1633,  we  learn  that  the  chief  of  Satua- 
che,  ''more  than  70  leagues"  from  St.  Augustine,  had  brought  to  the 
capital  three  Englishmen  who  had  been  shipwrecked  on  his  coast. 
This  place  lay  from  6  to  10  leagues  north  of  Santa  Elena  and  seems 
from  the  context  to  have  been  newly  xnissionized.'  The  position 
given  would  place  it  near  the  mouth  of  Edisto  River.  From  a  letter 
written  in  1647  it  appears  that  the  Indians  of  ''Satoache"  had 
entirely  abandoned  their  town,*  yet  they  are  mentioned,  under  the 
name  Chatuache,  in  a  hst  of  missions  dated  1655,  in  which  San 
Felipe  also  appears."  However,  the  fort  seems  never  to  have  been 
rebuilt,  and  the  missions  were  nothing  more  than  outstations  served 
at  long  intervals. 

In  1670,  when  the  English  colony  of  South  Carolina  was  estab- 
lished, there  was  no  Spanish  post  east  of  the  Savannah  and  no  mission 
station  nearer  than  St.  Catherines  Island,  although  traces  of  former 
Spanish  occupancy  were  evident  at  Port  Royal  (Santa  Elena).  The 
Edisto  were  still  on  Edisto  River  and  the  Stono  near  the  place  occu- 
pied by  them  at  the  beginning  of  the  century.  The  term  ^'Indians 
of  St.  Helens"  probably  includes  the  E^camacu  and  related  tribes. 
The  Coosa  were  on  the  upper  courses  of  the  Cusabo  rivers,  where 
they  seem  to  have  lived  throughout  the  Spanish  period.  The  Kiawa 
of  Ashley  River  are  of  course  the  *'Cayagua"  of  the  Spaniards,  and 
are  in  precisely  the  same  location;  the  neighboring  Wando  on  Cooper 
River  and  Etiwaw  or  Itwan  on  Wando  River — particularly  about 
Daniels  Island^ — are  perhaps  referred  to  in  one  or  two  Spanish  docu- 

1  Lowery  and  Brooks,  MSB.,  Lib.  Cong.  •  P.  322;  Serrano  y  Sans,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  182. 

*  Lowwy,  1CB8.,  Lib.  Cong.  ^  Car.  Hist.  Soo.  CoUs.,  v,  p.  886. 

62  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  78 

ments,  but  this  is  doubtful.  As  already  suggested,  the  Wimboe, 
between  Broad  and  Combahee  Rivers,  may  be  the  Guiomaez  or 
Guiomae  of  Pardo.  The  Combahee  and  Ashepoo  on  the  rivers 
bearing  those  names,  and  the  Witcheau  or  Wichcauh,  mentioned  in  a 
sale  of  land,  are  entirely  new  to  us. 

Again  we  are  dependent  for  specific  information  r^arding  these 
peoples  on  the  narratives  of  voyages.  The  first  which  yields  any- 
thing of  value  is  *'A  True  Relation  of  a  Voyage  upon  discovery  of 
part  of  the  Coast  of  Florida,  from  Lat.  of  31  Deg.  to  33  Deg.  45  m. 
North  Lat.  in  the  ship  AdventurCf  WiUiam  HiUon  Conmiander,"  etc.* 
The  Adventure  sailed  from  Spikes  Bay,  Barbados,  August  10,  1663, 
and  on  September  3  entered  St.  Helena  Sound. 

On  Satwrday  the  fifth  of  September  [runs  the  narrative],  two  Indians  came  on 
Board  us,  and  said  they  were  of  St.  Ellens;  being  very  bold  and  familiar;  speaking 
many  Spanish  words,  as  CappiUm,  CommaradOj  and  Adeus.  They  know  the  use  of 
Gims  and  are  as  little  startled  at  the  fireing  of  a  Piece  of  Ordnance,  as  he  that  hath 
been  used  to  them  many  years:  They  told  us  the  nearest  Spaniards  were  at  St,  Augus- 
tinSy  and  several  of  them  had  been  there,  which  as  they  said  was  but  ten  days'  journey 
and  that  the  Spaniards  used  to  come  to  them  at  Saint  Ellens  sometimes  in  Conoas 
within  Land,  at  other  times  in  Small  Vessels  by  Sea,  which  the  Indians  describe  to 
have  but  two  Masts. 

At  the  invitation  of  the  Indians  the  longboat  with  12  hands  was 
sent  to  St.  Helena  but  the  actions  of  the  Indians  appeared  to  its 
occupants  so  threatening  that  they  returned  without  remaining 

That  which  we  noted  there  [the  narrative  says]  was  a  fair  house  builded  in  the  shape 
of  a  dovehouse,  round,  two  hundred  foot  at  least,  compleatly  covered  with  Palmeta- 
leaves,  the  wal-plate  being  twelve  foot  high,  or  thereabouts,  within  lodging  rooms  and 
forms;  two  pillars  at  the  entrance  of  a  high  Seat  above  all  the  rest;  Also  another  house 
like  a  Sentinel-house,  floored  ten  foot  high  with  planks,  fastened  with  Spikes  and 
Nayls,  standing  upon  Substantial  Posts,  with  several  other  small  houses  round  about. 
Also  we  saw  many  planks,  to  the  quantity  of  three  thousand  foot  or  thereabouts,  with 
other  Timber  squared,  and  a  Cross  before  the  great  house.  Likewise  we  saw  the 
Ruines  of  an  old  Fort,  compassing  more  than  half  an  acre  of  land  within  the  Trenches, 
^^ch  we  supposed  to  be  Charls^s  Fort,  built,  and  so  called  by  the  French  in  1562,  Ac. 

In  the  meantime  the  vessel  was  visited  by  the  chief  of  Edisto 
from  the  other  side  of  the  sound,  who  invited  Hilton  to  come  to  his 
town  and  told  him  of  some  English  castaways  upon  that  coast,  some 
of  whom  were  in  his  custody  and  some  at  St.  Helena.  He  informed 
them  that  three  had  been  killed  by  the  Stono.  Those  English  who 
were  with  the  Edisto  were  released,  and  the  explorers  then  started 
to  make  their  way  to  St.  Helena  through  the  inside  channels  in  order 
to  recover  the  rest.  On  the  way  "came  many  canoes  about  us  with 
com,  pompions,  and  venison,  deerskins,  and  a  sort  of  sweet  wood.*' 
Ultimately  after  exchanging  letters  with  a  Spanish  captain  who  had 

IS.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  pp.  18-36. 


been  sent  to  St.  Helena  from  St.  Augustine  to  recover  the  English 
castaways,  Hilton  gave  up  his  attempt,  and  having  explored  the 
entrance  to  Port  Royal  and  ranged  the  coast  to  the  northward 
almost  to  Cape  Hatteras  he  got  back  to  Barbados  on  January  6, 
1664.  In  their  general  description  of  the  land  between  Port  Royal 
and  Edisto  River  the  explorers  say: 

The  Indians  plant  in  the  worst  Land  because  they  cannot  cut  down  the  Timber  in  the 
best,  and  yet  have  plenty  of  Com,  Pompions,  Water-Mellons,  Musk-mellons:  although 
the  Land  be  over  grown  with  weeds  through  their  lasinesse,  yet  they  have  two  or  three 
crops  of  Com  a  year,  as  the  Indians  themselves  inform  us.  The  Country  abounds  with 
Grapes,  large  Figs,  and  Peaches;  the  Woods  with  Deer,  Conies,  Turkeys,  Quails, 
Curlues,  Plovers,  Teile,  Herons;  and  a^  the  Indians  say,  in  Winter  with  Swans,  Geese, 
Cranes,  Duck  and  Mallard,  and  innumerable  of  other  water- Fowls,  whose  names  we 
know  not,  which  lie  in  the  Rivers,  Marshes,  and  on  the  Sands:  Oysters  in  abundance, 
with  great  store  of  Muscles:  a  sort  of  fair  Crabs,  and  a  round  Shel-fish  called  Horse-feet; 
The  Rivers  stored  plentifully  with  Fish  that  we  saw  play  and  leap.  There  are  great 
Marshes,  but  most  as  far  as  we  saw  little  worth,  except  for  a  Root  that  grows  in  them 
the  Indians  make  good  Bread  of  .  .  .  The  Natives  are  very  healthful:  we  saw  many 
very  Aged  amongst  them.* 

The  next  voyage  that  concerns  us  is  entitled:  ''The  Port  Roy  all 
Discovery.  Being  the  Relation  of  a  voyage  on  the  Coast  of  the 
Province  of  Carolina  formerly  called  Florida  in  the  Continent  of  the 
Northeme  America  from  Charles  River  neere  Cape  Feare  in  the  County 
of  Clarendon  and  the  Lat:  of  34:  deg:  to  Port  Royall  in  the  North 
Lat:  of  32  d.  begun  14th  June  1666.  Performed  by  Robert  Sand- 
ford  Esqr  Secretary  and  Cheife  Register  for  the  Right  Hon***®  the 
Lords  Proprietors  of  their  County  of  Clarendon  in  the  Province 

On  the  date  mentioned  Sandford  sailed  with  a  vessel  of  *' scarce  17 
tons"  and  a  shallop  "of  some  3  tons. "  On  the  night  of  the  19th  the 
larger  vessel  became  separated  from  the  shallop,  and  on  the  22d  the 
former  sighted  and  entered  what  is  now  called  North  Edisto  River. 
Sandford  explored  this  for  some  distance  and  found  many  Indian 
cornfields  and  houses  scattered  among  them,  besides  numerous 
heaps  of  oyster  shells.  From  the  Indians  ho  learned  that  the  chief 
town  of  the  Edisto  tribe  was  some  distance  inland,  on  what  is  now 
Edisto  Island,  at  a  place  which  Langdon  Cheves,  the  editor  of 
"The  Shaftsbury  Papers/'  suggests  was  "probably  near  cross  roads, 
by  Eding's  ^Spanish  mount'  place."  Having  gone  beyond  the 
nearest  landing  place  for  this  village  he  stopped  there  on  his  return 
to  accommodate  the  Indians  who  were  desirous  to  trade  with  him. 

When  we  were  here  [he  says]  a  Cap*  of  the  Nation  named  Shadoo  (one  of  them  w«*» 
Hilton  had  carryed  to  Barbados)  was  very  earnest  with  some  of  our  Company  to  goe 
with  him  and  lye  a  night  att  their  Towne  w*"^  hee  told  us  was  but  a  smale  distance 
thence  I  being  equally  desirous  to  knowe  the  forme  manner  and  populousncsse  of  the 
place  as alfloe  what  state  the  Casique  held  (fame  in  all  theire  things  preferring  this  place 

JS.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  p.  24.  'Ibid,,  pp.  57-82. 

64  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

to  all  the  rest  of  the  Coast,  and  foure  of  my  Company  (vizt.)  Lt.:  Harvey,  Lt:  Woory, 
M'  Thomajs  Giles  and  m*"  Henry  Woodward  forwardly  off  ring  themselves  to  the  service 
haveing  alsoe  some  Indians  aboard  mee  who  constantly  resided  there  night  &  day  I 
permitted  them  to  goe  with  Shadoo  they  retomed  to  mee  the  next  morning  w^'*  great 
Comendacons  of  their  entertainment  but  especially  of  the  goodness  of  the  land  they 
marcht  through  and  the  delightf ull  situation  of  the  Towne.  Telling  mee  withall  that 
the  Cassique  himselfe  appeared  not  (pretending  some  indisposition,  but  that  his  state 
was  supplyed  by  a  Female  who  received  them  with  gladness  and  Courtesy  placeing 
my  Lt:  Harvey  on  the  seat  by  her  their  relation  gave  myselfe  a  Curiosity  (they  alsoe 
assureing  mee  that  it  was  not  above  foure  Miles  off)  to  goe  and  see  that  Towne  and 
takeing  with  mee  Capt.  George  Cary  and  a  file  of  men  I  marched  thitherward  followed 
by  a  long  traine  of  Indians  of  whome  some  or  other  always  presented  yimselfe  to  carry 
mee  on  his  shoulders  over  any  the  branches  of  Creekes  or  plashy  comers  of  Marshes  in 
our  Way.  This  waike  though  it  tend  to  the  Southward  of  the  West  and  consequently 
leads  neere  alongst  the  Sea  Coast  Yett  it  opened  to  our  Viewe  soe  excellent  a  Country 
both  for  Wood  land  and  Meadowes  as  gave  singular  satisfaction  to  all  my  Company. 
We  crossed  one  Meadowe  of  not  lesse  than  a  thousand  Acres  all  firme  good  land  and  as 
rich  a  Soyle  as  any  clothed  w^^  a  ffine  grasse  not  passing  knee  deepe,  but  very  thick 
sett  &  fully  adorned  with  yeallow  flowers.  A  pasture  not  inferiour  to  any  I  have 
seene  in  England  the  wood  land  were  all  of  the  same  sort  both  for  timber  and  mould 
with  the  best  of  those  wee  had  ranged  otherwhere  and  w^N)ut  alteration  or  abatement 
from  their  goodncs  all  the  way  of  our  March.  Being  entered  the  Towne  wee  were  con- 
ducted into  a  large  house  of  a  Circular  forme  (their  generall  house  of  State)  right 
against  the  entrance  way  a  high  seate  of  sufficient  breadth  for  half  a  dozen  persons  on 
which  sate  the  Cassique  himselfe  (vouchsafeing  mee  that  favour)  w^^  his  wife  on  his 
right  hand  (shee  who  had  received  those  whome  I  had  sent  the  evening  before)  hee  was 
an  old  man  of  a  large  stature  and  bone.  Round  the  house  from  each  side  the  throne 
quite  to  the  Entrance  were  lower  benches  filled  with  the  whole  rabble  of  men  Women 
and  children  in  the  center  of  this  house  is  kept  a  constant  fire  mounted  on  a  great  heape 
of  Ashes  and  surrounded  with  little  lowe  foormes  Capt:  Cary  and  my  selfe  were  placed 
on  the  higher  seate  on  each  side  of  the  Cassique  and  presented  with  skinns  accompanied 
with  their  Ceremonyes  of  Welcome  and  freindshipp  (by  streaking  our  shoulders  with 
their  palmes  and  sucking  in  theire  breath  the  whilst)  The  Towne  ia  scituate  on  the  side 
or  rather  in  the  skirts  of  a  faire  forrest  in  w*^**  at  severall  distances  are  diverse  feilds  of 
Maiz  with  many  little  houses  straglingly  amongst  them  for  the  habitations  of  the  par- 
ticular families.  On  the  East  side  and  part  of  the  South  It  hath  a  large  prospect  over 
meadows  very  spatious  and  delightful!,  before  the  Doore  of  their  Statehouse  is  a  spa- 
tious  walke  rowed  w*^  trees  on  both  sides  tall  &  full  branched,  not  much  unlike  to 
Elms  w*'**  serves  for  the  Exercise  and  recreation  of  the  men  who  by  Couples  runn  after 
a  marble  bowle  troled  out  alternately  by  themselves  with  six  foote  staves  in  their 
hands  w**'  they  tosse  after  the  Iwwle  in  their  race  and  according  to  the  laying  of  their 
staves  wine  or  loose  the  beeds  they  contend  for  an  Exercise  approveable  enough  in  the 
winter  but  some  what  too  \dolent  (mee  thought)  for  that  season  and  noone  time  of  the 
day  from  this  walke  is  another  lesse  aside  from  the  round  house  for  the  children  to  sport 
in.  After  a  fewe  houres  stay  I  retomed  to  my  Vessell  w***  a  greate  troope  of  Indians  att 
my  heeles.  The  old  Cassique  himselfe  in  the  number,  who  lay  aboard  mee  that  night 
without  the  society  of  any  of  his  people,  some  scores  of  w***  lay  in  boothes  of  their  own 
immediate  ereccon  on  the  beach. 

After  this  Sandford  passed  around  through  Dawho  River  and  out 
by  the  South  Edisto.  Soon  after  he  fell  in  with  the  shallop  from 
which  he  had  been  separated  and  then  made  south  to  the  entrance 
of  Port  R(Jyal,  where  he  anchored  in  front  of  the  principal  Indian 


I  had  not  ridd  long  [he  says]  ere  the  Cassique  himselfe  came  aboard  mee  w^^  a  Canoa 
full  of  Indians  presenting  mee  with  skinns  and  bidding  mee  welcome  after  their  manner, 
I  went  a  shoare  with  him  to  see  their  Towne  w^^  stood  in  sight  of  our  Vessell,  Found  as  to 
the  forme  of  building  in  every  respect  like  that  of  Eddistowe  with  a  plaine  place  before 
the  great  round  house  for  their  bowling  recreation  att  th'end  of  w^^'^  stood  a  faire  wooden 
Crosse  of  the  Spaniards  ereccon.  But  I  could  not  observe  that  the  Indians  performed  any 
adoracon  before  itt.  All  round  the  Towne  for  a  great  space  are  severall  f  eilds  of  Maiz  of  a 
very  large  growth  The  soyle  nothing  inferior  to  the  beet  wee  had  seene  att  Ekldistowe  ap- 
parently more  loose  and  light  and  the  trees  in  the  woods  much  larger  and  rangd  att  a 
greater  distance  all  the  ground  under  them  burthened  exceedingly  and  amongst  it  a 
great  variety  of  choice  pasturage  I  sawe  here  besides  the  great  number  of  peaches  w^^ 
the  more  Northerly  places  doe  alsoe  abound  in  some  store  of  figge  trees  very  large  and 
faire  both  fruite  and  plants  and  diverse  grape  vines  w<^  though  growing  without  Cul- 
ture in  the  very  throng  of  weedes  and  bushes  were  yett  filled  with  bunches  of  grapes 
to  admiracon.  .  .  .  The  Towne  is  scited  on  an  Island  made  by  a  branch  w^^  cometh 
out  of  Brayne  Sound  and  falleth  into  Port  Royall  about  a  mile  above  where  wee  landed 
a  cituacon  not  extraordinary  here. 

Here  the  shallop  rejoined  him  after  sailing  through  from  St.  Helena 
Sound  by  the  inside  channel.  Wommony,  son  of  the  chief  of  Port 
Royal,  and  one  of  those  whom  Hilton  had  carried  to  Barbados,  acted 
as  its  guide.  Before  his  departure  from  this  place  Sandford  left  a 
surgeon  named  Henry  Woodward  to  learn  the  language  and  in 
exchange  took  an  Indian  of  the  town  with  him.     He  says: 

I  called  the  Caasique  &  another  old  man  (His  second  in  Authority)  and  their  wives 
And  in  sight  and  heareing  of  the  whole  Towne,  delivered  Woodward  into  their  charge 
telling  them  that  when  I  retomed  I  would  require  him  att  their  hands,  They  received 
him  with  such  high  Testimonys  of  Joy  and  thankfullnes  as  hughely  confirmed  to  mee 
their  great  desire  of  our  friendshipp  &  society,  The  Cassique  placed  Woodward  by  him 
uppon  the  Throne  and  after  lead  him  forth  and  shewed  him  a  large  feild  of  Maiz  w^'^ 
hee  told  him  should  bee  his,  then  hee  brought  him  the  Sister  of  the  Indian  that  I  had 
with  mee  telling  him  that  shee  should  tend  him  &  dresse  his  victualls  and  be  careful  of 
him  that  soe  her  Brother  might  be  the  better  used  amongst  us: 

An  Indian  of  Edisto  also  desired  to  accompany  him,  and  thinking  that  soe  hee  should 
be  the  more  acceptable  hee  caused  himselfe  to  be  shoaren  on  the  Crowne  after  ye 
manner  of  the  Port  Royall  Indians,  a  fashion  w^'^  I  guesse  they  have  taken  from  the 
Spanish  Fryers.  Thereby  to  ingratiate  themselves  w^  that  Nation  and  indeed  all 
along  I  observed  a  kinde  of  Emulacon  amongst  the  three  principall  Indians  of  this 
Country  (viz*)  Those  of  Keywaha  Edistowe  and  Port  Royall  concerning  us  and  our 
Freindshipp,  Each  contending  to  assure  it  to  themselves  and  jealous  of  the  other 
though  all  be  allyed  and  this  Notw^^standing  that  they  knewe  wee  were  in  actuall 
warre  with  the  Natives  att  Clarendon  and  had  killled  and  sent  away  many  of  them, 
ffor  they  frequently  discoursed  with  us  concerning  the  warre,  told  us  that  the  Natives 
were  noughts  they  land  Sandy  and  barren,  their  Country  sickly,  but  if  wee  would 
come  amongst  them  Wee  should  finde  the  Contrary  to  all  their  Evills,  and  never  any 
occasion  of  dischargeing  our  Gunns  but  in  merryment  and  for  pastime. 

Sandford  now  returned  toward  the  north  and,  having  failed  to 
make  Kiawa  (Charleston  Harbor),  landed  at  Charles  Town  on  the 
Cape  Fear  River,  July  12,  1666. 

The  expedition  that  was  to  result  in  the  permanent  settlement  of  the 
colony  of  South  Carolina  made  a  landfall  at  Sewee  (now  Bull's)  Bay 

148061'— 22 5 


on  the  15th  or  16th  of  March,  1670,  and  anchored  at  the  south  end  of 
Oni-see-cau  (now  BulPs)  Island.     The  longboat  was  sent  ashore. 

Vpon  its  approach  to  ye  Land  few  were  ye  natiuee  who  vpon  ye  Strand  made  firee 
&  came  towards  vs  whooping  in  theire  own  tone  &  manner  making  signes  also  where 
we  should  best  Land  &  when  we  came  a  shoare  they  stroked  vs  on  ye  shoulders  with 
their  hands  saying  Bony  Conraro  Angles,  knowing  us  to  he  English  by  our  CoUours  (as 
wee  supposed)  we  then  gave  them  Brass  rings  &  tobacco  at  which  they  seemed  well 
pleased,  &  into  ye  boats  after  halfe  an  howre  spent  with  ye  Indians  we  betooke  our 
selues,  they  liked  our  Ck)mpany  soe  well  that  they  would  haue  come  a  board  with  us. 
we  found  a  pretty  handsome  channell  about  3  fathoms  &  a  halfe  from  ye  place  we 
Landed  to  ye  Shippe,  through  which  the  next  day  we  brought  ye  shipp  to  Anchor 
feareing  a  contrary  winde  &  to  gett  in  for  some  fresh  watter.  A  day  or  two  after  ye 
Grouemo'  whom  we  tooke  in  at  Bermuda  with  seuerall  others  went  a  shoare  to  view  ye 
Land  here.  Some  3  Leagues  distant  from  the  shipp,  carrying  along  with  us  one  of  ye 
Eldest  Indians  who  accosted  us  ye  other  day,  <&  as  we  drew  to  ye  shore  A  good  number 
of  Indians  appeared  clad  with  deare  skins  hauing  with  them  their  boA^'s  &  Arrows,  but 
our  Indian  calling  out  Appada  they  withdrew  &  lodged  theire  bows  &  returning  ran 
up  to  ye  middle  in  mire  &  watter  to  carry  us  a  shoare  where  when  we  came  they  gaue 
us  ye  stroaking  Complim'  of  ye  country  and  brought  deare  skins  some  raw  some  drest 
to  trade  with  us  for  which  we  gaue  them  kniues  beads  &  tobacco  and  glad  they  were 
of  ye  Market,  by  &  by  came  theire  women  clad  in  their  Mosse  roabs  bringing  their 
potts  to  boyle  a  kinde  of  thickening  which  they  pound  &  make  food  of,  &  as  they 
order  it  being  dryed  makes  a  pretty  sort  of  bread,  they  brought  also  plenty  of  Ilickery 
nutts,  a  wall  nut  in  shape,  &  taste  onely  differing  in  ye  thicknees  of  the  shell  &  small- 
ness  of  ye  kemell.  the  Oouemo'  &  seu'all  others  walking  a  little  distance  from  ye 
water  side  came  to  ye  Hutt  Pallace  of  his  Ma^^  of  ye  place,  who  meeteing  vs  tooke  ye 
Gouemo'  on  his  shoulders  &  carryed  him  into  ye  house  in  token  of  his  chearfuU  Enter- 
tainement.  here  we  had  nutts  &  root  cakes  such  as  thoir  women  useily  make  as  before 
&  watter  to  drink  for  they  use  no  other  lickquor  as  I  can  Leame  in  this  Countrey, 
while  we  were  here  his  Ma*'*'  three  daughters  entred  the  Pallace  ail  in  new  roal)s  of 
new  moflse  which  they  are  neuer  beholding  to  ye  Taylor  to  trim  up,  with  plenty  of 
beads  of  diuers  Collours  about  their  necks:  I  could  not  imagine  that  ye  sauages  would 
so  well  deport  themselues  who  coming  in  according  to  their  age  &  all  to  sallute  the 
strangers,  stroaking  of  them,  these  Indians  understanding  our  business  to  8"^  Hellena 
told  us  that  ye  Westoes  a  rangeing  sort  of  people  reputed  to  be  the  Man  eaters  had 
ruinated  y^  place  killed  seu'all  of  those  Indians  destroyed  &  burnt  their  Habitations 
&  that  they  had  come  as  far  as  Kayawah  doeing  the  like  there,  ye  Caseeeka  of  which 
place  was  within  one  sleep  of  us  (which  is  24  howrs  for  they  reckon  after  that  rate) 
with  most  of  his  people  whome  in  tw^o  days  after  came  aboard  of  us.* 

These  people  were  probably  of  Siouan  stock,  but  they  bordered 
directly  upon  the  Cusabo  tribes  and  this  account  of  them  will  give 
us  a  shght  opportunity  to  compare  the  two  peoples.  Tliis  and  the 
short  notice  that  appeai-s  in  Lawson  embrace  practically  all  of  the 
information  we  have  regarding  the  Sewee  Indians,  if  such  indeed 
thev  were. 

Taking  the  chief  of  Kaynwali,  "a  ucrv  Ingenious  Indian  &  a  great 
Linguist  in  this  Maine,"  with  th(»m  th(»  prospcctivi*  settlers  now 
sailed  to  Port  Itoyal,  wIkmc  tlicy  ancliorod,  but  it  was  two  days 
before  they  could  speak  with  an  Indian,  when  what  had  been  told 

>  S.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls,  v,  pp.  16&-166. 


them  at  Sewee  regarding  the  irruption  of  the  Westo  was  con- 
firmed.    Weighing  anchor  from  Port  Royal  River  they  then 

ran  in  between  S^  Hellena  &  Oombohe  where  we  lay  at  Anchor  all  ye  time  we  staide 
neare  ye  Place  where  ye  distressed  Indian  soioumed,  who  were  glad  &  crying  Kiddy 
doddy  Comorado  Angles  Westoe  Skorrye  (which  is  as  much  as  to  say)  English  uery 
good  friends  Westoes  aire  nought,  they  hoped  by  our  Arriuall  to  be  protected  from  ye 
Westoes,  often  making  signes  they  would  ingage  them  with  their  bowes  &  arrows,  & 
wee  should  with  our  gims  they  often  brought  vs  veneson  &  some  deare  skins  w^^  wee 
l>ought  of  them  for  beads,  many  of  us  went  ashore  at  S^  Hellena  &  brought  back 
word  that  ye  Land  was  good  Land  supply ed  with  many  Peach  trees,  &  a  Competence 
of  timber  a  few  figg  trees  &  some  Cedar  here  &  theire  &  that  there  was  a  mile  &  a  half 
of  Cleare  Land  fitt  &  ready  to  Plante.  Oysters  in  great  plenty  all  ye  Islands  being 
rounded  w^'*  bankes  of  ye  kinde,  in  shape  longer  &  scarcely  see  any  one  rouAd,  yet 
good  fish  though  not  altogether  of  soe  pleasant  taste  as  yo*  wall  fleet  oysters,  here  is 
also  wilde  turke  which  ye  Indian  brought  but  is  not  soe  pleasant  to  eate  of  as  ye  tame 
but  uery  fleshy  &  farr  bigger. 

A  sloop  which  had  been  sent  to  Eaawa  to  examine  that  place  now 
returned  with  a  favorable  report  and  the  colonists  sailed  thither 
and  made  the  first  permanent  settlement  in  South  Carolina.^  At 
this  time  we  learn  that  that  section  of  tlie  province  watered  by  the 
Stono  River  was  fuU  of  Indian  settloments.* 

In  May  of  the  same  year  a  sloop  called  The  Three  Brothers  an- 
chored off  Edisto  Island — "Odistash'*  as  they  caU  it — and  two 
chiefs,  named  Sheedou  and  Alush,  who  had  been  taken  to  Bar- 
bados by  Hilton,  came  out  to  them  and  directed  them  to  Kiawa.' 

In  a  letter  written  to  Lord  Ashley  from  this  colony  by  William 
Owen  on  September  15,  1670,  he  says,  referring  to  the  coast  Indians: 

We  haue  them  in  a  pound,  for  to  ye  Southward  they  will  not  goe  fearing  the  Yamases 
Spanish  Comeraro  as  ye  Indians  termes  it.,  ye  Westoes  are  behind  them  a  mortall 
enemie  of  theires  whom  they  say  are  ye  man  eaters  of  them  they  are  more  afraid  then 
ye  little  children  are  of  ye  Bull  beggers  in  England,  to  ye  Northward  they  will 
not  goe  for  their  they  cry  y*  is  Hiddeskeh,  y'  is  to  say  sickly,  soe  y*  they  reckon  them- 
selves safe  when  they  haue  vs  among»t  them,  from  them  there  rann  be  noe  danger 
ap'hended,  they  haue  exprest  vs  vnexpected  kindness  for  when  ye  ship  went  to  and 
dureing  her  stay  att  Virginia  provision  was  att  the  8<*arcest  with  uh  yet  they  daylie 
supplied  vs  y*  we  were  better  stored  att  her  return  than,  when  she  went  haueing  25 
days  provision  in  stoe  beside  3  tunn  of  come  more  w*''  they  promised  to  procuer  when 
we  pleased  to  com  for  it  att  Seweh.* 

In  a  letter  written  to  Lord  AslUey  on  Au<i;ust  30,  1671,  Maurice 
Mathews  says: 

The  Indians  all  About  vs  are  our  friends;  all  y^  we  haue  knowledge  of  by  theyre 
Appearance  and  traid  with  vs  are  as  followeth: 

St  Helena  ye  Southermost;  Ishpow,  Wimbee,  Edista,  Stono,  Keyawah,  where  we 
now  line,  Kussoo  to  ye  westward  of  vs,  Sampa,  wando  Ituan,  Gt  Pa;*  Sewee,  Santee, 

»  8.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  pp.  16«-1«W. 

>  rarroU,  Hist.  Colls.  8.  Car.,  ii,  p.  l7-». 

» Ibid.,  p.  170, 

«Ibid..  pp.  200-201. 

» In  a  note  the  editor  of  the  Shaftesbury  I'apcrs  gives  an  alternative  ren<lering  S*  Pa,  nnd  ((uorios  whoi  Ijor 
ihlH  iribe  is  the  Sampa  or  Samplt  repeate<l.  There  does  not  seem  to  be  suflicient  data  for  determining  this 


Wanniah,  Elasie,  Isaw,  Cotachicach,  some  of  these  haue  4  or  5  Cassikaes  more,  or 
Leee  Truly  to  define  the  power  of  these  Caasukaes  I  must  say  thus;  it  is  noe  more 
(scarce  as  much)  as  we  owne  to  ye  Topakin  in  England,  or  A  grauer  person  then  our 
selues;  I  finde  noe  tributaries  among  them,  butt  intermariages  &  pouerty  causeth 
them  to  visitt  one  Another ;  neuer  quarrelling  who  is  ye  better  man ;  they  are  generally 
poore  &  Spanish;  Affraid  of  ye  very  foot  step  of  a  Westoe;  A  sort  of  people  y^  liue  vp 
to  the  westward  [which  these  say  eat  people  and  are  great  warriors].^ 

Elsewhere  in  the  same  letter  Mathews  mentions  an  expedition 
inland  in  which  ^' About  30  miles  or  more  vpwards  wee  came  Among 
the  Cussoo  Indians  our  friends;  with  whome  I  had  been  twice  before.'' 
This  was  on  Ashley  River. 

In  September,  1671,  a  war  broke  out  with  the  Coosa  Indians. 
The  occasion  of  this  is  given  in  the  Coimcil  Journal  imder  date  of 
September  27  as  follows: 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Goverrour  and  Councill  September  27th  sitting  and  present 
(the  same  [as  given  above]).  The  Govemour  and  Councill  taking  into  their  serious 
consideration  the  languishing  condition  that  this  Collony  is  brought  into  by  reason 
of  the  great  quantity  of  come  from  time  to  time  taken  out  of  the  plantations  by  the 
Kussoe  and  other  Southward  Indians  and  for  as  much  as  the  said  Indians  will  not 
comply  with  any  faire  entreaties  to  live  peaceably  and  quietly  but  instead  thereof 
upon  every  light  occasion  have  and  doe  threaten  the  lives  of  all  or  any  of  our  people 
whom  they  will  sufore  (?)  to  them  and  doe  dayly  persist  and  increase  in  their  insolen* 
eyes  soe  as  to  disturb  and  invade  some  of  our  plantation  in  the  night  time  but  that 
the  evill  of  their  intentions  have  hitherto  been  prevented  by  diligent  watchings. 
And  for  as  much  as  the  said  Indians  have  given  out  that  they  intend  for  and  with  the 
Spaniards  to  cutt  off  the  English  people  in  this  place  &c  Ordered  orde3aied  by  the 
said  Govemuor  &c  OoimciU  (nemine  contra  dicente)  that  an  open  Warr  shall  be 
forthwith  prosecuted  against  the  said  Kussoe  Indians  and  their  co-adjutors  &  for  the 
better  effecting  thereof  that  Commissions  be  granted  to  Capt.  John  Godfrey  and  Capt. 
Thomas  Gray  to  prosecute  the  same  effectually.  And  that  Mr.  Stephen  Bull  doe 
take  into  his  custody  two  Kussoe  Indians  now  in  Towne  and  them  to  keepe  with 
the  beet  security  he  may  till  he  receive  firther  orders  from  this  Board.' 

As,  in  a  letter  written  to  Lord  Ashley  by  Joseph  West  on  Sep- 
tember 3  preceding,  the  murder  of  an  Indian  by  an  Irish  colonist  is 
referred  to,"  probably  the  provocation  was  not  all  on  one  side.  This 
war  seems  to  have  been  pushed  with  exceeding  vigor,  since  in  the 
Council  Journal  for  October  2  we  read: 

Upon  consideration  had  of  the  disposing  of  the  Indian  prisoners  now  brought  in 
for  their  better  security  and  maintenance.  It  is  resolved  and  ordered  by  the  Grand 
Councill  that  every  Company  which  went  out  upon  that  expedition  shall  secure  and 
maintaine  the  Indians  they  have  taken  till  they  can  transport  the  said  Indians,  but 
if  the  remaining  Kussoe  Indians  doe  in  the  meanetime  come  in  and  make  peace  and 
desire  the  Indians  now  prisoners  then  the  said  Indians  shall  be  sett  at  Liberty  having 
first  paid  such  a  ransom  as  shall  be  thought  reasonable  by  the  Grand  Council  to  be 
shared  equally  among  the  Company  of  men  that  tooke  the  Indians  aforesaid.^ 

» 8.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  p.  334.  The  editor  of  the  Shaftesbury  Papers  gives  two  other  lists  of  these 
Cosabo  tribes.  The  first  is  dated  in  1695-6  and  mentions  "the  natives  of  Sainte  Holcnii,  Causa,  Wimbehe, 
Combehe,  Edistoe,  Stonoe,  Kiaway,  Itwan,  Seewee,  Santee,  Cussoes. "  Causa  does  not  appear  again;  Causa 
and  Cussoe  may  refer  to  two  sections  of  the  Coosa.  The  second  list  is  dated  in  1707  and  refers  to  "those 
called  Cusabes,  vis:  Santees,  Ittavans,  Sea  wees,  Stoanoes,  Kiawaws,  Kussoes,  St.  Helena  &c.  and  Bohi- 

s  8.  Oar.  Hist.  Soc.  OoUs.,  ▼,  pp.  341-342. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  838. 

« JJbkL,  V,  pp.  8M-8ifi.   8ae  also  RWers,  Hist.  6.  Car.,  pp.  105-106. 


The  transporting  of  the  Indians  meant  transport  to  the  West 
Indies  as  slaves,  that  being  one  of  the  amiable  ways  of  civilizing 
redskins  to  which  our  ancestors  were  addicted.  The  fate  of  these  un- 
fortunate Coosa  is  uncertain,  but  evidently  the  war  came  to  an  end 
after  the  aforesaid  expedition.  From  a  note  based  on  information 
obtained  from  Governor  West  we  learn  that  the — 

CoBBoee  [were]  to  pay  a  dear  skin  monthly  as  an  acknowledgm^  or  else  to  loose  our 

This  must  have  been  one  of  the  agreements  when  peace  was  made. 
In  1674,  in  some  instructions  to  Henry  Woodward,  the  Earl  of 
Shaftesbury  says:  "You  are  to  treate  with  the  Indians  of  Edisto 
for  the  Island  and  buy  it  of  them  and  make  a  Friendship  with 

Whether  the  order  was  carried  out  at  that  time  does  not  appear. 
Meantime  the  Coosa  Indians  were  again  restless.  The  Council 
Journals  for  August  3,  1674,  contain  the  following:  • 

And  forasmuch  a£  it  is  credibly  informed  that  the  Knssoe  Indians  have  secretly 
murdered  3  Englishmen  and  as  these  Indians  have  noe  certaine  abode  Resolved  that 
Oapt.  Mau:  Mathews,  M'  W"*  Owen,  cap^  Rich^  Gonant  &  M'  Ra:  Marshall  doe  inquire 
where  the  s*'  Indians  may  be  taken  then  to  raise  a  party  of  men  as  they  shall  think 
conven^  under  command  of  the  s^  cap^  Gonant  or  any  other  parties  imder  other  com- 
manders to  use  all  meanes  to  come  up  with  the  t^  Indians  wheresoever  to  take  or  de- 
stroy all  or  any  of  them,  the  whole  matter  being  left  to  their  advisem^.' 

Still  earUer  the  colonists  had  begun  to  experience  difficulties  with  the 
Stono,  as  this  entry  imder  date  of  July  25  attests : 

For  as  <fcc  it  is  credibly  informed  that  the  Indian  Stonoe  Casseca  hath  endeavored 
to  confederate  certaine  other  Indians  to  murder  some  of  the  English  nation  &  to  rise 
in  Rebellion  ag^  this  Settem^  Resolved  that  capt.  Mau:  Mathews  doe  require  &  com- 
mand nine  men  of  the  Inhabi^*  of  this  Settlem^  to  attend  him  in  this  exped**  to  take 
the  s'  Indian  and  him  cause  to  be  brought  to  Charlestowne  to  answer  to  these  things 
but  if  any  opposition  happen  the  t^  capt.  Mathews  is  to  use  his  discret*^  in  the  managm^ 
thereof  for  the  security  of  himself  &  the  s^  party  of  men  whether  by  killing  &  destrojring 
the  s''  Indian  &  his  confederates  or  otherwise.' 

According  to  the  Council  Journals  of  January  15,  1675,  "some 
neighbor  Indians"  had  expressed  a  desire  to  be  settled  into  a  town 
near  Charleston/ 

To  carry  out  the  terms  of  the  constitution  drawn  up  for  Carolina 
by  John  Locke  a  number  of  ''baronies"  were  created  in  South  Caro- 
Una,  many  of  them  by  purchase  of  land  from  the  Indian  proprietors. 
Thus  the  land  constituting  Ashley  barony  on  Ashley  River  was 
obtained  from  the  Coosa  Indians  who  surrendered  it  in  the  following 

To  all  menner  of  Peoide,  do.,  know  ye  that  wee,  the  Gassiquee  naturell  Bom  Hears 
&  Sole  owners  &  proprietors  of  great  &  lesser  Cussoe,  lying  on  the  river  of  Kyewah,  the 

1  S.  Our.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  p.  388.  i  n>id.,  p.  451. 

*  nM.,  p.  446.  « n>id. ,  p.  475. 

70  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

River  of  Slonoe,  <&  the  frenhetj  of  the  River  of  Edii^tah,  doe  for  uh  ourselven,  our  sub- 
jects <&  va88al8,  grant,  <&c.,  whole  part  &  parcell  called  great  &  lesser  OtiRsoe  unto  the 
Right  Hon"*  Anthony  Earl  of  Shaftsbury,  Lord  Baron  Ashly  of  Wimbome  St.  Gyles', 
Lord  Cooper  of  Pawlet,  Ac,  10  March,  1675.  Marks  of  The  Great  Cassiq,  Ac,  an  In- 
dian Captain,  a  hill  Captain,  &c.^ 

To  this  are  appended  the  signatures  of  several  witnesses.  What 
appears  to  have  been  a  still  more  sweeping  cession  was  made  to 
Maurice  Mathews  in  1682  by  the  **  chief  of  Stonah,  chief tainess  of 
Edisloh,  chief  of  Asshepoo,  chieftainess  of  St.  Hellena,  chief  of  Com- 
bahe,  chief  of  Cussah,  chief  of  Wichcauh,  chief  of  Wimbee.'*'  In 
1693  there  was  a  short  war  with  the  Stono,  a  tribe  which  had  already 
showed  itself  hostile  on  more  than  one  occasion.^  The  same  year 
we  read  that  the  Chihaw  King  complained  of  the  cruel  treatment 
he  had  received  from  John  Palmer,  who  had  barbarously  beaten  and 
cut  him  with  his  broadsword.  These  '* Chihaw'*  were  perhaps  in 
South  Carolina  and  not  representatives  of  that  much  better  known 
band  among  the  Creeks.*  A  body  of  Cusabo  were  in  Col.  John  Barn- 
well's army  raised  to  attack  the  Tuscarora  in  1711-12.^  In  I7I2  was 
passed  an  act  for  ''settling  the  Island  called  Palawana,  upon  the 
Cusaboe  Indians  now  living  in  Granville  County  and  upon  their  Pos- 
terity forever.''  From  the  terms  of  this  a,ct  it  appears  that  "most  of 
the  Plantations  of  the  said  (^saboes''  were  already  situated  upon 
that  island  which  is  described  as  *'near  the  Island  of  St,  Helena/* 
but  that  it  had  fallen  into  private  hands. 

The  act  reads  as  follows : 

Whereaw  the  Cusaboe  Indiana  of  Granville  County,  are  the  native  and  ancient 
inhabitants  of  the  Sea  Coa.HtH  of  this  Province,  and  kindly  entertained  the  first  Efnglish 
who  arrived  in  the  same,  and  are  useful  to  the  Government  for  Watching  and  Discov- 
ering Enemies,  and  finding  Shipwrecked  People;  And  whereas  the  Island  called 
Palawana  near  the  Island  of  St.  Helena^  upon  which  most  of  the  Plantations  of  the  said 
Casahoes  now  are,  was  formerly  by  Inadvertancy  granted  by  the  Right  Honorable  the 
Lords  Proprietors  of  this  Province,  to  Matthew  Smallrvood^  and  by  him  sold  and  trans- 
ferred to  James  Cockram,  whose  Property  and  Possession  it  is  at  present;  Be  it  En- 
acted by  the  most  noble  Prince  Henry  Duke  of  Beauford,  Palatine,  and  the  Rest  of 
the  Right  Honorable  the  true  and  absolute  Lords  and  Proprietors  of  Carolina,  together 
with  the  Advice  and  Consent  of  the  Members  of  the  General  Assembly  now  met  at 
Charles-Town  for  the  South  West  Part  of  this  Pro\ance,  That  from  and  after  the  Rati- 
fication of  this  Act,  the  Island  of  Palaivana,  lying  nigh  the  Island  of  St.  Helena^  in 
Granville  County,  containing  between  Four  and  Five  Hundred  Acres  of  Land,  be  it 
more  or  less,  now  in  the  Possession  of  James  Cockram  as  aforesaid,  shall  be  and  is 
hereby  declared  to  be  invested  in  the  aforesaid  Cusaboe  Indians,  and  in  tlieir  Heirs 

»  8.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  pp.  16&-467. 

•  Rivers,  Hist.  S,  Car.,  p.  38,  1S56;  Public  Records  of  S.  ('.,  3«i,  p.  12o. 

'Logan,  a  Hist,  of  the  Upper  Country  of  S.  c\.  pp.  191-192;  Carroll,  Hist.  Colls.  S.  Car.,  i,  p.  74. 
By  later  writers  this  disturbance  was  in  some  way  asNociatod  with  the  Wcsto  war  and  the  Stono  and 
Westo  were  coupled  t<^ether  on  this  aoco'int  an<i  h<*oause  of  a  suiwrftcial  resemblance  between  their 

•  Carroll,  op.  dt.,  p.  116. 

«•  8.  Car.  Hist,  and  Gen.  Mag.,  9,  pp.  30-31,  I90s. 

•  Laws  of  the  Province  of  South  Carolina,  by  Nichohis  Trott  ( 17«W).  No.  XV<,  p.  277.  quoted  by  Thomas 
in  IHth  .\nn.  Rept.  Rur.  .\mcr.  Kthn.,  pt.  2.  i».  «« 


In  1715  tho*  Yamiujco  war  broke  out  and  it  is  coiumoiily  supposiul 
to  have  nearly  exterminated  the  ancient  tribes  of  South  Carolina,  one 
early  authority  stating  that  *'some  of  the  Corsaboys''  along  with  the 
Congarees,  San  tees,  Seawees,  Pedees,  and  Waxaws  were  "utterly 
extirpated/'*  but  I  quote  this  statement  merely  to  refute  it.  As 
a  matter  of  fact,  remnants  of  nearly  all  the  ancient  tribes  persisted  for 
a  considerable  j>eriod  afterwards.  In  1716  there  w^as  a  short  war 
between  the  colonists  and  the  Santee  and  Congaree  Indians.  The 
Etiwaw  took  part  in  this  contest  on  the  side  of  the  whites.  Over 
half  of  the  offending  tribes  were  taken  prisoners  and  sent  as  slaves  to 
the  West  Indies.'  In  the  same  year  we  find  a  note  to  the  effect  that 
the  colony  had  been  presented  with  six  dressed  deerskins  by  the 
*'Coosoe''  Indians  and  twelve  dressed  and  eight  raw  deerskins  by  the 
*'Itawans."'  In  1717  there  is  a  note  of  a  present  made  by  the 
*'Kiawah"  Indians.^  In  a  letter  written  by  Barnwell,  April,  1720, 
there  is  mention  of  the  "Coosaboys.''  *  In  1727  we  learn  that  *'the 
King  of  the  Kywaws"  desired  recompense  for  some  service,  and,  ap- 
parently the  same  year,  he  was  given  a  grant  of  land  south  of  the 
**Combee''  River.*  About  1743  Adair  mentions  '*Coosah''  as  a 
dialect  spoken  in  the  Catawba  nation,  but  it  is  not  probable 
that  all  of  the  Coosa  removed  there.  ^  Some  time  after  the  founding 
of  Georgia  an  old  man  among  the  Creek  Indians  stated  that  the  first 
whites  were  met  with  at  the  mouth  of  the  Coosawhatchie,"  and  it  ap- 
pears that  this  report  was  current  among  the  Creeks,  although  some- 
times the  name  of  Savannah  River  is  substituted.  The  tradition  is, 
of  course,  correct,  and  it  would  seem  probable  that  it  was  due  not 
merely  to  hearsay  information  but  to  the  actual  presence  among  the 
Creeks  of  families  or  bands  of  Indians  of  Cusabo  origin.  Apart  from 
those  who  joined  the  Catawba,  Creeks,  and  other  tribes,  the  last  glimpse 
we  have  of  the  coast  Indians  shows  the  remnant  of  the  Kiawa  and 
Cusabo  in  the  neighborhood  of  Beaufort.  We  do  not  know  whether 
the  Etiwaw  and  Wando  were  in<5luded  among  the  Kiawa,  but  it  is 
probable  that  a  part  at  least  of  all  of  these  tribes  remained  near  their 
ancestral  seats  and  were  gradually  merged  in  the  surrounding  popu- 

The  following  remarks  of  Adair  may  weU  be  inserted  as  the  vale- 
dictory of  these  people,  although  it  applies  also  to  the  small  Siouan 
tribes  northward  of  them  and  to  some  others: 

'  Rivers,  Hist.  S.  Car.,  pp  93-94.  «•  Pul..  Rec.  of  S.  C,  MS.  vm,  p.  4. 

*  Pub.  Rec.  of  S.  C,  MS.  •  Journal  of  the  CouncU,  8.  C.  docs.,  x,  p.  24. 

*  Proc.  of  Board  dealing  with  Indian  trade,  MS.,  p.  62.  ^  Adair»  Hist.  Am.  Inds.,  p.  22o. 

*  Ibid.,  p.  ia«.  » Carroll,  Ilist.  Colls.  8.  Car.,  i,  xxxvu. 

72  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHN^OLOGY  [bull.  73 

In  most  of  our  American  colonies,  there  yet  remain  a  few  of  the  natives,  who  for- 
merly inhabited  those  extensive  countries;  and  as  they  were  friendly  to  us,  and  serv- 
iceable to  our  interests,  the  wisdom  and  virtue  of  our  legislature  secured  them  from 
being  injured  by  the  neighboring  nations.  The  French  strictly  pursued  the  same 
method,  deeming  such  to  be  more  useful  than  any  others  on  alarming  occasions.  We 
called  them  **Parched-com-Indians,"  because  they  chiefly  use  it  for  bread,  are  civ- 
ilized, and  live  mostly  by  planting.  As  they  had  no  connection  with  the  Indian 
nations  [i.  e.,  the  Catawba,  Cherokee,  Muskogee,  Chickasaw,  and  Choctaw],  and 
were  desirous  of  living  peaceable  under  the  British  protection,  none  could  have  any 
just  plea  to  kill  or  inslave  them.''* 

Ethnological  Information  Regarding  the  Curabo 

Ethnological  information  regarding  the  Cusabo  is  scanty  and 
unsatisfactory,  the  interest  of  the  colonists  having  been  quickly 
attracted  to  those  great  tribes  lying  inland  which  they  called  ''na- 
tions." Such  material  as  is  to  be  had  must  be  interpreted  in  the 
light  of  the  fuller  information  to  be  gathered  from  larger  southern 
tribes  like  the  Creeks,  Cherokee,  Choctaw,  and  Chickasaw.  Never- 
theless it  is  of  interest  to  know  that  certain  features  of  the  lives  of 
these  peoples  were  or  were  not  shared  by  the  ones  better  known. 

The  material  gathered  by  the  Spaniards  as  a  result  of  the  Ayllon 
expedition  has  been  given  in  connection  with  the  accoimt  of  that 
venture,  and  will  not  be  considered  again.  The  region  to  which  it 
applies  is  too  uncertain  to  consider  it  definitely  under  this  head. 
From  the  time  of  the  French  settlement  in  1562,  however,  we 
have  a  sufficiently  clear  localization,  from  the  French,  Spanish,  and 
English  narratives  successively.  The  greater  part  of  our  informa- 
tion comes,  however,  from  the  French  and  English,  the  Spaniards 
not  having  been  interested  in  the  people  among  whom  they  came  or 
not  having  published  those  papers  which  contained  accounts  of  them. 

The  foUowing  general  description  of  the  appearance  of  the  natives, 
and  their  mental  and  moral  characteristics,  is  from  Alexander  Hewat. 
It  does  not  apply  to  the  Cusabo  alone,  but  Hewat  was  probably  better 
acquainted  with  them  than  with  any  other  Indians. 

In  stature  they  are  of  a  middle  size,  neither  so  tall  nor  yet  so  low  as  some  Em*opeans. 
To  appearance  they  are  strong  and  well  made;  yet  they  are  totally  unqualified  for 
that  heavy  burden  or  tedious  labour  which  the  vigorous  and  firm  nerves  of  Europeans 
enable  them  to  undergo.  None  of  them  are  deformed,  deformities  of  nature  being 
confined  to  the  ages  of  art  and  refinement.  Their  colour  is  brown,  and  their  skin 
shines,  being  varnished  with  bears  fat  and  paint.  To  appearance  the  men  have  no 
beards,  nor  hair  on  their  head,  except  a  round  tuft  on  iia  crown;  but  this  defect  is 
not  natural,  as  many  people  are  given  to  believe,  but  the  effect  of  art,  it  being  custom- 
ary among  them  to  tear  out  such  hair  by  the  root.  They  go  naked,  except  those 
parts  which  natural  decency  teaches  the  most  barbarous  nations  to  cover.  The  huts 
in  which  they  live  are  foul,  mean  and  offensive;  and  their  manner  of  life  is  poor, 

*  Adair,  Hist.  Am.  Inds.,  p.  343. 


nasty,  and  disgustful.  In  the  hunting  season  they  are  eager  and  indefatigable  in 
pursuit  of  their  prey;  when  that  is  over,  they  indulge  themselves  in  a  kind  of  brutal 
slumber,  indolence,  and  ease.  In  their  distant  excursions  they  can  endure  himger 
long,  and  carry  little  with  them  for  their  subsistence;  but  in  days  of  plenty  they  are 
voracious  as  vultures.  While  dining  in  company  with  their  chieftains  we  were 
astonished  at  the  vast  quantity  of  meat  they  devoured.  Agriculture  they  leave  to 
women,  and  consider  it  as  an  employment  unworthy  of  a  man:  indeed  they  seem 
amazingly  dead  to  tender  passions,  and  treat  their  women  like  slaves,  or  beings  of 
inferior  rank.  Scolding,  insults,  quarrels,  and  complaints  are  seldom  heard  among 
them;  on  solemn  occasions  they  .are  thoughtful,  serious,  and  grave;  yet  I  have  seen 
them  free,  open,  and  merry  at  feasts  and  entertainments.  In  their  common  deport- 
ment towards  each  other  they  are  respectful,  peaceable,  and  inoffensive.  Sudden 
anger  is  looked  upon  as  ignominious  and  imbecoming,  and,  except  in  liquor,  they 
seldom  differ  with  their  neighbour,  or  even  do  him  any  harm  or  injury.  As  for  riches 
they  have  none,  nor  covet  any;  and  while  they  have  plenty  of  provisions,  they  allow 
none  to  suffer  through  want;  if  they  are  successful  in  hunting,  all  their  unfortunate  or 
distressed  friends  share  with  them  the  common  blessings  of  life.^ 

This  description  has  importance,  not  as  a  moral  evaluation  of  these 
people  but  as  a  set  of  impressions  to  be  interpreted  with  due  regard 
to  the  standards  and  ideals  in  the  mind  of  the  observer  himself. 
Another  writer  says  that  bear  grease  was  used  on  the  hair  to  make  it 
grow  and  at  the  same  time  kill  the  vermin.*  Another  says  of  their 
head  hair  that  it  was  **tied  in  various  ways,  sometimes  oyPd  and 
painted,  stuck  through  with  Feathers  for  Ornament  or  Gallantry," 
and  he  adds  that  they  painted  their  faces  *'  with  different  Figures  of  a 
red  or  Sanguine  Colour.'''  Their  clothing  consisted  of  bear  or  deer 
skins  dressed,  it  is  said,  ^'rather  softer,  though  not  so  durable  as  ours 
in  England."*  They  were  sometimes  ornamented  with  black  and 
red  checks.*  Locke  notes  that  they  *'dye  their  deer  skins  of  excel- 
lent colours.  "•  Pearls  were  obtained  from  the  rivers,  and  they 
knew  how  to  pierce  them,  but  the  process  spoiled  their  value  for 
European  trade.  They  made  little  baskets  of  painted  reeds,  ^  and  the 
French  found  the  house  of  Ouad6,  which  was,  it  is  true,  in  the  Guale 
country,  "hung  with  feathers  (plumasserie)  of  different  colors,  to 
the  height  of  a  pike."  "Moreover  upon  the  place  where  the  king 
slept  were  white  coverings  woven  in  panels  with  clever  artifice  and 
edged  about  with  a  scarlet  fringe."*  These  must  have  been  either 
cane  mats  or  else  textiles  made  of  mulberry  bark  or  some  similar 
material,  like  those  fabricated  throughout  the  south.  The  "panels" 
were  probably  the  typical  diagonal  designs  still  to  be  seen  on  southern 
baskets.  The  French  add  that  Ouad6  presented  them  with  six 
pieces  of  his  hangings  made  like  little  coverings." 

«  Hewat  in  Carroll,  Hist.  Colls.  S.  Car.,  i,  pp.  65-«6.  •  8.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  C^Us.,  v,  p.  462. 

«  Carroll,  op.  cit.,  n,  pp.  723.  '  Carroll,  op.  cit.,  ii,  pp.  80-81. 

'  Ibid.,  p.  73.  ■  Laudonni^re,  Hist.  Not.  dc  la  Floride,  p.  48. 

«Ibld.,p.  80.  »  Ibid.,  p.  49. 

»Ibid.,pp.  80^L 

74  BUREAU   OF   AArEinC^AX    ETHNOLOGY  fniTLL.  73 

What  Oviodo  records  about  tlio  larj^c*  coinmunal  house  said  to  have 
been  found  on  this  coast  by  the  Spaniards  early  in  the  sixteenth  cen- 
tury has  been  given  ah-eady.^  That  they  could  build  houses  of  con- 
siderable size  >\nthout  much  labor  is  clearly  shown  by  the  experience 
of  the  French  at  Port  Royal.  One  of  their  buildings  described  as  **  the 
large  house*'  having  been  destroyed,  the  Indians  of  Maccou  and 
Audusta  built  another  in  less  than  1 2  hours  **  scarcely  smaller  than  the 
one  which  had  been  burned.**  '  As  we  have  seen,  Hewat  speaks  of 
their  houses  as  ^^foul,  mean,  and  offensive,'*'  but  the  structures  seen 
by  Hilton  and  Sandford  certainly  did  not  deserve  the  censure  of 
meanness.  Some  of  those  noted  by  the  former  captain  ^  having 
been  seen  at  St.  Helena  were  evidently  put  up  by  Spaniards,  but  he 
mentions  one  which  was  probably  of  native  construction.  At  least 
some  of  the  features  connected  with  it  were  native.  This  was  '*a 
fair  house  builded  in  the  shape  of  a  Dove-house,  round,  two  hundred 
foot  at  least,  compleatly  covered  with  Paimf'to-leaves,  the  wal-plate 
being  twelve  foot  high,  or  thereabouts,  &  within  lodging  rooms  and 
forms;  two  pillars  at  the  entrance  of  a  high  Seat  above  all  the  rest.  *'  * 
This  '^high  seat"  was  perhaps  a  chiefs  seat  such  as  were  seen  else- 
where on  the  Cusabo  coast.  When  Capt.  Sandford  visited  the  chief 
Edisto  town  in  1666  he  was  "conducted  into  a  large  house  of  a  Circu- 
lar forme  (their  genorall  house  of  State)."  Over  against  the  en- 
trance was  '*a  high  seate  of  sufficient  breadth  for  half  a  dozen  per- 
sons,** for  the  chief,  his  wife,  eminent  persons,  and  distinguished 
visitors.  Lower  benches  for  the  common  people  extended  from  the 
ends  of  this  on  each  side  all  the  way  to  the  door,  and  about  the  fire, 
which  was  in  the  center  of  the  building,  were  'little  lowe  foormes. *' 
The  towTi  house  of  St.  Helena  is  said  to  have  been  of  the  same  pattern, 
and  was  probably  identical  with  that  described  by  Hilton,  as  quoted 

In  hunting,  their  principal  weapons  were  bows  and  arrows,  the 
latter  made  of  reeds  pointed  with  sharp  ston(»s  or  fishbones.  The 
Cusabo  country  abounded  with  game,  its  rivers  and  inlets  with  fish; 
shellfish  were  also  abundant  along  the  coast.  The  deer  was,  as  usual, 
the  chief  game  animal,  th(»  bear  being  hunted  more  for  its  fat  than  for 
its  flesh.  According  to  Samuel  Wilson,  whose  account  was  })ublished 
in  1682,  deer  were  so  plentiful  ''that  an  Indian  hunter  hath  killed 
Nine  fat  Deere  in  a  day  all  shot  by  himself,  and  all  the  considiTable 
Planters  have  an  Indian  Hunter  which  they  hire  for  less  than  Twenty 
shillings  a  year,  and  one  hunter  will  very  w(»ll  find  a  Family  of  Thirty 
people,  with  as  much  venison  and  foul  as  they  can  well  (»at.  "  "     What 

>  See  p.  4H.  «  Sec  p.  <>2. 

>  Laudonnl^rc,  Hist.  Not.  df  la  Floride,  p.  5<).  » iSoe  p.  r.4. 

« Sot»  p.  72.  •  Canoil,  op.  oit .,  ii,  p.  2S. 

SWANT<^»N  1 



the  tjxplorers  in  Hilton  8  pjirly  liavo  to  say  rogarding  nalivc  apicul- 
ture has  been  g^iven  but  may  be  requoted: 

The  Indians  plant  in  the  worst  I -And  because  they  cannot  cut  down  the  Timl^er  in 
the  \ieetj  and  yet  have  plenty  of  (^om,  Pompions.  Water-Mellonfl,  Mu8k-meIlons: 
although  the  land  l>e  overgrown  with  weeds  through  their  lanneese,  yet  they  have 
two  or  three  crops  of  Com  a  year,  as  the  Indians  themselves  inform  us. ' 

Their  treatment  of  com  was  probably  identical  with  that  among 
the  other  southern  tribes.  Mention  is  made  by  one  writer  of  the 
**cold  meal*'  made  by  parching  ripe  com  and  pounding  it  into  a 
powder  and  of  the  convenience  of  this  in  traveling.'  Sandford 
found  extensive  cornfields  surrounding  both  Edisto  and  St.  Helena, 
but  in  Laudonnifire^s  time,  at  any  rate,  the  Gualo  country  seems 
to  have  been  superior  agriculturally.  Couexis,  a  Guale  chief, 
is  reported  as  having  '^such  a  quantity  of  millet  (mil),  flour,  and 
beans  that  through  his  assistance  alone  they  [the  French]  might  have 
provision  for  a  very  long  time.*'  '  If  the  "mil*'  and  **farine**  are 
supposed  to  refer  to  two  different  cereals  one  may  have  been  wild 
rice  or  something  of  the  sort.  Probably,  however,  both  refer  to 
com — one  to  the  unground,  the  other  to  the  ground  or  pounded  com. 
Acorns  and  nuts  were  used,  especially  when  other  provisions  had  given 
out.  From  the  hickory  nut,  and  probably  from  acorns  also,  they 
expressed  an  oil  of  which  it  is  said  the  English  colonists  also  availed 

It  is  interesting  to  observe  that  in  the  time  of  Hilton  and  Sandford 
the  Cusabo  already  had  peaches  and  figs,  and  we  must  therefore 
assign  to  these  a  Spanish  origin.  Laudonnidre  also  mentions  the 
use  of  roots  as  food,*  and  the  explorers  under  Hilton  speak  of  a  root 
which  grew  in  the  marshes  and  of  which  the  Indians  made  good 
bread.*  This  was  perhaps  the  *^marsh  potato,"  but  more  likely  the 
kunti  of  the  Creeks,  a  kind  of  smilax,  for  we  know  that  bread  was 
made  from  this  throughout  the  south. 

The  Cusabo  used  dugout  canoes  extensively  and  were  expert 
canoe  men  and  good  swimmers.^  Regarding  their  methods  of 
catching  fish  no  word  has  been  preserved.  From  the  rapidity  with 
which  they  supplied  the  Frenchmen  with  cords  for  rigging  it  may  be 
inferred  that  fishing  lines  and  nets  were  much  in  use.* 

Regarding  their  government  arid  social  organization  next  to 
nothing  is  known.      Hewat  says: 

Although  the  Indians  lived  mucli  dispersed,  yet  they  united  under  one  chief,  and 
formed  towns,  all  the  lands  around  which  they  claimed  as  their  proi)erty .     The  Iwund- 

>  See  p.  63. 

TarroU,  op.  cit.,  p.  fts. 

'  lAtidonni^re,  op.  cit.,  p.  47. 

♦Carroll,  op.  cit.,  p.  64. 

*  Laiidonni^rp.  op.  dt.,  p.  46. 

•  Sec  I).  63. 

'  Laiidonni^re,  oi>.  cit..  p.  27. 
»  Il)i<l.,  p.  ,Vj. 



[bull.  73 

arics  of  their  hunting  grounds  being  carefully  fixed,  each  tribe  was  tenacious  of  its 
possessions,  and  fired  with  resentment  at  the  least  encroachment  on  them.  Every 
individual  looked  on  himself  as  a  proprietor  of  all  the  lands  claimed  by  the  whole 
tribe,  and  bound  in  honor  to  defend  them.^ 

And  farther  on: 

With  respect  to  internal  government,  these  savages  have  also  several  customs  and 
regulations  to  which  the  individuals  of  the  same  tribe  conform.  Personal  wisdom 
and  courage  are  the  chief  sources  of  distinction  among  them,  and  individuals  obtain 
rank  and  influence  in  proportion  as  they  excel  in  these  qualifications.  Natural 
reason  suggests,  that  the  man  of  the  greatest  abilities  ought  to  be  the  leader  of  all 
possessed  of  inferior  endowments;  in  him  they  place  the  greatest  confidence,  and  fol- 
low him  to  war  without  envy  or  mimnur.  As  this  warrior  arrives  at  honour  and  dis- 
tinction by  the  general  consent,  so,  when  chosen,  he  must  be  very  circumspect  in 
his  conduct,  and  gentle  in  the  exercise  of  his  power.  By  the  first  unlucky  or  unpopu- 
lar step  he  forfeits  the  goodwill  and  confidence  of  his  countrymen,  upon  which  all 
his  power  is  founded.  Besides  the  head  warrior,  they  have  judges  and  conjurers, 
whom  they  call  Beloved  Men,  who  have  great  weight  among  them;  none  of  whom 
have  indeed  any  coercive  authority,  yet  all  are  tolerably  well  obeyed.  In  this  com- 
monwealth every  man's  voice  is  heard,  and  at  their  public  demonstrations  the  best 
speakers  generally  prevail.  When  they  consult  together  about  important  affairs, 
such  as  war  or  peace,  they  are  serious  and  grave,  and  examine  all  the  advantages  and 
disadvantages  of  their  situation  with  great  coolness  and  deliberation,  and  nothing  is 
determined  but  by  the  general  consent.' 

From  the  narratives  of  Hilton  and  Sandford  we  know  that  they 
had  town  houses,  corresponding  evidently  to  the  tcokofas  of  the 
Creeks,  and  that  there  was  an  open  space  next  to  them  in  which  the 
chunky  game  was  played,'  but  they  do  not  appear  to  have  had  the 
outdoor  council  ground  or  ** square." 

The  manner  in  which  strangers  of  distinction  were  received  is  well 
illustrated  by  the  entertainment  accorded  Capt.  Sandford  at  Edisto.* 
When  the  chiefs  encountered  strangers  at  a  distance  from  their  towns 
they  had  arbors  constructed  in  the  manner  of  the  Florida  Indians 
in  which  the  conference  could  take  place  and  in  which  the  conferees 
could  be  screened  from  the  sun.*  When  Captain  Albert,  the  French 
officer  in  charge  of  Charlesfort,  visited  the  chief  Stalame  the  latter 
presented  him  on  his  arrival  with  a  bow  and  arrows,  *' which  is  a  sign 
and  confirmation  of  alliance  among  them."  He  also  presented  him 
with  deerskins.* 

Regarding  their  customs  in  general  and  that  relating  to  war  in 
particular  Hewat  says : 

Although  in  some  particular  customs  the  separate  tribes  of  Indians  differ  from 
each  other,  yet  in  their  general  principles  and  mode  of  government  they  are 
very  similar.  All  have  general  rules  with  respect  to  other  independent  tribes  around 
them,  which  they  carefully  observe.  The  great  concerns  relating  to  war  or  peace 
are  canvassed  in  assemblies  of  deputies  from  all  the  different  towns.  When  injuries 
are  committed,  and  Indians  of  one  tribe  hapi>en  to  be  killed  by  those  of  another,  then 

>  Carroll,  Hist.  ColLs.  S.  Car.,  i,  pp.  (V4-65. 
s  Ibid.,  pp.  OtH39. 

>  See  pp.  62-C5. 

4  See  p.  M. 

'•>  Laudonni^re,  op.  cit.,  p.  25. 

•Ibid.,  p.  43. 


9uch  a  meeting  is  commonly  called.  If  no  person  appears  on  the  side  of  the  aggres- 
sors, the  injured  nation  deputes  one  of  their  warriors  to  go  to  them,  and,  in  [the]  name 
of  the  whole  tribe,  to  demand  satisfactions.  If  this  is  refused,  and  they  think  them- 
selves able  to  undertake  a  war  against  the  aggressors,  then  a  number  of  warriors, 
commonly  the  relations  of  the  deceased,  take  the  field  for  revenge,  and  look  upon  it 
as  a  point  of  honor  never  to  leave  it  till  they  have  killed  the  same  number  of  the 
enemy  that  had  been  slain  of  their  kinsmen.  Having  accomplished  this,  they  return 
home  with  their  scalps,  and  by  some  token  let  their  enemy  know  that  they  are  satis- 
fied. But  when  the  nation  to  whom  the  aggressors  belong  happen  to  be  disposed  to 
peace,  they  search  for  the  murderer,  and  they  are,  by  the  general  judgment  of  the 
nation,  capitally  punished,  to  prevent  involving  others  in  their  quarrel,  which  act  of 
justice  is  performed  often  by  the  aggressor^s  nearest  relations.  The  criminal  never 
knows  of  his  condemnation  until  the  moment  the  sentence  is  put  into  execution, 
which  often  happens  while  he  is  dancing  the  war  dance  in  the  midst  of  his  neighbors, 
and  bragging  of  the  same  exploit  for  which  he  is  condemned  to  die.  .  .  . 

The  American  savages  almost  universally  claim  the  right  of  private  revenge.  It  is 
considered  by  them  as  a  point  of  honor  to  avenge  the  injuries  done  to  friends,  par- 
ticularly the  death  of  a  relation.  Scalp  for  scalp,  blood  for  blood,  and  death  for 
death,  can  only  satisfy  the  siu*viving  friends  of  the  injured  party.  .  .  .  But  should  the 
wife  and  aged  men  of  weight  and  influence  among  the  Indians  interpose,  on  account 
of  the  aggressor,  perhaps  satisfaction  may  be  made  by  way  of  compensation.  In  this 
case  some  present  made  to  the  party  aggrieved  serves  to  gratify  their  passion  of  revenge, 
by  the  loss  the  aggressor  sustains,  and  the  acquisition  of  property  the  injured  receives. 
Should  the  injured  friends  refuse  this  kind  of  satisfaction,  which  they  are  entirely 
at  liberty  to  do,  then  the  murderer,  however  high  his  rank  may  be,  must  be  delivered 
up  to  torture  and  death,  to  prevent  the  quarrel  spreading  wider  through  the  nation  . . . 
When  war  is  the  result  of  their  councils,  and  the  great  leader  takes  the  field,  any 
one  may  refuse  to  follow  him,  or  may  desert  him  without  incurring  any  punishment; 
but  by  such  ignominious  conduct  he  loses  his  reputation,  and  forfeits  the  hopes  of 
distinction  and  preferment.  To  honor  and  glory  from  warlike  exploits  the  views  of 
every  man  are  directed,  and  therefore  they  are  extremely  cautious  and  watchful  against 
doing  any  action  for  which  they  may  incur  public  censure  and  disgrace.' 

Regarding  marriage,  another  writer  says: 

Polygamy  is  permitted  among  them,  yet  few  have  more  than  one  wife  at  a  time, 
possibly  on  account  of  the  expense  of  supporting  them,  for  he  is  accounted  a  good 
gunsman  that  provides  well  for  one;  besides  the  Indians  are  not  of  an  amorous  com- 
plexion. It  is  common  with  them,  however,  to  repudiate  their  wives,  if  disobliged  by 
them  or  tired  of  them;  the  rejected  woman,  if  with  child,  generally  revenges  herself 
for  the  affront  by  taking  herbs  to  procure  an  abortion — an  operation  that  destroys 
many  of  them,  and  greatly  contributes  to  depopulate  them.' 

The  Spanish  missionary  Rogel  remarks  on  the  monogamous  condi- 
tion of  the  Cusabo  of  his  time  as  presenting  a  pleasing  contrast  to 
the  state  of  the  Calusa  of  southern  Florida,  from  whom  he  had  just 

Regarding  adultery,  Hewat  says  : 

In  case  of  adultery  among  Indians,  the  injured  husband  ronsidoFH  hinisolf  as  under 
an  obligation  to  revenge  the  crime,  and  he  attempts  to  cut  off  the  ears  of  the  adulterer, 

> Carroll,  op.  cit.,  i,  pp.  fi6-6«,  69. 

>  Ibid.,  pp.  517--618.    Locke  notes,  however,  that  they  were  "kind  iu  their  women."— (S. Car.  Hist.  Soc. 
CoUs.,  ▼,  p.  462.) 
•See  p.  57. 



[BULL.  73 

provided  he  be  able  to  effect  it;  if  not,  he  may  embrace  the  first  opjwrtunity  that 
offers  of  killing  him  without  any  danger  to  his  tribe.  Then  the  debt  is  paid,  and  the 
courage  of  the  husband  proved.* 

No  mention  being  made  of  pmiishment  inflicted  on  the  wife,  it  may 
be  concluded  that  the  custom  of  punishing  only  the  male  offender 
existed  as  it  did  among  the  Siouan  tribes  to  the  north.* 

The  comparative  absence  of  theft  among  our  southeastern  Indians 
is  attested  in  this  section  also  by  the  circumstance  that  when  two 
Indians  whom  Ribault  had  retained  on  board  his  vessel  by  force 
escaped  they  left  behind  all  of  the  presents  the  Frenchmen  had  made 
them,  although  some  of  these  were  articles  of  high  value  in  their  eyes.' 

A  relation  published  in  1682  says  of  their  religious  beliefs: 

Their  religion  chiefly  consists  in  the  adoration  of  the  sun  and  moon .  At  the  appear- 
ance of  the  new  moon  I  have  observed  them  with  open  extended  arms,  then  folded, 
with  inclined  bodies,  to  make  their  adorations  with  much  ardency  and  passion.^ 

The  personal  observation  is  of  some  value,  but  little  or  none  can 
be  attached  to  the  first  statement,  which  seems  to  be  made  by 
explorers  in  all  parts  of  the  world  for  want  of  any  definite  information. 
Laudonnidre  notes  of  the  two  Cusabo  Indians  kept  overnight  on 
Ribault 's  vessel  that  they  ''made  us  to  understand  that  before  eating 
they  were  accustomed  to  wash  their  faces  and  wait  until  the  sun  was 
set,"*  from  which  it  may  be  inferred  that  they  were  fasting.  The 
fullest  account  of  the  religious  beliefs  of  these  people  is  the  following 
from  Hewat: 

The  Indians,  like  all  ignorant  and  rude  nations,  are  very  8ui)erstitious.  They  believe 
that  superior  beings  interfere  in,  and  direct,  human  affairs,  and  invoke  all  spirits, 
both  good  and  evil,  in  hazardous  undertakings.  Each  tribe  have  their  conjurers  and 
magicians,  on  whose  prophetic  declarations  they  place  much  confidence,  in  all  matters 
relating  to  health,  hunting,  and  war.  They  are  fond  of  pr\ang  into  future  events, 
and  therefore  pay  particular  regard  to  signs,  omenH,  and  dreams.  They  look  upon 
fire  as  cacred,  and  pay  the  author  of  it  a  kind  of  worship.  At  the  time  of  harvest  and 
at  full  moon  they  observe  several  feasts  and  ceremonies,  which  it  would  seem  were 
derived  from  some  religious  origin.  As  their  success,  both  in  warlike  enterprises  and 
in  procuring  subsistence  depends  greatly  on  fortune,  they  have  a  number  of  ceremo- 
nious observances  before  they  enter  on  them .  They  offer  in  sacrifice  a  part  of  the  first 
deer  or  bear  they  kill,  and  from  this  they  flatter  themselves  with  the  hopes  of  future 
success.  When  taken  sick  they  are  particularly  prone  to  superstition,  and  their 
physicians  administer  their  simple  and  secret  cures  with  a  variety  of  strange  ceremo- 
nies and  magic  arta,  which  fill  the  patients  with  (!ourage  and  confidence,  and  are 
sometimes  attended  with  happy  effects.* 

Among  t^e  Carolum  notes  in  the  Shaftesbury  Papers  is  this  by 
Locke:  ''Kill  servants  to  wait  on  them  in  the  other  world."  ^  This 
would  be  hiteresting  if  we  could  feel  sure  that  it  ap|)liod  to  the  Indians 

>('afTon,()p.  cit.,!,]).  OS. 

*  Laws(»i,  Hist.  Carolina,  p.  30K 
sLuudonni^rr  .op.  cit.,  p.  31. 
<(\irroll,op.  cit.,  n,  pp.  8[)-8i. 

»  Kamlonnifen*.  oi>.  cit.,  p.  iS. 
« (':irrt»ll,  ()p.  cit.,  I,  pp.  f)<»-70. 
^  S.  Car.  Hi^t.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  p.  102. 


of  Carolina,  and  had  not  boon  picked  up  by  Locke  in  the  course  of  his 
general  reading. 

In  the  matter  of  medicine  another  writer  savs: 


In  Medicine,  or  the  Nature  of  Simples,  some  have  an  ex({uisite  knowledge;  and  in 
the  cure  of  Scorbutick.  Venereal,  and  Malignant  Distempers  are  admirable:  In  all 
External  Diseases  they  suck  the  part  affected  with  many  Incantations,  Philtres  and 
Charms:  In  Amorous  Intrigues  they  are  excellent  either  to  procure  I^ove  or  Hatred; 
They  are  not  very  forward  in  Discovery  of  their  secrets,  which  by  long  Experience 
are  religiously  transmitted  and  conveyed  in  a  continued  Line  from  one  Generation 
to  another,  for  which  those  skilled  in  this  Faculty  are  held  in  great  Veneration  and 

Rogel  refers  to  the  Cusabo  feasts,  but  only  in  a  general  way.* 
It  appears,  however,  that  they  had  a  festival  of  the  first  fruits  like 
other  southern  tribes.  The  only  description  of  one  of  their  ceremo- 
nies, of  any  length,  is  given  by  Laudonnifire.  He  calls  this  ceremony 
"the  feast  of  Toya,"  and  says  that  they  kept  it  "as  strictly  as  we  do 
Sunday."'  It  is  probable  that  this  corresponded  to  the  Creek  busk, 
although  agreeing  with  it  in  few  formal  particulars.  Laudonnidre's 
account  runs  as  follows: 

Since  the  time  was  near  for  celebrating  their  feasts  of  Toya,  ceremonies  strange  to 
recount,  he  [Audusta]  sent  ambassadors  to  the  French  to  beg  them  on  his  part  to  be 
present,  which  they  agreed  to  very  willingly,  on  account  of  the  desire  they  had  of 
knowing  what  these  were.  They  embarked  then  and  proceeded  toward  the  dwelling 
of  the  king,  who  was  already  come  out  on  the  road  before  them  in  order  to  receive 
them  kindly,  to  caress  them  and  conduct  them  into  his  house,  where  he  exerted  him- 
adf  to  treat  them  in  the  best  manner  of  which  he  was  capable. 

However,  the  Indians  prepared  to  celebrate  the  feast  the  next  day,  when  the 
king  led  them  in  order  to  see  the  place  where  the  feast  was  to  take  place,  and 
there  they  saw  many  women  about  who  were  laboring  with  all  their  might  to  make 
the  place  pure  and  clean.  This  place  was  a  great  compass  of  well  leveled  land  of  a 
round  shape.  The  next  day  then,  very  early  in  the  morning,  all  those  who  were 
chosen  to  celebrate  the  feast,  being  ornamented  with  paints  and  feathers  of  many 
different  colors,  betook  their  way,  on  leaving  the  house  of  the  king,  toward  the  place 
of  Toya.  Having  arrived  there  they  ranged  themselves  in  order  and  followed  three 
Indians,  who  in  paintings  and  manner  of  dress  were  different  from  the  others.  Each 
one  of  them  carried  a  little  drum  (tabourasse)  on  his  fist,  vith  which  they  began  to 
go  into  the  middle  of  the  round  space,  dancing  and  singing  mournfully,  being  fol- 
lowed by  the  others,  who  responded  to  them.  After  they  had  sung,  danced,  and 
wheeled  around  three  times  they  b^an  running  like  unbridled  horses  through  the 
midst  of  the  thickest  forests.  And  the  Indian  women  continued  all  the  rest  of  the 
day  in  tears  so  sad  and  lamentable  that  nothing  more  was  possible,  and  in  such  fury 
they  clutched  the  arms  of  the  young  girls  which  they  cut  cruelly  with  well  sharjwned 
mussel  shells,  so  deep  that  the  blood  ran  down  from  them,  which  they  sprinklod  in 
the  air  crying  "he  Toya  "about  three  times.  The  king  .Vudusta  had  withdrawn  all 
of  our  Frenchmen  into  his  house  during  the  ceremony,  and  was  as  grieved  as  possible 
when  he  saw  them  laugh.  He  had  done  that  all  the  more  because  the  Indians  are 
very  angry  when  one  watches  them  during  their  ceremonies.  However,  one  of  our 
Frenchmen  managed  so  well  that  by  stealth  he  got  outolAu(lu.^ta' 

1  Carroll,  op.  cit.,  ii,  pp.  s«)-si.  '  Laiidonni6rc,  op.  cit.,  p.  29. 

«  See  p.  57. 


ily  went  to  hide  himself  behind  a  thick  bush,  where  at  his  pleasure  he  could  easily 
reconnoiter  the  ceremonies  of  the  feast.  The  three  who  began  the  feast  are  called 
joanas,^  and  are  like  priests  or  sacrificers  according  to  the  Indian  law,  to  whom  they 
give  faith  and  credence  in  part  because  as  a  class  '  they  are  devoted  to  the  sacrifices 
and  in  part  also  because  everything  lost  is  recovered  by  their  means.  And  not  only 
are  they  revered  on  account  of  these  things  but  also  because  by  I  do  not  know  what 
science  and  knowledge  that  they  have  of  herbs  they  cure  sicknesses.  Those  who 
had  thus  gone  away  among  the  woods  returned  two  days  later.  Then,  having  arrived, 
they  began  to  dance  with  a  courageous  gayety  in  the  very  middle  of  the  open  space, 
and  to  cheer  their  good  Indian  fathers,  who  on  account  of  advanced  age,  or  else  their 
natiuul  indisposition,  had  not  been  called  to  the  feast.  All  these  dances  having 
been  brought  to  an  end  they  began  to  eat  with  an  avidity  so  great  that  they  seemed 
rather  to  devour  the  food  than  to  eat  it.  For  neither  on  the  feast  day  nor  on  the  two 
following  days  had  they  drunk  or  eaten.  Our  Frenchmen  were  not  forgotten  in  this 
good  cheer,  for  the  Indians  went  to  invite  them  all,  showing  themselves  very  happy 
at  their  presence.  Having  remained  some  time  with  the  Indians  a  Frenchman  gained 
a  young  boy  by  presents  and  inquired  of  him  what  the  Indians  had  done  during 
their  absence  in  the  woods,  who  gave  him  to  understand  by  signs  that  the  joanas  had 
made  invocations  to  Toya,  and  that  by  magic  characters  they  had  made  him  come  so 
that  they  could  speak  to  him  and  ask  him  many  strange  things,  which  for  fear  of 
the  joanas  he  did  not  dare  to  make  known.  They  have  besides  many  other  ceremo- 
nies which  I  will  not  recount  here  for  fear  of  wearying  the  readers  over  matters  of 
such  small  consequence.' 

Which  shows  that  matters  of  small  consequence  to  one  generation 
may  become  of  great  interest  to  later  ones.  Although  the  feast  is 
represented  as  of  three  days'  duration  it  is  evident  that  this  is  only 
one  case  of  the  common  substitution  by  early  writers  of  the  European 
sacred  number  3  for  the  Indian  sacred  number  4.  In  this  particular, 
therefore,  and  in  the  careful  clearing  of  the  dance  ground  before  the 
ceremony,  this  feast  recalls  the  Creek  busk.  The  rest  of  it  seems 
to  be  entirely  different,  though  the  idea  of  retiring  into  the  deep 
forest  to  commune  with  deity  is  shared  by  all  primitive  peoples. 

For  any  suggestions  regarding  the  mortuary  customs  of  the  Cusabo 
we  must  go  back  to  the  first  attempt  at  settlement  by  the  Span- 
iards and  Oviedo's  comments  upon  the  country  of  Gualdape  already 


The  coast  of  what  is  now  the  State  of  Georgia,  from  Savannah 
River  as  far  as  St.  Andrews  Sound,  was  anciently  occupied  by  a  tribe 
or  related  tribes  which,  whatever  doubts  may  remain  regarding  the 
people  just  considered,  undoubtedly  belonged  to  the  Muskhogean 
stock.^  This  region  was  known  to  the  Spaniards  as  **  the  province  of 
Guale  (pronounced  Wallie),'*  but  most  of  the  Indians  living  there 
finally  became  merged  with  a  tribe  known  as  the  Yamaseo,  and  it 

»  HakJuyt  bas  "lawas":  see  French,  Hist.  Colls.  La.,  1869,  p.  204.  «  See  p.  4S. 

*  Or  perhaps  "  by  birth."  *  See  pp.  14-10. 

s  Laudonni^,  op.  dt.,  pp.  43-46. 


will  be  well  to  consider  the  tvo  together.  From  a  letter  of  one  of  the 
Timucua  missionaries  we  learn  that  the  Quale  province  was  called 
Ybaha  by  the  Timucua  Indians,^  and  this  is  evidently  the  Tupaha  of 
which  De  Soto  was  in  search  when  he  left  the  Apalachee.  ''Of  the 
Indians  taken  in  Napetuca, "  says  Elvas,  "the  treasurer,  Juan  Gaytan, 
brought  a  youth  with  him,  who  stated  that  he  did  not  belong  to  that 
country,  but  to  one  afar*  in  the  direction  of  the  sxm's  rising,  from 
which  he  had  been  a  long  time  absent  visiting  other  lands;  that  its 
name  was  Yupaha,  and  was  governed  by  a  woman,  the  town  she 
lived  in  being  of  astonishing  size,  and  many  neighboring  lords  her 
tributaries,  some  of  whom  gave  her  clothing,  others  gold  in  quan- 
tity. "  '  As  the  description  of  the  town  and  its  queen  corresponds 
somewhat  with  Cofitachequi,  perhaps  Ybaha  or  Yubaha  was  a  general 
name  for  the  Muskhogean  peoples  rather  than  a  specific  designation  of 

The  towns  of  Guale  lay  almost  entirely  between  St.  Catherines 
and  St.  Andrews  Sounds.  An  early  Spanish  iliii  nini^j  refers  to  "  the 
22  chiefs  of  Guale."  Men6ndez  says  there  were  "40  villages  of 
Indians"  within  3  or  4  leagues.  Between  St.  Catherines  Soimd  and 
the  Savannah,  where  the  province  of  Crista  or  E^scamacu,  the  later 
Cusabo,  began,  there  appear  to  have  been  few  permanent  settle- 
ments. South  of  St.  Andrews  Sound  began  the  Timucua  province. 
When  Governor  Pedro  de  Ibarra  visited  the  tribes  of  this  coast 
he  made  three  stops  at  or  near  the  islands  of  St.  Simons,  SapeUo, 
and  St.  Cathermos,  respectively,  and  at  each  place  the  chiefs  assem- 
bled to  hold  councils  with  him.  It  may  reasonably  be  assmned  that 
the  chiefs  mentioned  at  each  of  these  councils  were  those  living  nearer 
that  particular  point  than  either  of  the  others.  In  this  way  we 
are  able  to  make  a  rough  division  of  the  towns  into  three  groups — 
northern,  central,  and  southern.  Other  towns  are  sometimes  referred 
to  with  reference  to  these,  so  that  we  may  add  them  to  one  or 
the  other. 

Thus  the  foDowing  towns  appear  as  belonging  to  the  northern 
group,  synonymous  terms  being  placed  in  parentheses:  Asopo 
(Ahopo);  Chatufo,  Couoxis  (Cansin);  Culapala  (Culopaba);  Guale 
(Goalc,  Galo);  Otapalas;  Otaxo  (Otax,  Otafe) ;  Posache;  Tolomato 
(Tonomato);  Uchilape;  Uculogue  (Oculeygue,  Oculeya);  UnaUapa 
(Unalcapa);  Yfusiniquo;  Yea  (Yua). 

Asopo,  Cuiupala,  Guale,  Otapalas,  Otaxe,  Uculegue,  Unallapa,  and 
Yoa  are  given  by  Ibarra.  Guale  was  the  name  of  St.  Catherines 
Island,  but  the  town  was  "on  an  arm  of  a  river  which  goes  out  of 
another  which  is  on  the  north  bank  of  the  aforesaid  port  in  Santa 

1  Lowery,  M88.  *  Boarae,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  i,  pp.  50^1. 

148061'*— 22 6 

82  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

Elena  in  32°  N.  lat/'*  Chatufo  is  mentioned  in  the  narrative  of  a 
visit  to  the  Florida  missions  by  the  Bishop  of  Cuba.  Couexis  is  given  in 
the  French  narratives;  Men^ndez  changing  it  to  Cansin.*  Posache  is 
located  "in  the  island  of  Guale. ''  Tolomato  is  described  in  one 
place  as  *^2  leagues  from  Guale/'  and  in  another  as  on  the  mainland 
near  the  bar  of  Capala  (Sapello),  and  it  is  said  to  have  been  a  place 
from  which  one  could  go  to  the  Tama  Indians  on  the  Altamaha 
River.  Uchilape  is  located  **near  Tolomato."  Yfusinique  was  the 
name  of  the  town  to  which  the  chief  Juanillo  of  Tolomato  retired 
after  the  massacre  of  the  friars  and  where  the  other  Indians  be- 
sieged him.  Yoa  is  said  to  have  been  2  leagues  by  a  river  behind 
an  arm  of  the  sea  back  of  the  bars  of  ^apala  and  Cofonufo  (Sapello 
and  St.  Catherines  Sounds).  Large  vessels  could  come  within  1 
league  of  it  and  small  vessels  could  reach  the  town.'  In  the  account 
of  the  massacre  of  the  missionaries  in  1597  Asopo  (or  Assopo)  is  de- 
scribed as  **in  the  island  of  Quale.*'* 

Aluste  (Aliei^,  Alueste,  Aluete),  Ova,  Crista,  Talapo  (Talapuz  or 
Ytalapo),  Ufalague  (also  spelled  Ufalegue),  Aobi,  and  Sufalate  must 
be  classed  as  belonging  properly  to  the  Cusabo,  the  first  five  on  the 
basis  of  the  information  quoted  above  from  Ibarra,  and  the  last  from 
its  association  with  Ufalague.  Aobi  may  be  intended,  as  already  sug- 
gested, for  Ahoyabi.*  Although  mentioned  in  connection  with  the 
northern  group  of  towns,  they  left  the  Cusabo  country  and  settled 
in  the  southern  group,  where  Talapo  and  Ufalague  are  frequently 
referred  to. 

The  central  to>\Tis  were  Aleguifa;  Chucalagaite  (Chucaletgate,  Chu- 
calate,  Chucalae) ;  E^spogache  (Aspoache) ;  Espogue  (Hespogue.  Ospo- 
gue,  Eispo,  Ospo,  Eispoque);  Fosquiche  (Fasque);  Sapala  (^apala^ 
Capala);  Si>tequa;  Tapala;  Tuluiina  (Tolufina,  Tolofina):  Tupiqui 
(Topiqui,  Tuxiqui,  Tupica);  Utine  (Atinehe). 

Chiefs  called  Fuel,  Tafei^auca,  Tumaque,  and  Tunague  are  also 
mentioned,  the  last  two  distinct  persons  in  spite  of  the  close  resem- 
blance between  their  names.  AH  of  these  towns  and  chiefs,  except 
Elspogache,  Tulufina,  ^Vleguifa.  and  Chucalagaite,  are  given  by 
Ibarra.  Fasquiche  and  Espogacho  were  evidently  not  far  from 
Elspogue.  The  last  mentioneil  was  on  the  mainland  not  more  than 
6  leagues  fn>m  Talaxe.*  Fasquiche  is  given  in  the  aiiount  of  a 
visit  to  the  Florida  missions  bv  the  Bishop  of  Cuba.  Tuliitina  appears 
to  have  been  a  place  or  tribe  of  inifH^rtance  intimately  connected 
with  the  interior  Indians:  the  other  two  are  placeii  *  near  Tuhifina." 

>  This  i5  About  A  thinl  of  *  dei^ree  too  far  iK>rth.  From  this  statomirm  it  api^^ur^  that  the  tovrn  of  i 
wiison  i>SttlMw  Islaikl.  and  thi$««n^e«rs  with  tlie  jMSition  given  it  on  l.e  Moyties  map.  on  dii  island  bel 
th»  mouths  of  the  rivers  Onunde  and  Belle. 

«  If  w  follow  Iwe  Mojrne  we  must  pbce  this  on  St.  Catherine*  Isl.-uv.l       .Sw  pn^^iin^t  note.  ^ 

*TtM  aatertel  in  this  ^vngnpt  is  dnwnfnHD  the  Lowery  M SS  .  except  that  recvdini;  Coiiexis» far 
which  s«e  p.  50. 

•Seep.  S6. 

'Seep.  XL 

•  See  p.  341 


An  inland  people  known  as  Salchiches  were  represented  at  the 
council  which  Ibarra  held  in  this  country.  They  appear  to  have 
been  Muskhogeans  and  seem  to  have  had  numerous  relatives  in  the 
province  of  Guale.  In  one  place  mention  is  made  of  ^'a  chief  of  the 
Salchiches  in  Tulufina/^  In  another  we  are  told  that  the  Timucua 
chief  of  San  Pedro  laid  the  blame  for  the  uprising  of  1597  on  the 
people  of  Tulufina  and  the  Salchiches.  An  Indian  prisoner  stated 
that  ''the  Indians  of  Cosahue  (Cusabo)  and  the  Salchiches,  and  those 
of  Tulufina  and  of  Santa  Elena  had  said  that  they  would  kill  them 
(the  friars)  and  that  each  chief  should  kill  his  own  friar."  Else- 
where the  chief  of  Chucalagaite  and  the  chief  of  the  Salchiches  are 
mentioned,  together  with  the  statement  that  they  were  not  Chris- 
tians. It  is  said  that  the  heir  of  Tolomato  joined  with  ''the  other 
Salchiches"  to  kill  Fray  de  Corpa.  In  another  place  Tulufina  and 
the  Salchiches  are  both  referred  to  as  if  they  were  provinces  of  Tama. 
The  Tama  were,  as  we  have  seen,  an  inland  people  who  probably 
spoke  Hitchiti.* 

The  southern  group  of  towns  consisted  of  Aluque  (Alaje);  Asao 
(Assaho) ;  Cascangue  (Oscangue,  Lascangue) ;  Falquiche  (Falque) ;  Fu- 
loplata  (possibly  a  man's  name);  Hinafasque;  Hocaesle;  Talaxe 
(Talax,  Talaje);  Tufulo;  Tuque  (or  Suque);  Yfulo  (Fulo,  Yfielo, 

All  of  these  names  except  Tuque  are  from  Ibarra's  letter.  Cas- 
cangue presents  a  puzzling  problem,  for  it  is  referred  to  several  times 
as  a  Guale  province,  but  identified  by  the  Franciscan  missionaries  with 
the  province  of  Icafi,  which  was  certainly  Timucua.  Until  further 
light  is  thrown  upon  the  matter  I  prefer  to  consider  the  two  as  dis- 
tinct. The  name  has  a  Muskhogean  rather  than  a  Timucua  aspect. 
Tuque  is  given  in  an  account  of  a  visit  which  the  Bishop  of  Cuba 
made  to  Florida  in  1606  to  confirm  the  Indians. 

In  addition  to  the  towns  which  can  be  classified  in  this  manner, 
albeit  a  rough  one,  several  towns  and  town  chiefs  are  mentioned 
which  are  known  to  belong  to  the  Guale  province,  but  can  not  be 
located  more  accurately.     They  are  the  foUowing: 

Ahongate,  an  Indian  of  Tupiqui.  Ahongate  ''count!  "  might  b(^  an  appropriate 
Creek  personal  name. 


Aytochuco,  Yto9U9o. 


]x>noche  (or  Donochc),  an  Indian  of  Ospo.  Lonoche,  "Liltle  Lone,"  is  ptill  used 
aa  a  Creek  name. 

Olatachahane  (perhaps  a  chief's  name). 

Olatapotoque,  Olata  Potoque  (given  as  a  town,  but  perhaps  a  chief's  name).  It 
was  near  Aytochuco. 

Oiataylitaba  (or  two  towns,  Olata  and  Litabi). 

1  See  p.  12. 

84  BUREAU   OF   AMEIUCAN   KTHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 


The  chief  of  each  Guale  town  bore  the  title  of  mico,  a  circumstance 
which,  as  has  been  shown,  has  important  bearings  in  classifying  the 
people  in  the  Muskhogean  linguistic  group.  It  appears  also  that 
there  was  a  head  mico  or  '^mico  mayor*'  for  the  whole  Guale  prov- 
ince. In  1596  a  chief  whom  the  Spaniards  called  Don  Juan  laid 
claim  to  the  title  of  head  mico  of  Guale.  There  is  some  confusion 
regarding  him,  for  the  text  seems  to  identify  him  with  a  Timucua 
chief.  However,  this  claim  elicited  from  the  Spanish  Crown  a 
request  for  an  explanation  of  the  term,  to  which  Governor  Mendez 
de  Canpo  replied : 

In  regard  to  your  majesty's  instructions  to  report  about  the  pretension  of  the  cacique 
Don  Juan  to  become  head  mico,  and  to  explain  what  that  title  or  dignity  is,  he  informs 
me  himself  that  the  title  of  head  mico  means  a  kind  of  king  of  the  land,  recognized 
and  respected  as  such  by  all  the  caciques  in  their  towns,  and  whenever  he  visits 
one  of  them,  they  all  turn  out  to  receive  him  and  feast  him,  and  every  year  they  pay 
him  a  certain  tribute  of  pearls  and  other  articles  made  of  shells  according  to  the  land. 

Guale  was  thus  a  kind  of  confederacy  with  a  head  chief,  more 
closely  centralized  in  that  particular  than  the  Creek  confederacy. 
It  does  not  appear  froiA  the  Spanish  records  whether  the  position 
of  head  mico  was  hereditary  or  elective,  but  the  latter  is  indicated. 
When  the  Spaniards  first  came  to  Guale  the  head  mico  seems  to  have 
lived  in  Tolomato,  and  mention  is  made  of  one  Don  Juanillo,  ** whose 
turn  itwas  to  be  head  mico  of  that  province.''*  The  friars  are  said  to 
have  brought  on  the  massacre  of  1597  by  depriving  him  of  this  office, 
but  they  appear  to  have  conferred  it  upon  one  of  the  same  town.' 
There  were,  however,  three  or  four  chiefs  of  particular  estimation, 
which  are  spoken  of  sometimes  as  lords  of  different  parts  of  the 
country,  and  when  the  Spaniards  organized  a  native  army  to  punis]j 
those  who  had  killed  the  friars,  it  was  placed  in  charge  of  the  chief 
of  Asao,  who  was  head  of  the  southern  group  of  towns.  In  the  nar- 
rative which  tells  of  a  visit  made  to  the  missions  in  1606  by  the 
Bishop  of  Cuba,  Don  Diego,  chief  of  Talaxe  and  Asao,  is  represented 
as  overlord  or  ^*head  mico"  of  the  entire  province. 

Gualdape  may  perhaps  be  a  form  of  Guale  and  the  information 
obtained  regarding  the  people  there  by  the  Ayllon  colonists  appli- 
cable rather  to  the  Guale  Indians  than  the  Cusabo.^  In  the  narra- 
tives of  the  French  Huguenot  colony  of  1562,  as  we  have  seen, 
Guale  appears  as  Ouad6  and  a  neighboring  town  or  tribe  is  mentioned 
called  Couexis.^     All  that  the  French  have  to  tell  us  about  these 

1  One  Spanish  document  registers  the  primacy  of  Tolomato  in  these  words:  "  I.a  lengua  do  Guale  do  que 
68  mico  y  cabe^a  Tolomato. " 
sSeep.  41. 
>  See  p.  50. 


two  I  have  given  and  I  have  recorded  Men6ndez's  visit  to  Guale  and 
the  settlement  of  Jesuit  missionaries  there  and  at  St.  Helena.  In 
his  letter  to  Men6ndeZ;  quoted  above,  Rogel  says: 

Brother  Domingo  Augustin  was  in  Guale  more  than  a  year,  and  he  learned  that 
language  so  well  that  he  even  wrote  a  grammar,  and  he  died;  and  Father  Sedefio  was 
there  14  months,  and  the  father  vice  provincial  6,  Brother  Francisco  10,  and  Fathw 
Alamo  4;  and  all  of  them  have  not  accomplished  anything.^ 

Had  the  grammar  of  Augustin  been  preserved  we  would  not  to-day 
consider  the  labors  of  these  early  missionaries  by  any  means  fruit- 
less; and  it  may  yet  come  to  light. 

In  1573  a  Spanish  officer  named  Aguilar  and  fourteen  or  fifteen 
soldiers  were  killed  in  the  province  of  Guale.  In  1578  Captain 
Otalona  and  other  officials  were  killed  in  the  Guale  town  of  Ospogue  or 

After  this  field  had  been  abandoned  by  the  Society  of  Jesus  it  was 
entered  by  the  Franciscans.  According  to  Barcia,  missions  were 
opened  in  Guale  by  them  in  1594,  but  unpublished  documents  seem 
to  set  a  still  earlier  date.  One  of  these  would  place  the  beginning 
of  the  work  as  far  back  as  1587.  In  1597  there  were  five  missionaries 
in  this  province  and  the  work  seemed  to  be  of  the  utmost  promise, 
when  a  rebellion  broke  out  against  the  innovators,  the  mission  sta- 
tions were  burned,  and  all  but  one  of  the  friars  killed.  The  follow- 
ing account  contained  in  Barcia's  Florida  is  from  clerical  sources: 

The  friars  of  San  Francisco  busied  themselves  for  two  years  in  preaching  to  the 
Indians  of  Florida,  separated  into  various  provinces.  In  the  town  of  Tolemaro  or 
Tolemato  lived  the  friar  Pedro  de  Corpa,  a  notable  preacher,  and  deputy  of  that  doc- 
trina,  against  whom  rose  the  elder  son  and  heir  of  the  chief  of  the  island  of  Guale,  who 
was  exceedingly  vexed  at  the  reproaches  which  Father  Corpa  made  to  him,  because 
although  a  Christian,  he  lived  worse  than  a  Gentile,  and  he  fled  from  the  town  because 
he  was  not  able  to  endure  them.  He  returned  to  it  within  a  few  days,  at  the  end  of 
September  [1597],  bringing  many  Indian  warriors,  with  l>ows  and  arrows,  their  heads 
ornamented  with  great  plumes,  and  entering  in  the  night,  in  profoimd  silence,  they 
went  to  the  house  where  the  father  lived ;  they  broke  down  the  feeble  doors,  found 
him  on  his  knees,  and  killed  him  with  an  axe.  This  unheard-of  atrocity  was  pro- 
claimed in  the  town;  and  although  some  showed  signs  of  regret,  most,  who  were  as 
little  disturbed,  apparently,  as  the  son  of  the  chief,  joined  him,  and  he  said  to  them 
the  day  following:  '^Although  the  friar  is  dead  he  would  not  have  l)een  if  he  had  not 
prevented  us  from  living  as  before  we  were  Christians:  let  us  return  to  our  ancient 
customs,  and  let  us  prepare  to  defend  ourselves  against  the  punishment  which  the 
governor  of  Florida  will  attempt  to  inflict  upon  us,  and  if  this  happens  it  will  ]>e  as 
rigorous  for  this  friar  alone  as  if  we  had  finished  all;  because  he  will  pursue  us  in  the 
same  manner  on  account  of  the  friar  whom  we  have  killed  as  for  all." 

Those  who  followed  him  in  the  newly  executed  deed  approved ;  and  they  said  that 
it  could  not  be  doubted  that  he  would  want  to  take  vengeance  for  one  as  he  would  take 
it  for  all.  Then  the  barbarian  continued:  *' Since  the  punishment  on  account  of  one 
ifl  not  going  to  be  greater  than  for  all,  let  us  restore  the  liberty  of  which  these  friars 

1  Ruldlaz,  La  Florida,  n,  p.  307;  Barcb,  La  Florida,  pp.  13^139. 
*  Lowery,  MSS. 

86  BUKEAU   OF  AMERK^AN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

have  robbed  us,  with  promises  of  benefits  which  we  have  not  seen,  in  hope  of  which 
they  wish  that  those  of  us  who  call  ourselves  Christians  experience  at  once  the  losses 
and  discomforts:  they  take  from  us  women,  leaving  us  only  one  and  that  in  perpetuity, 
prohibiting  us  from  changing  her;  they  obstruct  our  dances,  banquets,  feasts,  cele- 
brations, fires,  and  wars,  so  that  by  failing  to  use  them  we  lose  the  ancient  valor  and 
dexterity  inherited  from  our  ancestors;  they  persecute  our  old  people  calling  them 
witches;  even  our  labor  disturbs  them,  since  they  want  to  command  us  to  avoid  it  on 
some  days,  and  be  prepared  to  execute  all  that  they  say,  although  they  are  not  satis- 
fied; they  always  reprimand  us,  injure  us,  oppress  us,  preach  to  us,  call  us  bad  Chris- 
tians, and  deprive  us  of  all  happiness,  which  our  ancestors  enjoyed,  with  the  hope 
that  they  will  give  us  heaven.  These  are  deceptions  in  order  to  subject  us,  in  holding 
UB  disposed  after  their  manner;  already  what  can  we  expect,  except  to  he  slaves?  If 
now  we  kill  all  of  them,  we  will  remove  such  a  heav>'  yoke  immediately,  and  our 
valor  will  make  the  governor  treat  us  well,  if  it  happens  that  he  does  not  come  out 
T)adly."  The  multitude  was  convinced  by  his  speech;  and  as  a  sign  of  their  victory, 
they  cut  off  Father  Corpa's  head,  and  they  put  it  in  the  port '  on  a  lance,  as  a  trophy  of 
their  victory,  and  the  Ixxly  they  threw  into  a  forest,  where  it  was  never  found. 

They  passed  to  the  town  of  Topiqui,  where  lived  Fr.  Blks  Rodriguez  (Torquemada 
gives  him  the  appelation  of  de  Montes),  they  went  in  suddenly,  telling  him  they  came 
to  kill  him.  Fr.  Bl^  asked  them  to  let  him  say  mass  first,  and  they  suspended  their 
ferocity  for  that  brief  time;  but  as  soon  as  he  had  finished  saying  it,  they  gave  him  so 
many  blows,  that  they  finished  him,  and  they  threw  his  body  outside,  so  that  the 
birds  and  beasts  might  eat  it,  but  none  came  to  it  except  a  dog,  which  ventured  to 
touch  it,  and  fell  dead.  An  old  Christian  Indian  took  it  up  and  gave  it  burial  in  the 

From  there  they  went  to  the  town  of  Assopo,  in  the  island  of  Guale,  where  were 
Fr.  Miguel  de  Aufion,  and  Fr.  Antonio  Badajoz;  they  knew  beforehand  of  their 
coming,  and  seeing  that  Bight  was  impossible,  Fr.  Miguel  began  to  say  mass,  and 
administered  the  sacrament  to  Fr.  Antonio,  and  both  began  to  pray.  Four  hours 
afterward  the  Indians  entered,  killed  friar  Antonio  instantly  with  a  club  (mcLcana); 
and  afterward  gave  friar  Miguel  two  blows  with  it.  and,  leaving  the  bodies  in  the  same 
place,  some  Christain  Indians  buried  them  at  the  foot  of  a  very  high  cross,  which  the 
same  friar  Miguel  had  set  up  in  the  country. 

The  Indians,  continuing  their  cruelty,  set  out  with  great  speed  for  the  toMrn  of 
Asao  where  lived  friar  P'rancisco  de  V^elascola.  native  of  Castro- Urdiales,  a  very  poor 
and  himible  monk,  but  with  such  forcefulness  that  he  caused  the  Indians  great  fear: 
he  was  at  that  time  in  the  city  of  St.  Agustine.  (ireat  was  the  disappointment  of  the 
Indians,  because  it  appeared  to  th(^m  that  they  had  done  notliinji:  if  they  left  the  friar 
Francisco  alive.  They  learned  in  the  town  the  day  when  he  would  return  to  it.  went 
to  the  place  where  he  was  to  disembark,  and  some  awaited  him  hidden  in  a  clump 
of  rushes,  near  the  bank.  Friar  Francisco  arrived  in  a  canoe,  and,  dissimulating, 
they  surrounded  him  and  took  him  by  the  shoulders,  giving  him  many  blows,  with 
clubs  (inacanaa)  and  axes,  until  his  soul  was  restored  to  God. 

They  passed  to  the  town  of  Ospo.  where  lived  friar  Franciso  Davila,-  who  as  soon  as 
he  heard  the  noise  at  the  doors  was  able  under  cover  of  night  to  go  out  into  the  country; 
the  Indiana  followed  him,  and  although  he  had  hidden  himself  in  some  rushes,  by 
the  light  of  the  moon  they  j)ierced  his  shoulders  with  three  arrows;  and  wishing  to 
continue  until  they  had  finished  him,  an  Indian  intcrjiosed.  in  order  to  possess  him- 
self of  his  poor  clothing,  which  he  had  to  do  in  order  that  they  might  leave  him,  who 
took  him  bare  and  well  bound,  and  he  was  carried  to  a  town  of  infidel  Indians  to  serve 
as  a  slave.  These  cruelties  did  not  fail  to  receive  the  punishment  of  Go<l;  for  many 
of  those  who  were  concerned  in  these  martyrdoms  hung  themselves  with  their  bow- 

1  This  word,  poerto,  may  be  a  misprint  of  puerta,  gate. 

>  This  name  is  given  farther  on  as  de  Avila  or  Avila.    See  p.  87. 


stringB,  and  others  died  Mrretchedly ;  and  upon  that  province  God  sent  a  gr<'at  famine 
of  which  many  perished,  as  will  be  related. 

The  good  success  of  these  Indians  caused  others  to  unite  with  them,  and  they 
undertook  to  attack  the  island  of  San  Pedro  with  more  than  40  canoes,  in  order  to  put 
an  end  to  the  monks  who  were  there,  and  destroy  the  chief,  who  was  their  enemy. 
They  embarked,  provided  with  bows,  arrows,  and  clubs;  and,  considering  the  victory 
theirs,  they  discovered,  near  the  island,  a  brigantine,  which  was  in  the  harbor  where 
they  were  to  disembark,  and  they  assumed  that  it  had  many  people  and  began  to 
debate  about  returning.  The  brigantine  had  arrived  within  sight  of  the  island  30 
days  before  with  succor  of  bread  and  other  things,  which  the  monks  needed;  but 
they  had  not  been  able  to  reach  the  port,  although  those  who  came  in  it  tried  it  many 
times,  nor  to  pass  beyond,  on  account  of  a  bar  (cafio)  which  formed  itself  from  the 
mainland  (?)  a  thing  which  had  never  happened  before  in  that  sea.  It  carried  only 
one  soldier,  and  the  other  people  were  sailors,  and  even  leas  than  the  number  needed 
for  navigation. 

Finding  the  Indian  rebels  in  this  confusion  the  chief  of  the  island  went  out  to  defend 
himself  jrith  a  great  number  of  canoes.^  He  attacked  them  with  great  resolution; 
and  although  they  tried  to  defend  themselves,  their  attempt  was  in  vain,  they  fled, 
and  those  who  were  unable  to  jumped  ashore;  and  the  chief,  collecting  some  of  his 
enemies'  canoes,  returned  triumphantly  to  his  island,  and  the  friars  gave  him  many 
presents,  with  which  he  remained  as  satisfied  as  with  his  victory. 

Of  the  others  who  had  sprung  to  land  none  escaped,  because  they  had  no  canoes 
in  which  they  might  return;  some  hung  themselves  with  their  bowstrings,  and  otbeis 
died  of  hunger  in  the  woods. 

Nor  were  those  exempt  who  escaped,  because  the  governor  of  Florida,  learning  of 
the  atrocities  of  the  Indians,  went  forth  to  punish  the  evildoers;  but  he  was  only  able 
to  bum  the  cornfields,  because  the  aggressors  retired  to  the  marshes,  and  the  high- 
lands prevented  him  from  punishing  them,  except  with  the  famine  which  followed 
immediately  the  burning  of  the  harvests,  of  which  many  Indians  died.     .    .    . 

The  Indians  kept  the  friar  Francisco  de  Avila  in  strict  confinement,  ill-treating 
him  much;  afterwards  they  left  him  more  liberty  in  order  to  bring  water  and  wood, 
and  watch  the  fields.  They  turned  him  over  to  the  boys  so  that  they  might  shoot 
arrows  at  him;  and  although  the  wounds  were  small,  they  drained  him  of  blood, 
because  he  was  not  able  to  stop  the  blood;  this  apostolic  man  suffering  these  outrages 
with  great  patience  and  serenity.    .     .    . 

Wearied  of  the  sufferings  of  Father  Avila  the  Indians  determined  to  burn  him 
alive.  They  tied  him  to  a  post,  and  put  much  wood  under  him.  When  about  to 
bum  him,  there  came  to  the  chief  one  of  the  principal  Indian  women,  whose  son  the 
Spaniards  held  captive  in  the  city  of  St.  Agustine  without  her  having  been  able  to 
find  any  way  to  rescue  him  although  she  had  tried  it.  This  moved  her  to  beg  the 
chief  earnestly  that  he  should  give  friar  Francisco  to  her  to  exchange  him  for  her  son. 
Other  Indians,  who  desired  to  see  him  free,  begged  the  same  thing;  and  although  it 
cost  them  much  urging  to  appease  the  hatred  of  the  chief  for  the  father,  he  granted 
what  the  Indian  woman  asked,  gix'ing  him  to  her  so  badly  treated,  that  he  arrived 
at  St.  Agustine  in  such  a  condition  that  they  did  not  recognize  him:  he  had  endured 
such  great  and  such  continuous  labors.  He  accomplished  the  exchange,  and  the 
people  of  the  city  expressed  a  great  deal  of  sympathy  for  friar  Francisco. 

God  wished  to  give  a  greater  punishment  to  the  Indians  of  Horida,  who  killed  the 
missionaries  so  unjustly;  and,  refusing  water  to  the  earth,  upon  the  burning  of  the 
crops,  there  began  such  a  great  famine  in  Florida  that  the  conspirators  died  mis- 
erably themselves,  confessing  the  cause  of  their  misfortune  to  have  been  the  barbarity, 
which  they  exercised  against  the  Franciscan  monks. ^ 

*  It  appears  from  unpublished  Spanish  documents  that  he  sent  two  canoes  against  two  which  the  enemy 
bad  disDAtctaed  in  advance, 
t  Bania,  La  Flortda,  pp.  170-172. 


Davila  was  liberated  in  1599,  and  Barcia  speaks  as  if  the  famine 
occurred  the  year  following. 

A  letter  containing  an  account  of  this  uprising  and  accompanied 

by  testimony  taken  from  several  witnesses  is  preserved  among  the 

Spanish  archives  and  a  copy  of  this  is  in  the  Lowery  collection.     While 

less  dramatic,  naturally,  than  the  narrative  given,  it  differs  in  no 

essential  particulars.    The  governor's  punitive  expedition  was  in 

1597  or  very  early  in  1598.    He  burned  the  principal  Guale  towns, 

including  their  granaries,  and  quickly  reduced  the  greater  part  of 

the  people  to  submission.    In  a  letter  of  date  1600  he  says: 

No  harm,  not  even  death,  that  I  have  inflicted  upon  them  has  had  as  much  weight 
in  bringing  them  to  obedience  as  the  act  of  depriving  them  of  their  means  of  sub- 

In  the  same  letter  he  has  some  additional  information  regarding 
the  causes  of  the  war  which  do  not  appear  in  the  communications  of 
the  missionaries.  He  states  that  it  was  Don  Juanillo's  turn  to  be 
head  mico  of  Guale,  but — 

owing  to  his  being  a  quarrelsome  and  warlike  young  man,  he  was  deprived  of  that 
dignity  by  the  Rev.  Friars  Pedro  de  Corpa  and  Bias  Rodriguez,  who  conferred  it  upon 
Don  Francisco,  a  man  of  age  and  of  good  and  humble  habits.  And  this  caused  the 
massacre  of  the  friars,  among  whom  were  the  two  mentioned.  Although  in  the  depo- 
sitions that  I  took  from  several  Indians  in  regard  to  that  massacre  they  all  aflirmed 
that  to  have  been  the  direct  cause  for  the  commission  of  that  crime,  yet  I  never  allowed 
it  to  be  written,  as  I  could  not  consent  to  have  anything  derogatory  to  the  priests 
made  public,  and  besides  I  look  upon  the  Indians  as  being  very  little  truthful  and 
to  cover  their  treachery  would  invent  many  liee. 

Yet  it  is  strange  that  Don  Juanillo  and  Don  Francisco  were  both 
leaders  of  the  hostile  Indians,  and  were  irreconcilable  to  the  last.^ 

The  chief  of  Espogache  was  among  the  first  to  surrender  and  he  was 
quickly  followed  by  others.  In  a  letter  written  April  24,  1601,  Gov. 
de  Can^o  states  that  the  chief  of  Asao  and  40  Indians  had  just 
come  to  tender  their  submission  and  that  all  had  given  in  except 
the  chief  of  Tolomato,  his  nephew,  and  two  other  chiefs.^  Later  the 
same  year  the  governor  induced  the  cliief  of  Asao  to  head  an  expedi- 
tion against  this  refractory  element,  he  being  one  of  tlie  chiefs  of  most 
consideration  in  the  province.  This  mico  solicited  assistance  from 
the  chiefs  of  Tulufina,  Guale,  Espogache,  Yoa,  Ufalague,  Talapo, 
data  Potoque,  Yto^u^o,  the  chiefs  of  the  Sah'hiches,  tlie  Tama,  and 
the  Cusabo.  Don  Juanillo  and  his  partisans  had  established  tliem- 
selves  in  a  stockaded  town  called  Yfusiniquo  and  met  the  first  attack 
of  their  more  numerous  foas  so  valiantly  that  many  of  them  were 
killed.  The  allie<l  chiefs  then  decided  that  a  general  assault  would  be 
necessary,  and  this  was  successful.  Don  Juanillo  and  Don  Fran- 
cisco were  killed  and  their  scalps  taken  and  with  them  fell  great 

>  The  above  material  is  from  the  Brooks  and  Lowery  VLSS.  in  the  Library  of  Congress. 

>  Serrano  y  Sans,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  16L 


numbers  of  their  warriors,  including  24  principal  men.  The  remain- 
der were  taken  back  to  Tamufa,  from  which  the  expedition  had 

In  a  report  on  his  missionary  work  dated  September  15,  1602^ 
Fray  Baltazar  Lopez,  who  was  stationed  at  San  Pedro,  says  that 
there  were  then  no  missionaries  in  the  province  of  Guale,  but  more 
than  1,200  Christian  Indians.* 

In  1604,  as  we  have  seen,  in  November,  Gov.  Pedro  de  Ibarra 
visited  San  Simon,  Sapelo,  and  Guale.  One  of  his  objects  was  to 
listen  to  complaints  and  compose  differences,  but  he  represented 
as  almost  equally  important  his  desire  to  see  the  province  Chris- 
tianized. By  that  time  a  church  had  been  built  at  Asao,  on  or  near 
San  Simon,  and  another  in  Guale,  while  a  third  was  to  be  constructed 
at  E^pogache  near  Sapelo.  Ibarra  was  accompanied  on  this  expe- 
dition by  Fray  Pedro  Ruiz,  then  in  charge  of  the  doctrina  at  San 
Pedro,  who  said  mass  in  each  place.'  When  the  Bishop  of  Cuba 
visited  Florida  in  1606  Ruiz  was  in  immediate  charge  of  the  doctrina 
of  Guale,  and  Fray  Diego  Delgado  was  located  at  the  doctrina  of 
Talaxe,  close  to  Asao,  from  which  he  occasionally  visited  Espogache. 
The  province  of  Guale  was  soon  thoroughly  nussionized  and  work 
there  continued  until  the  practical  destruction  of  the  province  in  the 
latter  part  of  the  century.  In  a  letter  of  1608  we  find  a  note  to  the 
effect  that  five  Guale  chiefs  had  rebelled,  but  nothing  more  is  said 
about  the  disturbance,  which  must  have  been  of  small  consequence. 
Another  letter,  dated  April  16,  1645,  states  that  the  Indians  of  Guale 
were  then  in  insurrection,  but  could  be  readily  reduced.'  The  list 
of  Florida  missions,  made  in  1655,  mentions  four  or  five  belonging  to 
the  province  of  Guale,  San  Buenaventura  de  Boadalquivi  [Guadal- 
quini]  on  Jekyl  Island,  Santo  Domingo  de  Talaje  on  or  near  the 
present  St.  Simons,  San  Josef  de  Zapala  on  or  near  Sapelo,  Santa 
Catarina  de  Guale  on  St.  Catherines  Island,  and  perhaps  Santiago  de 
Ocone,  which  is  said  to  have  been  on  an  island  30  leagues  from  St. 
Augustine,  and  therefore  perhaps  near  Jekyl  Island.*  It  is  evident 
that  the  attacks  of  the  northern  Indians,  which  were  soon  to  put 
an  end  to  the  missions  entirely,  had  begun  at  this,  date,  because  we 
find  Santiago,  mico  of  Tolomato,  and  his  people  located  3  leagues 
from  St.  Augustine,  between  two  creeks,  evidently  those  called  San 
Diego  Tolomato,  or  North  River,  and  Guana.  This  was  the  mis- 
sion station  of  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  Guadalupe  de  Tolomato,  which 
appears  again  in  the  Hst  of  1680.  In  1661,  as  we  learn  by  letters 
from  Gov.  D.  Aloa«^o  de  Aranguiz  y  Cotes  to  tlie  king,  Guale  was 
invaded  by  Indians,  ''said  to  be  Chichumecos, "  but  probably,  as 
we  shall  see,  Yuchi.     From  the  letter  of  a  soldier  setting  forth  his 

1  Lowery  and  BrooJcB,  MSB.,  Lib.  Cong.         >  Serrano  y  Sani,  Doc.  Hist. ,  pp.  104-193. 

*  Lowery,  MSB.  *  See  p.  322;  and  Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Uist.,  p.  132. 

90  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

pa^t  services  it  appears  that  these  strangers  sacked  the  churches  aiid 
convents  and  killed  many  Christian  Indians,  but  were  driven  off  by 
a  force  sent  from  St.  Augustine.* 

When  South  Carolina  was  settled,  in  the  year  1670,  the  English 
found  the  post  and  missions  about  Port  Royal  abandoned,  but  those 
in  Guale  still  flourishing.  In  a  letter  to  Lord  Ashley,  dated  the 
same  year,  WiUiam  Owen  says: 

There  are  only  foure  [Spanish  mifisionaries]  betweene  ub  and  St.  Augustines.  Our 
next  neighbour  is  he  of  Wallie  wch  ye  Spaniard  calls  St  Katarina  who  hath  about  300? 
Indians  att  his  devoir.  With  him  joyne  ye  rest  of  ye  Brotherhood  and  cann  muster 
upp  from  700  hundred  Indians  besides  those  of  ye  main  they  vpon  any  vrgent  occa- 
sions shall  call  to  their  assistance,  they  by  these  Indians  make  warr  with  any  oth^ 
people  yt  disoblige  them  and  yet  seem  not  to  be  concerned  in  ye  matter.' 

In  addition  to  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  Guadalupe  de  Tolomato,  four 
Guale  missions  appear  in  the  mission  list  of  1680,  viz,  San  Buenaven- 
tura de  Ovadalquini,  Santo  Domingo  de  Assaho,  San  Joseph  de 
Capala,  and  Santa  CathaUna  de  Guale.  They  were  placed  in  one 
province  with  two  Timucua  missions,  the  whole  being  called  the 
Provincia  de  Guale  y  Mocama.*  Mocama  means  "on  the  sea'*  in 
Timucua,  the  Timucua  towns  in  this  province  being  on  and  near  the 

Through  a  letter  written  to  the  court  of  Spain  May  14,  1680,  we 
learn  that  the  ^'Chichumecos,  Uchizes,  and  Chiluques  (i.  e.,  the 
Yuchi,  Creeks,  and  Cherokee)  had  made  friends  with  the  English 
and  had  jointly  attacked  two  of  the  Guale  missions..  The  writer 
says  that  (apparently  in  the  year  preceding) : 

They  entered  all  together,  first  that  on  the  island  of  Guadalquini,  belonging  to  said 
province  [of  Guale].  There  they  caused  several  deaths,  but  when  the  natives  ap>- 
peared  led  by  my  lieutenant,  U^  defend  themselves,  they  retired  and  within  a  few 
days  they  entered  the  island  of  Santa  (^atalina.  capital  and  frr)ntier  post,  against' 
these  enemies.  They  were  over  three  hundred  men  strong,  and  killed  the  guard  of 
six  men,  with  the  excepti6n  of  one  man  who  escaped  and  gave  the  alarm,  thus  enab- 
ling the  inhabitants  of  that  village  to  gather  for  their  defense.  They  consisted  of 
about  40  natives  and  five  Spaniards  of  this  garrison,  who  occupied  the  convent  of  the 
friar  of  that  doctrina,  where  a  few  days  previously  captain  P>ancisco  Fuentes.  my 
lieutenant  of  that  province  had  arrived!  lie  planne<l  their  defense  so  well  and  with 
such  great  courage  that  he  kept  it  up  from  dawn  until  4  p.  m.  with  sixteen  Indians 
who  had  joined  him  with  their  firearms  (on  this  occasion  1  considered  it  impc^rtant 
that  the  Indians  should  carry  fireanns).  As  8<K)n  as  I  was  advined  of  what  had  occur- 
red I  sent  assistance,  the  first  three  daj-s  ahead.  Then  1  sent  a  liody  of  about  thirty 
men  and  a  boat  with  thirteen  people,  including  the  sailors,  hut  when  they  arrived 
the  enemy  had  retreated.  1  am  assured  that  among  them  [the  enemies]  there  came 
several  Englishmen  who  instructed  them,  all  armed  with  long  shotguns,  which  caused 
much  horror  to  those  natives,  who  abandoned  the  island  of  Santa  ('atalina.  1  am 
told  that  they  might  return  to  live  there  if  the  garrison  be  doubled.  As  I  have  heard 
tliat  they  had  eight  men  there  from  this  garrison,  1  have  resolved  to  send  as  many  as 

1  Lowery,  MSB.  '  S.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  v,  p.  198. 


twenty,  because  it  is  very  important  to  support  the  province  of  Guale  for  the  sake  of 
this  garrison,  as  well  for  its  safety  and  conservation  as  for  its  subsistence  and  protec- 
tion against  invasion  as  it  is  the  provider  of  this  garrison  on  account  of  its  abundance 
and  richness  compared  with  this  place  which  is  so  poor.  I  am  always  afraid  that  they 
might  penetrate  by  the  sandbar  of  Zapata  [Zapala].* 

That  the  friars  were  not  in  all  cases  protectors  of  the  Indians 
appears  from  a  letter  written  to  Governor  Cabrera  by  ' '  the  casique 
of  the  province  of  Guale/*  dated  May  5,  1681,  complaining  of  their 
arbitrary  and  overbearing  attitude.  Caorera  was,  however,  no 
lover  of  friars.  Meantime  the  pressure  of  the  northern  Indians 
continued.  Cabrera,  in  a  letter  dated  December  8,  1680,  speaks  of 
what  appears  to  have  been  a  second  invasion  of  Guale  by  the  Eng- 
lish and  '^Chuchumecos,'*  and  in  one  of  June  14,  1681,  he  states 
that  some  Guale  Indians  had  taken  to  the  woods,  while  others,  had 
assembled  in  the  Florida  towns  farther  south,  the  town  of  Carlos, 
"40  leagues  from  St.  Augustine,''  being  particularly  mentioned. 
Several  invasions  appear  to  have  taken  place  at  about  this  time  and 
a  letter,  written  March  20,  1683,  states  that  Guale  had  been  totally 
ruined  by  them.^ 

In  1682  the  South  Carolina  Documents  refer  to  ''the  nations  of 
Spanish  Indians,  which  they  call  Sapalla,  Soho  [Asaho],  and  Sapic- 
bay,''  and  from  the  identity  of  the  first  two  it  is  probable  that  all 
were  Guale  tribes.' 

We  now  come  to  the  final  abandonment  of  Guale,  both  by  Span- 
iards and  Indians;  and  here  our  authorities  do  not  agree.  Barcia, 
presumably  relying  upon  documents  to  which  no  one  else  has  had 
access,  states  that  the  governor  of  Florida  wished  to  remove  the 
Indians  forcibly  to  islands  nearer  St.  Augustine,  whereupon  they 
rebelled  and  took  to  the  woods  or  passed  over  to  the  English.  Cer- 
tain manuscript  authorities,  however,  represent  the  removal  as 
having  been  at  the  request  of  the  Indians  themselves,  and  the  raid 
upon  St.  Catherines  mentioned  above  doubtless  had  something  to 
do  with  it.     Barcia's  account  nms  thus: 

[Don  Juan  Marquez]  had  orcaairmed  a  rebellion  of  the  Indians  of  the  towns  of  San 
Felipe,  San  Simon,  Santa  Oatalina,  Sapala,  Tupichihasao,  Obaldaquini,  and  others, 
because  he  wanted  to  move  them  to  the  islands  of  Santa  Maria,  San  Juan,  and  Santa 
Oruz,  and  in  order  to  escape  this  transplantation  many  fled  to  the  forests,  and  others 
passed  to  the  province  of  S.  Jorge,  or  Carolina,  a  colony  made  shortly  before  by  the 
English  in  the  country  of  the  Spaniards,  up<m  which  Virginia  joins,  and  bordering  upon 
Apalachicolo,  Caveta,  and  Casica  ...  * 

The  name  Tupichihasao  seems  to  combine  the  names  of  the  towns 
Topiqui  and  Asao  (or  Hasao),  which  were  probably  run  together  in 
copying.     The  latter  was  on  or  near  St.  Simons  Island  and  may  be 

»  Serrano  y  8anx,  Doc.  Hist.,  pp.  216-219.  »  MS.,  Pub.  Rec.  of  S.  C,  ii.  8. 

t  Lowery,  M8S.,  Lib.  Cong.  *  Barcia,  La  Florida,  p.  287. 

92  BUREAU   OF   AMERK^AN   ETHNOT.OGY  [bull.  73 


iiioroly  the  Indian  namo  of  the  St.  Simons  mission.  The  San  Felipe 
mission  must  have  been  a  comparatiyely  new  one;  it  evidently  had 
nothing  to  do  with  the  former  Fort  Felipe  at  St.  Helena,  which  had 
been  long  abandoned. 

An  entirely  different  view  of  this  Indian  movement  is  given  in  a 
letter  from  the  Eong  of  Spain,  dated  September  9,  1688,  from  which 
it  appears  that  the  chiefs  and  natives  of  Quale  had  asked  to  be 
settled  where  they  could  enjoy  more  quiet  and  had  chosen  the 
islands  of  San  Pedro,  Santa  Maria,  and  San  Juan.  It  was,  however, 
decided  to  assign  them  the  last  two  of  these,  and  instead  of  San 
Pedro  a  third  nearer  St.  Augustine,  called  Santa  Cruz.* 

An  interesting  glimpse  of  these  missions  is  furnished  us  by  the 
Quaker  Dickenson  m  1699,  when  he  and  his  companions  who  had 
been  shipwrecked  on  the  southeast  coast  of  Florida  passed  nortb 
from  St.  Augustme  on  their  way  to  Carolina.     He  says: 

TaMng  our  departure  from  Augustine  [Sept.  29]  we  had  about  2  or  3  leagues  to  an 
iDdian  town  called  St.  a  Cruce,  where,  being  landed,  we  were  directed  to  the  Indian 
warehouse  [town  house].  It  was  built  round,  having  16  squares,'  and  on  each  square  a 
cabin  '  built  and  painted,  which  would  hold  two  people,  the  house  being  about  60  feet 
diameter;  and  in  the  middle  of  the  top  was  a  square  opening  about  15  feet.  This  house 
was  very  clean;  and  fires  being  ready  made  nigh  our  cabin,  the  Spanish  captain  made 
choice  of  cabins  for  him  and  his  soldiers  and  appointed  us  our  cabins.  In  this  town 
they  have  a  friar  and  a  large  house  to  worship  in,  with  three  bells;  and  the  Indians 
go  as  constantly  to  their  devotions  at  all  times  and  seasons,  as  any  of  the  Spaniards. 
Night  being  come  and  the  time  of  their  devotion  over,  the  friar  came  in,  and  many  of 
the  Indians,  both  men  and  women,  and  they  had  a  dance  according  to  their  way  and 
custom.  We  had  plenty  of  Casseena  drink,  and  such  victuals  as  the  Indians  had  pro- 
vided for  us,  some  bringing  com  boiled,  others  pease;  some  one  thing,  some  another; 
of  all  which  we  made  a  good  supper,  and  slept  till  morning. 

This  morning  early  [Sept.  30]  we  left  this  town,  having  about  2  leagues  to  go  with  the 
canoes,  and  then  we  were  to  travel  by  land;  but  a  cart  was  provided  to  carry  our  provi- 
sions and  necessaries,  in  which  those  that  could  not  travel  were  carried.  We  had  about 
5  leagues  to  a  sentinel's  house,  where  we  lay  all  night,  and  next  morning  travelled 
along  the  sea  shore  about  4  leagues  to  an  inlet.  Here  we  waited  for  canoes  to  come  for 
us,  to  carry  us  about  2  miles  to  an  Indian  to\vn  called  St.  Wan's  [San  Juan's],  being  on 
an  island.  We  went  through  a  skirt  of  wood  into  the  plantations,  for  a  mile.  In  the 
middle  of  this  island  is  the  town,  St.  Wan's,  a  laige  town  and  many  people;  they  have 
a  friar  and  worship  house.  The  people  are  very  industrious,  having  plenty  of  hogs, 
fowls,  and  large  crops  of  com,  as  we  could  tell  by  their  com  houses.  The  Indians 
brought  us  victuals  as  at  the  last  town,  and  we  lay  in  their  warehouse,  which  was 
laiger  than  at  the  other  town. 

This  morning  [Oct.  2]  the  Indians  brought  us  victuals  for  breakfast,  and  the  friar 
gave  my  wife  some  loaves  of  bread  made  of  Indian  com  which  was  somewhat  ex- 
traordinary; also  a  parcel  of  fowls. 

About  10  o^clock  in  the  forenoon  we  left  St.  Wan's  walking  about  a  iJaile  to  the 
sound;  here  were  canoes  and  Indians  ready  to  transport  us  to  the  next  town.    We  did 

>  Brooka,  MSS.    MJss  Brooks  has  given  the  name  of  this  king  as  Philip  IV,  but  he  was  long  dead  and 
Charles  II  was  on  the  throne.    For  the  location  of  these  islands  see  p.  51  and  plate  1 . 
*  This  term  seems  to  be  applied  to  the  spaces  between  the  vertical  wall  timbers. 
I  Old  name  for  a  bed  raiwd  on  posts  close  to  the  wall  of  an  Indian  house. 


believe  we  might  have  come  all  the  way  along  the  sound,  but  the  Spaniards  were  not 
willing  to  discover  the  place  to  us. 

An  hour  before  sun  set  we  got  to  the  town  caird  St.  Mary's.  This  was  a  frontier  and 
garrison  town;  the  inhabitants  are  Indians  with  some  Spanish  soldiers.  We  were  or)n- 
ducted  to  the  ware  house,  as  the  custom  is,  every  town  having  one:  we  understood 
these  houses  were  either  for  their  times  of  mirth  and  dancing,  or  to  lodge  and  entertain 
strangers.  The  house  was  about  31  feet  diameter, >  built  round,  with  32  squares;  in 
each  square  a  cabin  about  8  feet  long,  of  good  height,  painted  and  well  matted.  The 
centre  of  the  building  is  a  quadrangle  of  20  feet,  being  open  at  the  top,  against  which 
the  house  is  built.  In  this  quadrangle  is  the  place  they  dance,  having  a  great  fire  in 
the  middle.  In  one  of  the  squares  is  the  gate  way  or  passage.  The  women  natives  of 
these  towns  clothe  themselves  with  the  moes  of  trees,  making  gowns  and  petticoats 
thereof,  which  at  a  distance,  or  in  the  night,  looks  very  neat.  The  Indian  boys  we 
saw  were  kept  to  school  in  the  church,  the  friar  being  their  schoolmaster.  This  was  the 
laigest  town  of  all,  and  about  a  mile  from  it  was  another  called  St.  Philip's.  At  St. 
Mary's  we  were  to  stay  till  the  5th  or  6th  inst.  Here  we  were  to  receive  our  60  roves 
of  com  and  10  of  pease.  While  we  staid  we  had  one  half  of  our  com  beaten  into  meal 
by  the  Indians,  the  other  we  kept  whole,  not  knowing  what  weather  we  should  have. 
.  .  .  We  got  of  the  Indians  plenty  of  garlick  and  long  pepper,  to  season  oiur  com  and 
pease,  both  of  which  are  griping  and  windy,  and  we  made  wooden  trays  and  spoons  to 
eat  with.  We  got  rushes  and  made  a  sort  of  plaited  rope  thereof ;  the  use  we  intended 
it  for,  was  to  be  serviceable  to  help  us  in  building  huts  or  tents  with,  at  such  times  aa 
we  should  meet  with  hard  weather  ;  .  . 

We  departed  this  place  [Oct.  6]  and  put  into  the  town  of  St.  Philip's,  where  the 
Sponiflh  Captain  invited  us  on  shore  to  drink  Casseena,  which  we  did:  the  Spaniards, 
having  jeft  something  behind,  we  staid  here  about  an  hour,  and  then  set  forward. 

About  2  or  3  leagues  from  hence  we  came  in  sight  of  an  Indian  town  called  Sap- 

''Sappataw"  is  probably  a  misprint  for  Sappalaw,  i.  e.,  Sapelo. 
Some,  and  probably  aJl,  of  these  missions  were  on  the  sites  of  former 
missions  occupied  by  Timucua,  but  most  of  the  latter  Indians  must 
have  died  out  or  been  removed.  At  least,  Dickenson  says  in  two  places 
that  the  Indians  living  there  were  ''related"  to  the  Yamasee  then  in 

If  Barcia  may  be  trusted,  a  considerable  number  of  Quale  Indians 
fled  to  South  Carolina  at  the  time  when  the  remainder  of  the  tribe 
was  removed  to  Florida.  In  1702  a  second  outbreak  occurred,  re- 
sulting, apparently,  in  the  reunion  of  all  of  the  Quale  natives  on 
Savannah  River,  in  the  edge  of  the  English  colony  and  under  the 
lead  of  the  Ycmiasee.  These  two  rebellions  are  indicated  in  the  legend 
on  an  early  Spanish  map  which  states  that  the  Spaniards  occupied 
San  Felipe,  Quale,  and  Sapelo  until  1686,  when  they  \^dthdrow  to 
St.  Simons,  and  that  in  1702  St.  Simons  was  also  abandoned.  It 
is  clear,  however,  from  Dickenson's  narrative  that  the  Qeorgia  coast 
had  been  practicaUy  given  up  in  his  time,  so  that  the  ''withdrawar* 

s  This  flgore  Is  too  small,  perhaps  doe  to  a  misprint;  32  squares  8  feet  long  would  mean  a  circumference  of 
256  feet  and  a  diameter  of  70-80  feet.  The  figure  3  in  31  is  probably  a  misprint  for  8  as  suggested  by  BushneU 
(tee  below). 

>  Dickenson,  Narrative,  pp.  90-94.  See  I).  I.  Buslmeil,  Jr.,  in  Bull.  09,  Bur.  Amer.  Kthn.,  pp.  Si-85, 
who  gives  diagrammatic  plans  of  the  town  houses. 

*  Dickenson,  Narrative,  pp.  94, 96. 

94  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

from  St.  Simons  meant  in  reality  the  removal  of   the  remaining 

Guale  Indians  from  Florida.     Probably  most  of  those  who  fled  to  the 

English  at  the  earlier  date  were  from  the  northern  part  of  the  Georgia 

coast,  while  those  who  went  to  Florida  were  principally  from  St. 

Simons  and  other  southern  missions.     Even  in  1702  a  few  probably 

remained  under  the  Spanish  government  until  thoir  kinsmen  shifted 

thoir  allegiance  once  more  in  1715.     Tlie  only  specific  reference  to 

this  second  outbreak  that  has  come  to  my  attention  is  contained  in 

a  letter  written  from  London,  about  1715,  by  Juan  de  Ayala,  who 


In  the  year  1702  the  native  Indiana  of  all  the  provinces  of  San  Agustin,  who  since 
its  discovery  had  been  converted  to  the  Catholic  faith,  and  maintained  as  subjects  of 
his  Majesty,  revolted,  and.  forsaking  that  religion,  sought  the  protection  of  the  Eng- 
lish of  Carolina,  with  whom  they  have  remained  ever  since,  continually  harassing  the 
Catholic  Indians.' 

This  revolt  was  due,  in  part,  to  compulsion  exercised  by  the  English 
and  their  allies,  in  part  it  was  an  unavoidable '  ^  taking  to  the  woods,'* 
through  the  failure  of  the  Spaniards  to  protect  their  proteges,  and 
in  part  it  came  from  the  prestige  which  success  brought  the  vic- 
torious English.  The  underlying  cause  was  the  unwillingness  on  the 
part  of  the  Spaniards  to  allow  their  Indians  the  use  of  firearms  and  a 
niggardly  home  poUcy,  which  left  Florida  insufficiently  defended.  It 
is  doubtful  how  far  the  Timucua  tribes  engaged  in  this  secession. 
At  any  rate  they  did  not  go  in  such  numbers  as  to  attract  the  atten- 
tion of  the  EngUsh.  The  Apalachee  and  the  people  of  Guale  re- 
mained distinct.  The  fortunes  of  those  Guale  Indians  who  remained 
in  Florida  from  the  time  of  the  rebellion  until  they  were  rejoined  by 
their  kinsmen  who  had  gone  to  Carolina  will  be  considered  when 
we  come  to  speak  of  the  Timucua,  probably  constituting  the  largest 
portion  of  the  Indians  who  were  true  to  Spain. 

From  this  time  on  the  name  Guale  practically  disappears,  and  the 
people  who  formerly  bore  it  are  almost  invariably  known  as  Yamasee. 
It  has  been  thought  by  recent  investigators  that  the  people  of  Guale 
and  the  Yamasee  were  identical,  but  facts  contained  in  the  Spanish 
archives  show  that  this  is  incorrect.  They  make  it  plain  that  the 
Yamasee  were  an  independent  tribe  from  very  early  times,  belonging, 
as  Barcia  states,  to  the  province  of  Guale,  or  perhaps  ratlior  to  its 
outskirts,  but  not  originally  a  dominant  tribe  of  the  province.  It 
was  only  in  later  years  that  by  taking  the  lead  among  the  liostile 
Indians  their  name  came  to  supersede  that  of  Guale  and  of  every 
band  of  Guale  Indians.  They  are  not  mentioned  frequently  until 
late,  and  it  is  only  by  piecing  together  bits  of  information  from 
various  quarters  that  we  can  get  any  idea  of  their  history. 

'  nrooks,  MSS. 


For  OUT  first  notice  we  must  go  back  to  the  very  b^iiming  of 
Spanish  exploration  on  the  Atlantic  coast  of  North  America,  to  the 
list  of  "provinces"  for  which  Francisco  of  Chicora  was  responsible. 
In  this  list,  as  previously  noted,*  we  find  one  province  called  "  Yami- 
scaron,"  which  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  refers  to  the  tribe  we 
have  under  discussion.  The  peculiar  ending  suggests  a  form  which 
appears  again  in  Yamacraw  and  which  it  is  difficult  to  account  for 
in  a  tribe  supposed  to  be  Muskhogean  and  without  a  true  phonetic 
r  in  the  language.  I  can  explain  it  only  by  supposing  that  it  was 
originally  taken  from  the  speech  of  the  Siouan  neighbors  of  these 
people  to  the  northeast.' 

April  4,  1540,  De  Soto's  army  came  to  a  province  called  by  Biedma 
"the  Province  of  Altapaha."  Elvas  gives  it  as  "  the  town  of  Alt a- 
maca,''  but  Ranjel  has  the  correct  form  Altamaha.  The  last  men- 
tioned speaks  as  if  the  Spaniards  did  not  pass  through  the  main 
town,  but  they  received  messengers  from  the  chief,  who  furnished 
them  with  food  and  had  them  transported  across  a  river.  This 
was  probably  the  river  which  Biedma  says  encouraged  them  be- 
cause it  flowed  east  instead  of  south.  Ranjel  seems  to  imply 
that  Altamaha,  like  a  neighboring  chief  called  ^amumo,  was  the 
subject  of  '*a  great  chief  whose  name  was  Ocute"  (the  Hitchiti).' 
The  significance  in  this  encounter  is  due  to  the  fact  that  Altamaha 
afterwards  appears  as  the  head  town  of  the  Lower  Yamasee.  From 
Ranjel's  statement  it  would  seem  that  the  Yamasee  were  at  this 
time  connected  with  the  Hitchiti,  whereas  the  language  of  the  Guale 
people  proper  was  somewhat  different. 

The  next  reference  comes  in  a  letter  dated  November  15,  1633, 
and  is  as  follows:  '*The  Amacanos  Indians  have  approached  the 
Province  of  Apalache  and  desire  missionaries."  *  August  22,  1639, 
Grov.  Damian  de  la  Vega  Castro  y  Pardo  writes  that  he  has  made 
peace  between  the  Apalachee  on  one  side  and  the  "Chacatos  [Chatot], 
Apalachocolos  [Lower  Creeks],  and  Amacanos.'^  *  These  last  refer- 
ences indicate  that  while  the  Yamasee  may  have  been  theoretically 
in  the  Province  of  Guale,  they  rather  belonged  to  its  hinterland  and, 
as  presently  appears,  were  not  missionized  or  affected  much  by 
European  influences.  In  1670  William  Owon  speaks  of  them  as 
allies  of  the  Spaniards  living  south  of  the  Cusabo.'  They  come  to 
light  next  in  Spanish  documents,  this  time  unequivocally,  in  a  letter 
of  Gov.  Don  Pablo  de  Hita  Salazar,  dated  March  8,  1680.     He  says: 

It  has  come  to  the  notice  of  his  honor  that  some  Yamasee  Indians,  infidels  (unos 
yndios  Yamasis  3mfieleB),  who  are  in  the  town  which  was  that  of  San  Antonio  de 
Anacape,  have  asked  for  a  minister  to  teach  them  our  holy  Catholic  faiths 

1  See  p.  37.  ^  Ibid.;   also  Serrano  y  Sanz,    Doc.  HJst.,  pp. 

>  But  see  p.  106.  19S-199. 

)  Boome,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  i,  p.  56:  n,  pp.  10,         •  See  p.  67. 
8»-00.  7  Lowery,  ICS8. 

«Lowery.  M8S. 


This  mission  was  20  leagues  from  St.  Augustine,  evidently  that 
called  Antonico  in  the  Fresh  Water  district,  and  the  governor 
entrusted  these  Yamasee  at  first  to  the  care  of  Fray  Bartholome 
de  Quifiiones,  Padre  aiid  Doctrinero  del  Pueblo  de  Maiaca, 
which  was  16  leagues  beyond.  These  Yamasee  explain  why  the 
station  of  San  Antonio  is  called  a  ''new  conversion'*  in  the  mis- 
sion list  of  1 680,  although  it  existed  at  a  very  much  earlier  period 
as  a  Timucua  mission.^  The  application  of  the  term  ''infidels''  to 
them  is  significant;  had  they  been  from  the  coast  district  of  Guale 
they  would  in  all  probability  have  been  Christianized  by  this  time. 
The  name  Nombre  de  Dios  de  Amacarisse,  which  also  occurs  in  the 
mission  list  of  1680,  indicates  still  another  body  of  Yamasee  in  that 
old  station.^  Fairbanks  calls  it  Macarisqui  and  speaks  of  it  as  the 
principal  town.'  Barcia  '  spells  it  Mascarasi  and  says  it  was  within 
600  yards  (vajras)  of  St.  Augustine,  which  would  agree  with  the  known 
situation  of  Nombre  de  Dios.  The  next  we  hear  of  them  the  Yamasee 
have  taken  the  lead  among  those  Indians  which  sought  refuge  near 
the  EngUsh  colony  of  Carolina  and  they  became  so  prominent  that 
the  English  do  not  appear  to  have  been  aware  that  any  other  In- 
dians accx)mpanied  them. 

In  a  letter  to  the  Spanish  monarch,  dated  London,  October  20, 
1734,  Fray  Joseph  Ramos  Escudero  seems  to  attribute  their  primacy 
to  encouragement  given  the  Yamasee  by  the  English  and  the  sup- 
plies of  clothing  and  arms  with  which  they  provided  them.* 

In  the  copy  of  this  letter  made  by  Miss  Brooks  the  name  of  the 
tribe  is  consistently  spelled  Llamapas,  but  there  can  be  no  question 
regarding  its  identity.  The  original  Y  has  been  transposed  into  a 
double  I  and  the  old  style  88  into  p.  Escudero  explains  their  removal 
from  the  Spanish  colony  by  saying  that  these  Yamasee  '  'had  a  grudge 
against  a  certain  governor  of  Florida  on  account  of  having  ill  treated 
their  chief  by  words  and  deeds,  because  the  latter,  owing  to  the 
sickness  of  his  superior,  had  failed  one  year  to  send  to  the  city  of 
St.  Augustine,  Florida,  a  certain  number  of  men  for  the  cultivation 
of  the  lands  as  he  was  obliged  to  do." 

Another  account  of  the  rebellion  is  given  by  Barcia.     Referring  to 

the  colony  of  South  Carolina,  he  says: 

Some  Indians  fled  to  this  province  because  the  Kn^lisli  who  occupied  it  had  per- 
suaded them  to  give  them  obedience,  insteail  of  to  tlie  king;  especially  the  chief  of  the 
lamacoSy  a  nation  which  lived  in  the  province  of  Guale,  bec«nniug  olTondeil  at  the 
governor,  without  being  placatotl  by  the  strong  persuasions  and  repeate<l  kindnesses 
which  the  Franciscan  missionaries  showe<l  to  him  in  the  year  HJS-l,  for  despising  all 

» Lowery,  MSB. 

*  O.  R.  Fairbanks,  Hist,  of  St.  Augastine,  p.  li"!.    The  name  of  this  town  helps  explain  the  latar 
"Yamacraw."    (Seep.  108.) 
s  Barcia,  La  Florida,  p.  240. 
«  Brooks,  MSS. 


he  withdrew  to  his  country  and  afterwards  gave  obedience  to  the  English  settled  in 
>»Santa  Elena  and  San  Joi^e,  other  Indians  following  him;  and  not  satisfied  with  this 
lapse  of  faith,  he  returned  the  following  year  to  the  province  of  Timuqua  or  Timagoa 
to  make  war,  plundered  the  Doctrina  of  Santa  Catalina,  carried  off  the  furnishings 
of  the  church  and  convent  of  San  Frandsco,  burned  the  town,  inflicted  grievous 
death  on  many  Indians,  and  carried  back  other  prisoners  to  Santa  Elena,  where  he 
made  slaves  of  them,  which  invasion  was  so  unexpected  that  it  could  not  be  foreseen 
nor  prevented  ...  * 

Early  South  Carolina  documents  speak  of  10  Yamasee  towns 
there,  5  upper  towns  headed  by  Pocotaligo,  and  5  lower  towns 
headed  by  Altamahaw  or  Aratomahaw.'  The  new  settlers  were 
given  a  strip  of  land  back  of  Port  Royal  on  the  northeast  side  of 
the  Savannah  River,  which,  long  after  they  had  vacated  it,  was 
still  known  as  'Uhe  Indian  land.''  The  foDowing  names  of  chiefs  or 
"kings''  are  given  in  the  South  Carolina  documents  and  these  evi- 
dently refer  to  their  towns:  The  Pocotalligo  king,  the  Altamahaw 
king,  the  Yewhaw  king,  the  Huspaw  king,  the  Chasee  king,  the 
Pocolabo  king,  the  Dcombe  king,  and  the  Dawfuskee  king,'  though 
the  identity  of  tliis  last  is  a  little  uncertain.  The  "Peterba  king" 
mentioned  among  those  killed  in  the  Tuscarora  war  in  1712  was  also 
probably  a  Yamasee,  though  he  may  have  been  an  Apalachee.  There 
were  87  Yamasee  among  Col.  Barnwell's  Indian  allies  in  the  Tusca- 
rora expedition.* 

In  1715  the  Yamasee  war  broke  out,'  the  most  disastrous  of  all 
those  which  the  two  Carolina  settlements  had  to  face.  The 
documents  of  South  Carolina  show  clearly  that  the  immediate  cause 
of  this  uprising  was  the  misconduct  of  some  English  traders,  but  it 
is  evident  that  the  enslavement  of  Indians,  carried  on  by  Carolina 
traders  in  an  ever  more  open  and  unscrupulous  manner,  was  bound 
to  produce  such  an  explosion  sooner  or  later.  The  best  contemporaiy 
narratives  of  this  revolt  are  to  be  found  in  "  An  Account  of  Mission- 
aries Sent  to  South  Carolina,  the  Places  to  Which  They  Were  Ap- 
pointed, Their  Labours  and  Success,  etc.,"  and  in  "An  Account  of 
the  Breaking  Out  of  the  Yamassee  War,  in  South  Carolina,  extracted 
from  the  Boston  News,  of  the  13th  of  June,  1715,"  both  contained  in 
Carroll's  Historical  Collections  of  South  Carolina.*  The  following 
is  from  the  first  of  these  documents : 

In  the  year  1715,  the  Indians  adjoining  to  this  colony,  all  round  from  the  borders  of 
Fort  St.  Augistino  to  Cape  Fear,  had  formed  a  conspiracy  to  extirpate  the  white  people. 
This  war  broke  out  the  week  before  Easter  [actually  on  April  15].  The  parish  of  St. 
Helen's  had  some  apprehensions  of  a  rising  among  the  adjoining  Indians,  called  the 
Yammoeees.    On  Wednesday  before  Easter,  Captain  Nairn,  agent  among  the  Indians, 

1  Btfda,  La  Ftorida,  p.  287. 

<  Proc.  Board  dealing  with  Indian  Trade,  MS.,  pp.  46  and  47. 

•  Ibid.,  pp.  55, 68, 81, 102;  Council  Records,  MS.,  vi,  p.  159;  VD,  p.  186;  X,  p.  177. 

« S.  Car.  Hist,  and  Oen.  Mag.,  9,  pp.  30-31. 

•VoLn.  pp.  588-576. 

148061**— 22 7 


went,  with  some  others,  to  them  [and  it  appears  by  direct  conmiission  of  Governor 
Craven  who  had  rumors  of  trouble],  desiring  to  know  the  reason  of  their  uneasiness, 
that  if  any  injury  had  been  done  them,  they  might  have  satisfaction  made  them.  The 
Indians  pretended  to  be  w^l  content,  and  not  to  have  any  designs  against  the  English. 
Mr.  Nairn  therefore  and  the  other  traders  continued  in  the  Pocotaligat-Town,  one  of 
the  chief  of  the  Yammosee  nations.  At  night  they  went  to  sleep  in  the  round-house, 
with  the  King  and  chief  War-Captains,  in  seeming  perfect  friendship;  but  next  morn- 
ing, at  break  of  day,  they  were  all  killed  with  a  volley  of  shot,  excepting  one  man 
and  a  boy,  who  providentially  escaped  (the  man  much  wounded)  to  Port-Royal,  and 
gave  notice  of  the  rising  of  the  Indians  to  the  inhabitants  of  St.  Helen's.  Upon  this 
short  warning,  a  ship  happening  to  be  in  the  river,  a  great  niunber  of  the  inhabitants, 
about  300  souls,  made  their  escape  on  board  her  to  Charles-Town,  and  among  the  rest, 
Mr.  Guy,  the  society's  missionary;  having  abandoned  all  their  effects  to  the  savages: 
some  few  families  fell  into  their  hands,  who  were  barbarously  tortured  and  murdered. 

The  Indians  had  divided  themselves  into  two  parties;  one  fell  upon  Port-Royal, 
the  other  upon  St.  Bartholomew's  parish;  about  100  Christians  fell  into  their  hands, 
the  rest  fled,  among  which  [was]  the  Reverend  Bir.  Osbom,  the  society's  missionary 
there.  The  women  and  children,  with  some  of  the  best  of  their  effects,  were  conveyed 
to  Charles-Town;  most  of  the  houses  and  heavy  goods  in  the  parish  were  burnt  or 
spoil 'd.  The  Yammosees  gave  the  first  stroke  in  this  war,  but  were  presently  joined 
by  the  Appellachee  Indians.*  On  the  north  side  of  the  province,  the  English  had  at 
first,  some  hopes  in  the  faithfulness  of  the  Calabaws  [Catawbas]  and  Creek  Indians,  but 
they  soon  after  declared  for  the  Yammosees. 

Upon  news  of  this  rising,  the  governor  (the  Honourable  Charles  Craven,  £!sq.), 
with  all  expedition,  reused  the  forces  in  Colleton  county,  and  with  what  assostance 
more  could  be  got  presently,  put  himself  at  their  head,  and  marched  directly  to  the 
Indians,  and  the  week  af  Jer  Easter  came  up  with  them  and  attacked  them  at  the  head 
of  the  river  Cambahee;  and  after  a  sharp  engagement  put  them  to  flight,  and  stopped 
ail  ^ther  incursions  on  that  side.  ^ 

The  narrative  in  the  Boston  News  is  as  follows: 

On  Tuesday  last  arrived  here  His  Majesty's  ship  Success^  Captain  Meade,  Com- 
mander, about  12  days'  passage  from  South  Carolina,  by  whom  his  excellency,  our 
Governor,  had  a  letter  from  the  Honourable  Gov.  Craven,  of  South  Carolina,  acquaint- 
ing him  that  all  their  Indians,  made  up  of  many  various  Nations,  consisting  of  between 
1000  to  1200  men,  (lately  paid  obedience  to  that  Government)  had  shaken  o£f  their 
fidelity,  treacherously  murdering  many  of  His  Majesty's  subjects. 

Gov.  Craven  hearing  of  this  rupture,  immediately  despatched  Captain  Nairn  and 
Bir.  John  Cockran,  gentlemen  well  acquainted  with  the  Indians,  to  know  the  cause 
of  their  discontent,  who  accordingly  on  the  15th  of  April,  met  the  principal  part  of 
them  at  the  Yamassee  Town,  about  130  miles  from  Charlestown,  and  after  several 
debates,  pro  and  con,  the  Indians  seemed  very  ready  to  come  to  a  good  agreement  and 
reconciliation,  and  having  prepared  a  good  supper  for  our  Messengers,  all  went  quietly 
to  rest;  but  early  next  morning  their  lodging  was  beset  with  a  great  number  of  Indians, 
who  barbarously  murdered  Captain  Nairn  and  Messieurs  John  Wright,  and  Thomas 
Ruffly,  Mr.  Cockran  and  his  wife  they  kept  prisoners,  whom  they  afterwards  slew. 
One  Seaman  Burroughs,  a  strong  robust  man,  seeing  the  Indians'  cruel  barbarity  on 
the  other  gentlemen,  made  his  way  good  through  the  middle  of  the  enemy,  they 
pursfuing  and  firing  many  shot  at  him.  One  took  him  through  the  cheek  (which  is 
since  cured)  and  coming  to  a  river,  he  swam  through,  and  alarmed  the  plantations; 
so  that  by  his  escape,  and  a  merchantman  that  lay  in  Port  Royal  River,  that  fired 
some  great  guns  on  the  Enemy,  several  Hundreds  of  English  lives  were  save<l. 

>  That  part  of  the  Apalachee  settled  near  Augusta  by  Govemor  Moore  In  1703.    See  p.  124. 

>  Carroll,  op.  cit.,  pp.  548-640. 


At  the  same  time  that  Govemour  Craven  despatched  Captain  Nairn  and  Mr.  Cockran 
to  make  enquiry  of  the  rupture  between  us  and  the  Indians,  he  got  himself  a  party 
of  horse,  and  being  accompanied  with  several  gentlemen  volimteers,  intended  for 
the  Yamassee  Town,  in  order  to  have  an  impartial  account  of  their  complaints  and 
grievances,  to  redress  the  same,  and  to  rectify  any  misunderstanding  or  disorders 
that  might  have  happened.  And  on  his  journey  meeting  with  certain  information 
of  the  above  Murder,  and  the  Rebellion  of  the  Enemy,  he  got  as  many  men  ready  as 
could  be  got,  to  the  Number  of  about  two  hundred  and  forty,  designing  to  march 
to  the  Enemies'  Head  Quarters,  and  engage  them. 

At  the  same  time  the  Govemour  despatched  a  Courier  to  Colonel  Mackay,  with 
orders  forthwith  to  raise  what  forces  he  could,  to  go  by  water  and  meet  him  at  Yamas- 
see Town.  The  Govemour  marched  within  sixteen  miles  of  said  town,  and  en- 
camped at  night  in  a  large  Savanna  or  Plain,  by  a  Wood -side,  and  was  early  next 
morning  by  break  of  day  saluted  with  a  volley  of  shot  from  about  five  hundred  of 
the  enemy;  that  lay  ambuscaded  in  the  Woods,  who  notwithstanding  of  the  surprise, 
soon  put  his  men  in  order,  and  engaged  them  so  gallantly  three  quarters  of  an  hour, 
that  he  soon  routed  the  enemy;  killed  and  wounded  several  of  them;  among  whom 
some  of  their  chief  Commanders  fell,  with  the  loss  on  our  side  of  several  men  wounded, 
and  only  John  Snow,  sentinel,  killed .  The  Govemour  seeing  the  great  numbers  of  the 
enemy,  and  wanting  pilots  to  guide  him  over  the  river,  and  then  having  vast  woods 
and  swamps  to  pass  through,  thought  best  to  return  back. 

Captain  Mackay,  in  pursuit  of  his  orders,  gathered  what  force  he  could,  and  em- 
barked by  water,  and  landing  marched  to  the  Indian  Yamassee  town;  and  though 
he  was  disappointed  in  meeting  the  Govemour  there,  yet  he  surprised  and  attacked 
the  enemy,  and  routed  them  out  of  their  town,  where  he  got  vast  quantities  of  provi- 
sion that  they  stored  up,  and  what  plunder  they  had  taken  from  the  English.  Colonel 
Mackay  kept  possession  of  the  Town;  and  soon  after  hearing  that  the  enemy  had  got 
into  another  fort,  where  were  upwards  of  200  Men,  he  detached  out  of  his  Camp  about 
140  Men,  to  attack  it  and  engaged  them.  At  which  time  a  young  Strippling,  named 
Palmer,  with  about  sixteen  Men,  who  had  been  out  upon  a  Scout,  came  to  Colonel 
Mackay's  assistance,  who,  at  once,  with  his  men,  scaled  their  walls,  and  attacked 
them  in  their  trenches,  killed  several,  but  meeting  with  so  warm  a  reception  from  the 
enemy  that  he  was  necessitated  to  make  his  retreat;  yet  on  a  second  re-entr>'  with 
men,  he  so  manfully  engaged  the  enemy  as  to  make  them  fly  their  fort.  Colonel 
Mackay  being  without,  engaged  them  on  their  flight,  where  he  slew  many  of  them. 
He  has  since  had  many  skirmishes  with  them. 

The  Govemour  has  placed  garrisons  in  all  convenient  places  that  may  be,  in  order 
to  defend  the  country  from  depredations  and  incursions  of  the  enemy,  till  better  can 
be  made.  We  had  about  a  himdred  traders  among  the  Indians,  whereof  we  appre- 
hend they  have  murdered  and  destroyed  about  ninety  Men,  and  about  forty  more 
Men  we  have  lost  in  several  skirmishes.  ^ 

Meanwhile  the  Indians  to  the  north  of  the  colony  had  not  been 
idle,  and  the  missionary  account  already  quoted  has  the  following 
regarding  their  activities: 

In  the  mean  time,  on  the  northern  side,  the  savages  made  an  inroad  as  far  as  the 
plantation  of  Mr.  John  Heme,  distant  30  miles  from  Goosecreek;  and  treacherously 
killed  that  gentleman,  after  he  had  (upon  their  pretending  peace)  presented  them 
with  provisions.  Upon  news  of  this  disaster,  a  worthy  gentleman.  Captain  Thomas 
Barker,  was  sent  thither  with  90  men  on  horseback ;  but  by  the  treachery  of  an  Indian 
whom  he  trusted,  fell  into  an  ambuscade,  in  some  thick  woods,  which  they  must 
necessarily  pass.    The  Indians  fired  upon  them  from  behind  trees  and  bushes.    The 

*  Carroll,  op.  cit.,  pp.  670-572. 

100  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

English  dismounted,  and  attacked  the  savages,  and  repulsed  them;  but  having  lost 
their  brave  commanding  officer,  Mr.  Barker,  and  being  themselves  in  some  disorder, 
made  their  retreat. 

Upon  this  advantage,  the  Indians  came  farther  on  toward  Goosecreek,  at  news  of 
which,  the  whole  parish  of  Gocsecreek  became  deserted,  except  two  fortified  planta- 
tions: and  the  Reverend  Dr.  Le  Jeau,  the  society's  missionary  there,  fled  to  Charles- 

These  northern  Indians,  being  a  body  of  near  400  men,  after  attacking  a  small  fort  in 
vain,  made  proposals  of  peace,  which  the  garrison  unwarily  hearkening  to,  admitted 
several  of  them  into  the  fort,  which  they  surprised  and  cut  to  pieces  the  garrison, 
consisting  of  70  white  people  and  40  blacks;  a  very  few  escaped.  After  this  they 
advanced  farther,  but  on  the  13th  of  June,  Mr.  Chicken,  the  Captain  of  the  Goosecreek 
Company,  met  and  attacked  them,  and  after  a  long  action,  defeated  them,  and  secured 
the  province  on  that  side  from  farther  ravages.^ 

The  northern  hostiles  probably  consisted  principally  of  the  Indians 
of  the  small  Siouan  tribes,  the  Cheraw  in  particular  having  been  long 
at  odds  with  the  settlers. 

In  a  letter  to  the  Spanish  king,  already  quoted,  the  monk  Escudero 
says  regarding  this  war: 

About  seventeen  or  eighteen  years  ago  the  said  Indians  Llamapas  [  Yamassas],  while 
being  settled  at  their  towns,  living  quietly  and  feared  by  all  around  these  provinces, 
four  English  Captains  with  a  body  of  soldiers  descended  upon  the  towns  of  the  said 
Llamapas,  and  wanted  to  count  the  number  of  Indians  that  each  town  contained. 
Which  upon  being  noticed  by  the  said  Indians  they  judged  that  the  object  of  the 
English  was  to  make  slaves  of  them  and  one  night  they  revolted  against  the  English, 
and  after  having  killed  them  all,  captains  and  soldiers,  they  went  to  other  English 
settlements  and  killed  everyone  of  them,  sparing  only  the  women  that  could  be  of 
service  to  them  and  the  negroes  to  sell  to  the  Spaniards.  Their  fury  and  cruelty  waa 
such  that  they  did  not  even  spare  the  children.* 

Escudero  then  passes  over  the  specific  events  of  the  war  and  refers 
to  the  removal  of  the  Yamasee  to  Florida  and  the  reception  given 
them.  He  is  not  accurate  in  all  of  his  statements  by  any  means, 
but  it  is  interesting  to  note  that  a  census  of  all  of  the  Indian  tribes, 
including  among  them  the  Yamasee,  was  actuall}^  made  a  few  months 
before  the  outbreak.  It  is  to  be  feared,  from  the  general  conduct 
of  the  settlers  of  our  Southern  States  toward  the  Indians  during  that 
period,  that  their  inference  from  this  was  only  too  well  justified. 

This  grand  conspiracy  of  Indian  tribes  has  never  been  given 
enough  attention  by  our  historians.  It  was  a  movement  of  the  same 
order  as  the  conspiracies  of  Opechancanough  in  Virginia,  King 
PhiUp  in  New  England,  the  Natchez  in  Louisiana,  and,  although 
on  a  smaller  scale,  of  Pontiac  and  Tecumseh,  individualism's  tribute 
to  cooperation  in  time  of  adversity,  inspired  by  a  broader  insight 
into  the  movement  of  events  for  the  time  being,  and  failing  because 
the  unifying  tendency  is  too  lat«,  the  individualistic  instinct  too 
normal  and  too  deep-seated.  From  what  we  h^arn  of  this  particular 
uprising,  from  both  French  and  English  sources,  we  know  that  it 

1  CmtoU,  op.  dt.,  pp.  549-5i50.  <  Brooks.  MSS. 


••  • 

was  the  result  of  a  conspiracy  shared  "by., the  Creeks,  the  Choctaw, 
the  Catawba  and  other  Siouan  tribes,  and  probably  by  the  Cherokee. 
Apparently  the  only  exceptions  were  the  Chickasaw,  and  a  few  small 
bands  of  Indians  within  the  colony  of  South  Carolma  itself.  Fortu- 
nately the  greater  tribes  were  at  a  distance  and  rested  satisfie4  when 
they  had  killed  the  traders  among  them  and  plundered  their  s/ores. 
Fortunately  too,  the  governor  of  South  Carolina  and  his  subordiiiatosji 
acted  with  promptness  and  complete  success.  The  Yamasee  were 
handled  so  severely  that  they  left  the  country  and  settled  for  the  most 
part  in  Florida,  whither  their  women  and  children  had  preceded  them. 
The  Indians  attacking  from  the  north,  probably  small  tribes  only,  were 
driven  back.  This  removed  the  first  line  of  Indian  attack  on  the 
colony  in  short  order,  and  either  the  more  remote  hostiles  must  be 
prepared  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  fighting  if  the  original  project  was 
to  be  carried  out  or  they  must  get  out  of  danger.  It  was  one  thing 
to  take  the  part  of  passive  conspirators  behind  the  backs  of  the  Yama- 
see, but  quite  another  to  be  the  principal  performers,  especially  after 
the  impressive  and  rapid  manner  in  which  their  allies  had  been  routed. 
As  a  result  the  more  distant  tribes  immediately  quieted  down.  The 
Catawba  ever  after  remained  staunch  friends  of  the  colonists,  and  the 
Cherokee  resumed  peaceful  relations  with  them.  To  secure  them- 
selves against  possible  reprisals  many  of  the  other  tribes  moved 
farther  from  the  borders  of  CaroUna,  the  Apalachee,  Ooonee,  Apalach- 
ioola,  and  part  of  the  Yuchi  and  Savannah  faUing  back  to  the  Ocmul- 
goe  and  thence  to  the  Chattahoochee,  while  the  great  body  of  Lower 
Creeks,  who  were  then  living  on  the  Oomulgee  and  its  branches,  also 
fell  back  to  the  Chattahoochee,  some  of  them,  apparently,  removing 
as  far  as  the  Tallapoosa.  Aside  from  its  immediate  effects  on  the 
colony  of  South  Carolina  the  Yamasee  war  is  thus  of  great  importance 
in  tracing  the  history  of  the  Indian  tribes  of  the  Southeast,  marking 
as  it  does  a  great  step  in  their  progressive  decline  and  fall. 

From  what  Escudero  says  it  may  be  inferred  that  another  cause  of 
the  lukewarmness  of  the  Creeks  was  jealousy  of  the  Yamasee,  and, 
as  we  shall  see  when  we  come  to  consider  the  part  played  in  this  dis- 
turbance by  the  Apalachee,  there  was  an  English  as  well  as  a  Spanish 
faction  in  the  Creek  Nation.  The  former  apparently  obtained  control 
shortly  after  the  beginning  of  the  war. 

The  part  played  by  the  Spaniards  in  all  this  was  perhaps  nothing 

more  than  that  of  passive  sympathizers.     They  may  or  may  not  have 

been  aware  that  a  massacre  was  coming  when  they  received  the 

women  and  children  of  the  Yamasee^  for  it  was  a  natural  measure  of 

precaution  preceding  the  change  of  allegiance.     Some  light  is  thrown 

on  the  events  of  the  time  by  Juan  de  Ayala's  letter  to  the  Spanish 

ambassador.     He  says: 

The  Governor  and  Captain  General  of  these  provinces  [of  Florida]  at  that  time 
reported  to  H.  M.  that  on  the  27th  of  May  of  last  year  [1715?],  there  had  appeared 



•  •      •    • 

before  him,  four  Indian  CaciqveeC  of  the  revolted  towns  [i.  e.,  thoee  which  had  pre- 
viously revolted  from  the  d^i^irtl'B],  soliciting  pardon  and  permission  to  return  under 
the  dominion  of  n««\t*,  Und't6  become  his  subjects,  representing  one  hundred  and 
sixty  of  their  ^frnfr^Hj:'  And  that  the  Governor  had  granted  them  pardon  in  the 
name  of  H.M. ,  deglghating  to  them  the  territory  they  should  occupy  in  order  that  they 
mights-resume  the  cultivation  of  their  lands  in  peace  and  quietneos,  as  they  had  lived 
bf fof^'/  *■  * 

*;.'••    Of  their  reception  in  Florida  after  they  had  been  driven  from 
'  *     Carolina,  Escudero  says: 

They  came  to  the  provinces  of  Florida  occupied  by  us,  asking  to  be  admitted  into  the 
service  of  our  King,  which  was  granted  them  by  that  Governor,  amidst  great  rejoic- 
ing by  the  people  of  that  city  [St.  Augustine].  They  founded  their  towns  at  a  dis- 
tance of  ten  and  twelve  leagues  from  the  said  city  and  were  maintained  by  Y.  E.  that 
first  year  with  an  abundance  of  everything,  and  afterwards  by  allowing  them  what- 
ever they  asked  for  to  the  present  day  [1734].^ 

Escudero  thus  sketches  the  history  of  these  returned  Yamasee 
during  the  first  few  years : 

Of  these  Indians,  seven  or  eight  of  their  cacic^ues,  not  having  sufhcient  confidence 
in  the  Spaniards,  remained  in  the  depopulated  province  of  Apalache,  about  a  hundred 
and  fifty  leagues  from  St.  Augustine,  but  having  heard  of  the  good  reception  and  kind 
treatment  that  their  companions  had  received  from  the  Spaniards,  asked  the  governor 
to  send  to  their  towns  a  few  missionary  fathers,  as  they  desired  to  become  Christians 
and  subjects  of  our  king. 

Missionaries  were  asked  from  Spain,  and  about  thirteen  years  ago,  twelve  of  them 
were  sent  to  that  province  of  Florida.  Upon  their  arrival  in  St.  Augustine,  I  was 
selected,  together  with  ten  other  clergymen,  for  that  mission.  I  remained  among 
them,  in  those  deserts,  during  three  years,  at  which  time  they  had  all  become  Chris- 

Just  then  the  Vehipes'  [Creek]  Indians,  instigated  by  the  English,  came  down 
upon  us,  but  after  the  loss  of  some  men,  I  succeeded  with  my  Indians  in  withdrawing 
from  those  woods  and  falling  back  upon  St.  Augustine,  where  we  joined  the  other 
Indians  of  the  same  nation,  so  that  united  we  could  resist  the  attacks  of  the  enemy. 
We  formed  our  towns  in  that  pro\ince  of  Florida,  but  about  seven  or  eight  years  a^ 
the  enemy  again  hunted  us  up  and  killed  many  Indians.' 

A  few  Yamasee  may  have  gone  to  live  with  their  northern  allies, 
since  Adair  mentions  their  language  as  one  of  those  spoken  in  the 
Catawba  confederacy  in  1743.*  Just  after  the  Yamasee  war  we  also 
hear  of  Yamasee  on  '^Sapola  River," '^  but  we  do  not  Icnow  whether 
this  settlement  was  one  of  long  standing  or  whether  it  was  a  position 
occupied  by  some  of  these  people  during  their  retreat  to  Florida.  At 
any  rate,  all  of  those  who  contmucd  in  the  Spanish  interest  were 
soon  united  near  St.  Augustine.  Immediately  after  their  removal 
the  English  colonists  learned  that  the  Huspaw  king,  a  Yamasee 
chief,  had  been  made  general  in  chief  by  the  Spaniards  over  500 

1  Brooks,  MBS. 

*  Probably  misread  from  Ochlsses. 

>  Brooks,  MSS.  The  attack  referred  to  in  the  last  sentence  must  have  been  that  by  Palmer,  detailed 
tAithor  on. 

*  Adair,  Hist.  Am.  Inds.,  p.  225. 

*  Pub.  Rec.  8.  C,  MS.,  vi,  p.  n9. 


Indians  who  were  to  be  sent  against  Carolina.'  In  1719  a  captive 
taken  by  the  English  testified  that  there  were  .60  Yamasee  near  St. 
Augustine.*  In  1722  it  is  said  that  they  wore  expelled  from  St. 
Augustine  because  they  would  not  work  in  the  way  the  Spaniards 

From  Tobias  Fitch's  journal  we  learn  that  the  head  chief  of  the 
Lower  Creeks,  whom  he  calls  ''Old  Brinins/^  "Old  Brunins/'  or 
"Old  Brmins/'  sent  an  expedition  against  the  Yamasee  in  Florida 
in  1725.  While  Fitch  was  still  with  him  two  runners  came  back 
and  gave  the  following  account  of  this  expedition : 

The  Pilot  that  we  had,  Carried  us  to  a  Fort  in  a  Town  Where  we  thought  the  Yamases 
were,  and  we  fired  at  the  Said  Fort,  Which  alarmed  tdn  Men  that  was  Placed  To 
Discover  us  which  we  past  when  they  were  asleep.  Our  iireing  awaked  them  and 
they  Ran  round  us  and  gave  Notice  to  the  Yamasees  Who  was  Removed  from  this 
town  Nigher  the  Sea  and  had  there  Build  a  new  fort  which  we  found  and  Attacked 
but  with  litle  Success  through  it  happen'd  the  Huspaw  Kings  Family  was  not  all  got 
in  the  fort  and  we  took  three  of  them  and  fired  Several  Shott  at  the  Huspaw  king  and 
are  in  hopes  have  killed  him.  There  Came  out  a  party  of  the  Yamases  who  fought 
us  and  we  took  the  Capt.  We  waited  three  days  about  there  Fort,  Expecting  to  get 
ane  oppertunity  to  take  Some  More  but  to  no  purpose.  We  then  Came  away  and  the 
Yamases  pursued  us.  We  fought  them  and  gained  the  Batle.  We  drove  the  Yamases 
onto  a  pond  and  was  Just  Runing  in  after  them  where  we  Should  a  had  a  great  advan- 
tage of  them  but  we  discovered -about  fourty  Spanyards  armed  on  horse  Back  Who 
made  Toward  us  wt  a  White  Cloth  before  them  and  as  they  advanced  toward  us  They 
made  Signes  that  we  Should  fforbear  fireing.  Some  of  our  head  men  gave  Out  orders 
not  to  fire,  But  Steyamasiechie  or  Grogel  Eys  Told  them  it  was  spoilt  and  to  fire  away. 
According  we  did,  and  the  Spanyards  fied.  After  that  the  Yamases  pursued  us  [and] 
gave  us  ane  other  Batle  in  which  they  did  us  the  most  Damnadge.  We  have  killed 
Eight  of  the  Yamases,  on  of  which  is  the  huspaw  kings  head  Warriour  and  have 
Brought  off  all  their  Scalps.  We  have  likewise  Taken  nine  of  them  a  Live,  Together 
with  Several  Guns,  Some  Cloth,  and  Some  plunder  Out  of  there  Churches,  Which 
you  will  See  When  the  WarrioiuB  Come  in.* 

Fitch  adds  that  the  Creeks  lost  on  their  side  five  men  killed  and 
six  wounded.*  In  the  ''Introduction  to  the  Report  on  General  Ogle- 
thorpe's Expedition  to  St.  Augustine,"  we  read  that  in  1727 — 

A  Party  of  Yamasee  Indians,  headed  by  Spaniards  from  St.  Augustine,  having 
murdered  our  OiU-ScoutSf  made  an  incursion  into  our  Settlements,  within  Ten  Miles 
of  PonpoTiy  where  they  cut  of!  one  Mr.  MicheaUf  with  another  White-man  on  the  same 
plantation^  and  carried  off  a  Third  Prisoner,  with  all  the  Slaves,  Horses^  &c.  But 
being  briskly  pursued  by  the  Neighbours,  who  had  Notice  of  it,  they  were  overtaken, 
routed,  and  obliged  to  quit  their  Booty. 

The  Government  [the  narrative  goes  on  to  say],  judged  it  Necessary  to  chastise  (at 
least)  those  Indians,  commissioned  Col.  Palmer  for  that  Purpose  instantly;  who  with 
about  One  Hundred  Whites,  and  the  like  Number  of  our  Indians,  landed  at  St.  Juan's, 
and  having  left  a  sufficient  Number  to  take  care  of  the  Craft,  marched  undiscovered  to 
the  Yamasee  Town,  within  a  Mile  of  St.  Augu^tiru.  He  attack'd  it  at  once,  killed 
several  of  those  Indians,  took  several  Prisoners,  and  drove  the  Rest  into  the  very  Gates 

>  Pub.  Rec.  8.  C,  MS.,  vn,  p.  186. 

« Ibid.,  vm,  p.  7. 

*  Ifereness,  Travels  in  the  American  Colonies,  pp.  204-205. 

« Ibid.,  p.  206. 


of  St.  Aiigustine  Castle;  where  they  were  sheltered.    And  having  Destroyed  their  Toum, 
he  returned. 

In  the  beginning  of  1728,  a  Party  of  thoee  Yamasees  having  landed  at  Daffutikee 
surprised  one  pf  our  Scovl-BoalB,  and  killed  every  Man  but  Capt.  Chlhert^  who  com- 
manded her.  One  of  the  Indians^  seizing  him  as  his  Property,  saved  his  Life.  In 
their  Retiun  back  to  St.  Axigustine  a  debate  arose  that  it  was  necessary  to  kill  him,  for 
that  the  Governor  would  not  have  them  to  bring  any  one  Alive.  But  Capt.  Gilbert^  plead- 
ing with  the  Indian  that  claimed  him  was  protected  by  him;  and  upon  coming  to  St. 
AugvMine  was  after  some  Time  released  by  the  Governor.^ 

In  a  letter  dated  Habana,  August  27,  1728,  Gov.  Dionisio  de  la 
Vega  gives  an  account  of  the  decline  of  the  Florida  missions  from  the 
time  of  the  first  English  invasions.  He  states  that  before  the  English 
raid  imder  Palmer  there  were  four  Indian  settlements  near  St. 
Augustine,  named  Nombre  de  Dios,  Tolemato,  Palica  [probably 
Patica],  and  Carapuyas,  but  the  occupants  of  these  spoke  several 
different  languages  and  it  is  impossible  to  say  which  were  occupied  by 
Yamasee.  Tolemato  was,  of  course,  named  from  the  old  Quale  town, 
but  in  the  changes  that  had  taken  place  there  is  no  certainty  that  any 
of  the  original  population  remained.  The  Patica  are  referred  to  by 
Bartram  as  a  former  Carolina  tribe,  but  again  no  certain  connection 
can  be  established  between  the  name  and  the  later  popiilation.  Nom- 
bre de  Dios,  or  Chiquito  as  it  is  also  called,  was  originally  a  Timucua 
settlement  and  may  have  remained  such  in  part ;  but  as  we  have  seen,' 
it  had  now  received  a  new  name  from  the  Yamasee  who  constituted 
at  least  the  larger  part  of  the  population.  De  la  Vega  says  of  the 
above  mentioned  attack: 

A  body  of  two  hundred  English  having  penetrated  into  that  town  on  the  aforesaid 
day,  the  20th  of  March,  (1728),  together  with  as  many  Indians,  they  plundered  and 
pillaged  it  and  set  the  whole  town  on  fire.  They  robbed  the  church  and  the  convent 
and  profaned  the  images,  killing  six  and  wounding  eight  Indians,  a  lieutenant  and  a 
soldier  of  infantry.  They  also  took  several  prisoners  with  them  and  withdrew  with- 
out further  action.  In  view  of  this  the  governor  had  the  church  blown  up  by  means 
of  powder,  withdrawing  the  Indians  who  had  remained  there  to  the  shelter  of  this 
city  [St.  Augustine],  leaving  only  the  town  of  Pocotabaco  under  the  protection  of 
the  guns  of  this  Fort. 

It  would  appear,  then,  that  after  this  raid  the  four  towns  were 
reduced  to  one  close  to  St.  Augustine,  and  the  fact  that  its  name 
preserves  that  of  the  leading  upper  Yamasee  town  shows  the  primacy 
of  that  tribe  among  the  remnants  gathered  thoro.  This  name  should 
be  Pocotalaco;  the  I  has  been  miscopied  h.  Ilowovor,  the  town 
certainly  embraced  several  villages,  as  appears  from  a  number  of  docu- 
ments. One  speaks  of  a  Yamasee  village  called  Tachumite  exist- 
ing about  1734,'  and  another  gives  an  enumeration,  not  only  of  the  vil- 
lages but  the  names  and  ages  of  the  warriors  as  well.  This  latter,  a 
copy  of  which  is  in  the  Ayer  collection,  is  entitled:  "List  of  Indians 
capable  of  bearing  arms  divided  according  to  their  toA\Tis  who  are 

>  Carroll,  S.  Car.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  u,  pp.  355-^56.    De  la  Vega  seems  to  date  this  attack  a  year  lat«r 
(see  below) . 
s  See  p.  96. 
*  MS.  in  Ayer  Collection,  Newberry  Library. 


at  the  service  of  the  Presidio  of  San  Agustin  c 
as  follows: 


El  Cacique  Cloapo. ...  60 

£1  Codque  Antonio. . .  20 

Juan  Sanchez 30 

Francisco 60 

Pedro  Hum 60 

Ygnacio 60 

Aseocio  Ar&pa 20 

ChiBlflda :....  30 

FraociBco  el  Laigo. ...  30 

PedroTusiue-         ...  30 

AalnnioRimeDdn    ...  30 

Bernardo  de  la  Cni7..  20 

FranciMoSuqueuo...  30 

Manuel 20 

Antonio  Yinqiiichat«..  25 

Juan  Chislada 15 

Juan  Solana 20 

FrancisTO  Arlana 19 

Juan  Ygnado 35 

Juanillo 12 

Sanchei 12 

Antonio  Yuta 25 

Antonio  Benavidee 14 

rVKBVO    DK   CHiqUlTO' 

El  Cacique  Yuta 40 

El  Cacique  Juan  San- 
chez   30 

YCallasquita 30 

Marcoe  Rendon. 30 

JuanGr^orio      25 

Ij>ren  71)  Santiago 25 

Baltasar 20 

Di£^  de  Aauela 65 

Anlonio  riara.    16 


I  Fe. 

Joseph  Bu  culiado. . 


JuuuPasqua.      .... 

El  Cacique  Manuel 

El   Cacique    Domingo 


Juan  Joseph 




Agustin  Nicolas 30 

Miguel 14 

B&fael 14 

Joseph  Antonio 30 

Dioniaio 20 

Bentuia 15 

El  Cacique  Bernardo. . 


Luis  Gabriel 45 

Lorenzo 20 

Felipe 30 

Antonio  Cagelate 25 


Diego  et  Meetiio... 

El  Cacique  Fuentes. . .     60 

Juan  Sanchez 30 

Tomils 25 

El  Cacique  CoaU 46 


Jimn  Sanchez 


JuSn  Joseph 

Lorenzn  Nieto 




Antonio  Puchero. . 

EI  Cacique  I>orenzo. . . 
El    Cacique    Juan 



Juan  Bautista 


Juan  Savina 



PALICA — continued 

JuanPufe 14 

Tonws 40 

Juan H 

Pedro  de  la  Cruz 33 

El  Cacique  Marcos 60 

Juan  Melchor 11 

Juan  el  Apalachino SO 

Francisco  del  Maral...  SO 

El  Cacique  Juan 80 

FranciBro,            70 

Pedro  del  Sastre 80 

Antonio  el  MiB«in,. 35 

FranfiBco  I  uis 36 

Joseph  AtBse 20 

Joseph 20 

Juan  del  Costa 25 

Juan  Joseph 14 

SanchuK          12 

Joseph  Satagane 30 

Joseph  el  Apalachino. .  19 

Antonio  Cachimbo 19 

Agustin 26 

Arguelles 60 

Juan  Casapueva SO 


"EI    Cacique    Aluca- 

teea" 80 

Riso 60 

frisistomo        80 

Juan  I3au1i»>ta SO 

Oaspar 26 

Santiago  Baquero 40 

JuanAloDBo 20 

Bartolu 40 

Miguel  MoioK. 60 

ManuelMototo... 60 

Miguel 12 

Benito 12 

Antonio 12 

Juan  Chirico 50 

Santiago 30 

Sohina - 20 

Miguel 25 

Total  number,  123," 

>  US.  In  Ajn  Colltctloa,  Keitbeny  Librar;. 

■  Abo  known  u  Nombnide  Dios. 

•Tbia  (hoold  b«  113  \C  then  H  do  error  In  the  1 

106  BUREAU  OF  AMfiRlCAir  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  78 

So  that  the  eight  towns  contain  in  all  a  hundred  and  twenty-two  men^  capable  of 
bearing  arms,  having  in  all  of  women  and  children  two  hundred  and  ninety-five, 
which  added  to  the  hundred  and  twenty-two  make  four  hundred  and  seventeen,  the 
remains  of  about  thirty  thousand  which  were  formerly  at  the  service  of  Spain  within 
the  jurisdiction  of  Florida. 

•  This  was  written  November  27,  1736,  at  Habana.  The  "Pueblo 
de  Timucua"  probably  contained  the  remnants  of  the  Timucua 
people,  the  rest  the  descendants  of  the  Yamasee  proper  and  the  old 
people  of  Guale.  Apalachee  do  not  appear  to  have  settled  near  St. 
Augustine  in  any  number,  although  two  individuals  in  the  above 
list  bear  the  name  of  that  tribe. 

In  a  letter  written  at  St.  Augustine,  August  30,  1738,  and  preserved 
among  the  Spanish  Archives  of  the  Indies,'  is  an  interesting  relation  of 
the  adventures  of  *'  the  Indian  Juan  Ignacio  de  los  Reyes,  of  the  Yguaja 
Nation,  one  of  the  villages  which  compose  the  town  of  Pocotalaca,  in 
the  neighborhood  of  this  place."  This  man,  under  orders  from  the 
governor  of  Florida,  Don  Manuel  de  Montiano,  visited  the  English 
posts  on  Cumberland  Island  and  in  St.  Andrews  and  St.  Simons  Sounds 
during  the  months  of  July  and  August,  1738,  and  brought  back  val- 
uable information  regarding  their  condition  and  regarding  the  English 
projects  with  reference  to  St.  Augustine. 

Some  Yamasee  evidently  accompanied  the  Apalachee  to  Pensacola 
and  Mobile.  Under  date  of  1714  Barcia  notes  that  the  chief  of  the 
Yamasee  and  some  of  his  people,  along  with  the  chief  of  the  Apalachee, 
visited  the  conmiandant  of  Pensacola,  and  we  find  the  legend  "  Yam- 
ase  Land,''  on  the  northeast  shore  of  Pensacola  Bay,  in  Jefferys' 
map  of  Florida  which  stands  opposite  the  title  page  of  John  Bartram's 
Description  of  East  Florida.'  From  the  parish  registers  of  Mobile  we 
learn  of  the  baptism  in  1728  of  a  ^'Hiamase'*  Indian,  Francois,  and  a 
map  of  1744  shows,  at  the  mouth  of  Deer  River,  near  Mobile,  a  settle- 
ment of  **Yamane,"  the  name  evidently  intended  for  this  tribe.* 

Under  date  of  July,  1754,  the  Colonial  Records  of  Georgia  speak  of 
the  Yamasee  as  still  allied  with  the  Spaniards,*  and  about  the  year 
1761  we  hear  of  ''a  few  Yamasees,  about  20  men,  near  St.  Augus- 

Meantime,  however,  they  were  being  harrassed  continually  by  the 
Creek  Indians  in  alliance  with  the  English,  and  presently  some 
Creeks  began  to  move  into  the  peninsula  and  make  permanent  homes 
there.  Bartram,  who  visited  Florida  in  1777-78,  speaks  of  the 
Yamasee  Nation  as  entirely  destroyed  as  a  distinct  body,  and  he 

^■^^^—   I  ■        ■  -  ■.■.■.  ■■■■■  _■  — , —  -i—  1 

>  This  should  be  123  if  there  is  no  error  in  the  lists  on  which  it  is  based. 

s  Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Hist.,  pp.  260-264. 

a  John  Bartram,  quoted  by  Gatschet,  Creek  Mig.  Leg.,  i,  p.  65. 

i  Hamilton,  Col.  Mobile,  p.  113. 

•  Col.  Rec.  Oa.,vn,  p.  441. 

•  Description  of  South  Carolina,  p.  63. 

8  wanton] 



thus  describes  the  site  on  St.  Johns  River  of  what  he  terms  *'the 

last  decisive  battle  " : 

In  the  morning  I  found  I  had  taken  up  my  lodging  on  the  border  of  an  ancient 
burying  ground,  containing  sepulchres  or  timiuli  of  the  Yamasees,  who  were  here 
slain  by  the  Creeks  in  the  last  decisive  battle,  the  Creeks  having  driven  them  into 
the  point,  between  the  doubling  of  the  river,  where  few  of  them  escaped  the  fury  of 
the  conquerors.  These  graves  occupied  the  whole  grove,  consisting  of  two  or  three 
acres  of  ground.  There  were  nearly  thirty  of  these  cemeteries  of  the  dead,  nearly  of 
an  equal  size  and  form,  being  oblong,  twenty  feet  in  length,  ten  or  twelve  feet  in 
width,  and  three  or  four  feet  high,  now  overgrown  with  orange  trees,  live  oaks,  laurel 
magnolias,  red  bays,  and  other  trees  and  shrubs,  composing  dark  and  solemn  shades.^ 

He  saw  Yamasee  slaves  living  among  the  Seminole;'  but  from 
other  data  it  is  evident  that  free  bands,  in  whole  or  in  part  Yamasee, 
still  existed.  One  of  these  will  be  mentioned  later.  Several  writers 
on  the  Seminole  state  that  the  Oklawaha  band  was  said  to  be  de- 
scended from  this  tribe,'  and  it  appears  probable  since  that  band 
occupied  the  region  in  which  most  maps  of  the  period  immediately 
preceding  place  the  Yamasee.  According  to  the  same  writers 
their  complexion  was  somewhat  darker  than  that  of  the  other  Semi- 
nole. The  noted  leader  Jumper  is  said  by  some  to  have  been  of 
Yamasee  descent,^  but  Cohen  sets  him  down  as  a  refugee  from  the 
Creeks.*  In  the  long  war  with  the  Americans  which  followed,  what- 
ever remained  of  the  tribe  became  fused  with  one  of  the  larger 
bodies,  very  likely  with  the  Mikasuki,  whose  language  is  supposed 
to  have  been  nearest  to  their  own.  We  do  not  know  whether  those 
Yamasee  who  went  to  Pensacola  and  Mobile  with  the  Apalachee  re- 
mained with  them  or  returned  to  east  Florida,  but  the  former  sup- 
position is  the  more  likely. 

Another  part  of  the  Yamasee  evidently  settled  among  the  Creeks, 
though  for  our  knowledge  of  this  fact  we  are  almost  entirely  depend- 
ent upon  maps.  The  late  Mr.  H.  S.  Halbert  was  the  first  to  call  my 
attention  to  the  evidence  pointing  to  such  a  conclusion.  On  the 
Covens  and  Mortier  map  compiled  shortly  after  the  Yamasee  war 
the  name  appears  in  the  form  ^^Asassi"  among  the  Upper  Creeks. 
An  anonymous  French  writer,  of  the  middle  of  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury or  earlier,  adds  to  his  enumeration  of  the  Creek  villages  this 

There  are  besides,  ten  leagues  from  this  last  village  fa  Sawokli  town],  two  villages 
of  the  Samas^  nation  where  there  may  be  a  hundred  men,  but  this  nation  is  attached 
to  the  Spaniards  of  St.  Augustine. ' 

On  the  Mitchell  map  of  1755  we  find  ''Massi/'  probably  intended 
for  the  same  tribe,  placed  on  the  southeast  bank  of  the  Tallapoosa 
River  between  Tukabahchee  and  Holiwahali.^    The  name  appears  also 

I  Bartmm,  Travels,  p.  137. 

*  Ibid.,  pp.  189-184, 390. 

s  See  Coben,  Noticea  of  Florida,  p.  33. 

«  Williuns,  Terr,  of  Florida,  p.  272, 1837. 

*  Cohen,  Notices  of  Florida,  p.  237. 

•  MS.,  Ayer  Lib. 
'  See  plate  6. 

108  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

on  several  later  maps,  such  as  those  of  Evans,  1771,  and  D'Anville, 
1790,  but  it  was  probably  copied  into  them  from  Mitchell.  Without 
giving  any  authority  Gatschet  quotes  a  statement  to  the  effect 
''that  the  Yemasi  band  of  Creeks  refused  to  fight  in  the  British- 
American  war  of  1813/'* 

There  is  reason  to  think  that  this  band  subsequently  moved  down 
among  the  Lower  Creeks  and  thence  into  Florida.  Into  his  report  of 
1822  Morse  copies  a  list  of  ''Seminole"  bands  from  the  manuscript 
journal  of  a  certain  Captain  Young,  and  among  these  we  find  the 
"Emusas/'  consisting  of  only  20  men  and  located  8  miles  above 
the  Florida  boundary.*  Their  name  is  probably  preserved  in  that 
of  Omusee  Creek,  in  Henry  and  Houston  Counties,  Alabama.  What 
is  evidently  the  same  band  appears  again  in  a  list  of  Seminole  towns 
made  in  1823,  where  it  has  tlie  more  correct  form  "Yumersee.*' 
They  had  then  moved  into  Florida  and  were  located  at  the  "head 
of  the  Sumulga  Hatchee  River,  20  miles  north  of  St.  Mark's."  The 
chief  man  was  "Alac  Hajo,''  whose  name  is  Creek,  properly  Ahalak 
hadjo,  '* Potato  hadjo."'  It  may  be  surmised  that  these  people 
were  subsequently  absorbed  into  the  Mikasuki  band  of  Seminole. 

Connected  intimately  with  the  Yamasee  were  a  small  tribe  found 
on  the  site  of  what  is  now  Savannah  by  Governor  Oglethorpe  in 
1733,  when  he  founded  the  colony  of  Georgia.  They  are  called 
Yamacraw  by  the  historians  of  the  period,  and  their  town  was  on  a 
bluff,  which  still  bears  their  name,  in  what  is  now  the  western  suburb 
of  the  city.  This  name  is  a  puzzle,  since  no  r  occurs  in  the  Musklio- 
gean  tongues.  It  suggests  Yamiscaron,  the  form  in  which  the 
tribal  name  of  the  Yamasee  first  appears  in  history  through  Fran- 
cisco of  Chicora,  but  as  I  have  shown  elsewhere  there  is  every  reason 
to  believe  that  the  ending  -ron  is  Siouan.*  Its  first  definite  appearance 
is  in  the  later  (1680)  name  of  the  Florida  mission  Nombre  de  Dios 
de  Amacarisse,  also  given  as  Macarisqui  or  Macarizqui.  We  may 
safely  assume  that  the  leaders  of  the  later  Georgia  Yamacraw  came 
from  this  place,  but  the  name  itself  remains  as  much  of  a  mystery 
as  before.  They  seem  to  be  mentioned  in  the  Public  Records  of 
South  Carolina  a  few  years  before^  the  Yamasee  war  as  the  "^imecario," 
or  "Amercaraio/'  ^' above  Wostoo  [i.  e.,  Savannah]  River/'*  From 
the  conference  which  Oglethorpe  hold  with  these  people  and  the 
Creeks  and  the  speechas  delivered  at  that  conference  we  obtain 
some  further  information  regarding  the  history  of  the  town.  It 
was  settled  in  1730  bv  a  body  of  Indians  from  amonj]:  the  Lower 
Creeks,  numbering  17  or  IS  families  and  30  or  40  men,  under  the 

»  Gatschet,  Creek  MUl.  Leg.,  i,  p.  f>5.  *  Sec  p.  37  et  scq. 

*  l^lorse,  Kept,  on  Indian  AlTair-,  p.  304;  sec  p.  4«»9.  ■•  Pub.  Roc.  S.  C,  n,  pp.  8-9,  MS. 

*  Amer.  State  Papers,  Ind.  AiTairs,  n,  p.  439;  ^ee  p.  411. 


leadership  of  a  chief  named  Tomochichi.  These  are  said  to  liave 
been  banished  from  their  own  country  for  some  crimes  and  misde- 
meanors. Tomochichi  himself  had  '*  tarried  for  a  season  with  the 
Palla-Chucolas"  before  settling  there,  and  it  must  be  remembered 
that  before  the  Yamasee  war  the  Apalachicola  tribe  had  been  located 
upon  Savannah  River  some  50  miles  higher  up.  It  is  therefore 
likely  that  he  belonged  to  some  refugee  Yamasee  among  the  Apala- 
chicola, and  his  occasion  for  settling  in  this  place  may  have  been  as 
much  because  it  was  the  land  of  his  ancestors  as  because  he  had  been 
"outlawed/'  Indeed  he  says  as  much  in  his  speech  to  Oglethorpe. 
In  1732  the  Yamacraw  asked  permission  of  the  government  of 
South  Carolina  to  remain  in  their  new  settlement  and  it  was  accorded 
them.  When  Oglethorpe  arrived  they  are  said  to  have  been  the  only 
tribe  for  50  miles  around.  They  received  the  settlers  in  a  friendly  man- 
ner and  acted  as  intermediaries  between  them  and  the  Creeks.  From 
the  negotiations  then  imdertaken  it  would  seem  that  both  the  Yama- 
craw and  the  Yamasee  were  reckoned  as  former  members  of  the  Creek 
confederacy.  At  least  the  confederacy  arrogated  to  itself  at  that 
time  the  right  to  dispose  of  their  lands,  all  of  which,  except  the  site 
of  Yamacraw,  a  strip  of  land  between  Pipemakers  Bluff  and  Pally- 
Chuckola  Creek,  and  the  three  islands,  Ossabaw,  Sapello,  and  St. 
Catherines,  were  ceded  to  Oglethorpe.  Tomochichi,  his  wife,  nephew, 
and  a  few  of  his  warriors  went  to  England  in  1734,  where  they 
received  much  attention.  A  painting.of  Tomochiclii  and  his  nephew, 
Tonahowi,  was  made  by  Verelst,  and  from  this  engravings  were 
afterwards  made  by  Faber  and  Kleinschmidt.*  Tomochichi  died 
October  5,  1739,'  and  the  Yamacraw  population  declined  rather 
than  increased.  After  a  time  they  moved  to  another  situation  later 
known  as  New  Yamacraw,^  but  ultimately  those  that  were  left 
probably  retired  among  their  kindred  in  the  Creek  Nation,  and  we 
may  conjecture  that  they  united  with  the  Creek  band  of  Yamasee 
mentioned  above. 

The  Yamasee  made  a  considerable  impression  on  Creek  imagina- 
tion and  are  still  remembered  by  a  few  of  the  older  Creek  Indians. 
According  t©  one  of  my  informants,  a  Hitchiti,  they  lived  north  of 
the  Creeks,  which  was  in  any  sense  true  of  them  only  when  they 
were  located  in  South  Carolina.  It  was  from  this  tribe,  according 
to  the  same  informant,  that  many  of  the  Creek  charms  kno^\^l  as 

sabia  came. 


The  third  Muskliogean  group  to  be  considered  is  knowTi  to  history 
under  the  name  Apalachee,  a  word  which  in  Ilitchiti,  a  related 
dialect,  seems  to  signify  '^on  the  other  side."     The  Apalachee  proper 

*  See  Jones,  Bist.  Sketch  of  Tomochi-chi:;  Tailfer,  A  true  and  bist.  narr.  of  the  colony  of  Georgia. 
>  Jones,  Ibid.,  p.  121. 
'Tailfer,  op.  cit.,  p.  74. 

110  *  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  I  bull.  73 

occupied,  when  first  discovered,  a  portion  of  what  is  now  western 
Florida,  between  Ocilla  River  on  the  east  and  the  Ocklocknee  and 
its  branches  on  the  west.  They  probably  extended  into  what  is  now 
the  State  of  Georgia  for  a  short  distance,  but  their  center  was  in 
the  region  indicated,  northward  of  Apalachee  Bay.  Tallahassee, 
the  present  State  capital  of  Florida,  is  nearly  in  the  center  of  their 
ancient  domain. 

A  fair  idea  of  the  number  and  names  of  their  towns  may  be  obtained 
from  the  lists  of  missions  made  in  the  years  1655*  and  1680.^  The 
first  of  these  contains  the  following  Apalachee  missions,  together 
with  their  distances  in  leagues  from  St.  Augustine: 

San  Lorenzo  de  Apalache 75 

San  Francisco  de  Apalache 77 

La  Concepcl6n  de  Apalache 77 

San  Josef  de  Apalache 84 

San  Juan  de  Apalache 86 

San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  de  Kpal 

[Kpal  evidently  for  Apal] 87 

San  Cosme  y  San  Damidn 90 

San  Luis  de  Apalache 88 

San  Martfn  de  Apalache 87 

Fortunately  the  second  list  gives  native  names  also.  In  this  the 
missions  are  classified  by  provinces,  but  no  distances  appear.  The 
following  are  enumerated  in  the  ''Provincia  de  Apalache,'^  the  order 
having  been  altered  to  agree  as  far  as  possible  with  that  in  the  first 
mission  list: 

San  Loreuyo  de  Ybithachucu. 

Nuestra  Sefiora  de  La  Purissiina  Con9ep9i6n  de  Ajubali. 

San  Francisco  de  Oconi. 

San  Joseph  de  Ocuia. 

San  Joan  de  Ospalaga. 

San  Pedro  y  San  Pablo  de  Patali. 

San  Antonio  de  Bacuqua. 

San  Cosme  y  San  Damian  de  Yecambi. 

San  Carlos  de  los  Chacatos,  conversion  nueva. 

San  Luis  de  Talimali. 

Nuestra  Sefiora  de  la  Candelaha  de  la  Tama,  conversion  nueva. 

San  Pedro  de  los  Chines,  conversion  nueva. 

San  Martin  de  Tomoli. 

Santa  Cruz  y  San  Pedro  de  Alcantara  de  Ychutafun. 

There  is  little  doubt  that  the  missions  of  this  second  list  correspond- 
ing with  those  of  the  former  are  pure  Apalachee — i.  e.,  the  first  six,  the 
eighth,  the  tenth,  and  the  thirteepth.  The  omission  of  the  name  Apa- 
lachee after  San  Cosme  and  San  Damian  in  the  first  is  probably  due  to 
lack  of  space  in  the  original  text.  After  the  preceding  name  it  is  abbre- 
viated. San  Antonio  de  Bacuqua  was  also  in  all  probability  Apalachee, 
a  town  missionized  later  than  the  others.  San  Carlos  de  los  Chacatos 
was  of  com^e  the  mission  among  the  neighboring  Chatot  Indians,  and 

»  Serrano  y  Sanx,  Doc.  Hist.,  pp.  132-13:*;  also  Lowery,  MSS.,  Lib.  Cong.    Reproduced  on  p.  323. 
*  Lowery,  MSS.    Reproduced  on  p.  323. 


Nuestra  Sefiora  de  la  Candelaria  de  la  Tama  that  among  the  Tama 
or  TamaU.  The  Chines  appear  to  have  been  another  foreign  tribe, 
though,  like  the  rest,  of  Muskhogean  origin.  There  are  few  references 
to  them.  The  last  mission  on  the  list,  Santa  Cruz  y  San  Pedro  de 
Alcantara  de  Ychutafun,  seems  from  other  evidence  to  have  been 
located  in  a  true  Apalachee  town  established  in  later  times  on  the 
banks  of  the  Apalachicola  River  and  thus  to  the  westward  of  the 
original  Apalachee  coimtry.  Since  tafa  was  a  name  for  '^town" 
peculiar  to  the  Apalachee  dialect,  of  which  tafun  would  be  the  objec- 
tive form,  and  ichu,  itcUj  or  itco  a  common  Muskhogean  word  for 
'*deer, "  it  is  probable  that  the  native  name  signifies  ''Deer  town." 
The  settlement  may  have  been  made  at  this  place  because  deer  were 
plentiful  there. 

In  addition  to  the  above  we  have  notice  in  two  or  three  places  of 
a  mission  called  Santa  Maria.  The  Van  Loon  map  of  1705  has  a 
legend  stating  that  this  mission  had  been  destroyed  by  the  Alabama 
in  the  year  in  which  the  map  was  published.  About  the  same  time 
(1702)  we  hear  of  a  town  called  Santa  Fe.*  In  1677  there  existed  a 
mission  called  San  Damian  de  Cupayca.  The  town  is  mentioned  in 
a  letter  of  1639.^    San  Marcos  belongs  to  a  later  period. 

We  have,  besides,  the  native  names  of  some  towns  not  identified 
with  the  mission  stations.  They  are  Iniahica,  Calahuchi,  Uzela, 
Ochete,  Aute,  Yapalaga,  Bacica,  Talpatqui,  Capola,  and  Ilcombe. 
The  first  four  appear  only  in  the  De  Soto  narratives.  Iniahica  is 
spelled  Iviahica  by  Kanjel,  Iniahico  by  Biedma,  and  is  given  as 
Anhayca  Apalache  by  Elvas.'  It  can  not  be  identified  in  later 
documents  and  the  name  may  be  in  Timucua.  Calahuchi  is  mentioned 
by  Ranjel*  and  Uzela  by  Elvas.*  Ochete  is  located  by  Elvas  8 
leagues  south  of  Iniahica.^  Aute  was  a  town  visited  by  Narvaez,  eight 
or  nine  days  journey  south,  or  probably  rather  southwest,  of  the  main 
Apalachee  towns.*  Oarcilasso  gives  this  appellation  to  the  town  of 
Ochete,  but  the  distance  of  the  latter  from  the  main  Apalachee 
towns  does  not  at  all  agree  with  that  given  for  the  Aute  of  Narvaez. 
Yapalaga  is  entered  on  most  of  the  more  detailed  maps  of  the  eight- 
eenth century.  Bacica,  as  well  as  Bacuqua,  already  given  in  the 
mission  lists,  seems  to  have  been  somewhat  removed  from  the  other 
Apalachee  towns,  yet  probably  belonged;  to  them.  Its  name  is  per- 
petuated in  Wacissa  Kiver  and  toWn.  Talpatqui  appears  in  the 
Apalachee  letter  of  1688.^  Possibljf  it  was  identical  with  TalimaU 
and  therefore  with  San  Luis.  Capoj^  tand  Ilcombe  appear  as  Apa- 
lachee towns  on  the  Popple  map^of.1733   (pi.  4).     As  the  first  of 

iSe«p.  lao.  » Ibid,  T,  p.  47. 

s  Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Hist.,  pp.  200, 208.  *  Bandolier,  Journey  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  p.  29. 

t  Boome,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  i,  p.  47;  n,  pp.  7, 79.  '  Buckingham  Smith,  Two  Docs. 

« n>ld.,  n,  p.  70. 


these  resemblas  Sapello  and  the  second  is  given  in  South  CaroUna 
documents  as  the  name  of  a  Yamasee  chief,  *Hhe  Ilcombe  king/'  *  it  is 
probable  that  they  had  moved  from  the  Guale  coast  in  later  times. 
The  Apalachee  town  of  Oconi,  although  missionized  as  early  as  1655, 
may  also  have  been  an  adopted  town,  part  of  the  Oconee  tribe  to  be 
mentioned  later.  A  town  called  Machaba,  which  is  located  on  many 
maps  not  far  from  the  Apalachee  settlements,  was  really  Timucua. 
Although  perhaps  not  as  prominent  toward  the  close  of  Apalachee 
history  as-  San  Luis  de  Talimali  Ibitachuco,  the  San  Lorenzo  de 
Ybithachucu  of  the  missionaries,  has  the  longest  traceable  history. 
It  appears  as  far  back  as  the  De  Soto  narratives  in  the  forms  Ivit- 
achuco,  Uitachuco,  and  Vitachuco,  although  Garcilasso,  our  authority 
for  the  last  form,  bestows  it  upon  a  Timucua  chief  instead  of  an 
Apalachee  town.*  In  a  letter  of  1677  it  appears  as  Huistachuco,'  in 
the  mission  list  above  given  Ybithachuco,  and  in  the  Apalachee  letter 
written  to  Charles  II  in  1688  Ybitachuco.*  Finally,  Colonel  Moore, 
who  destroyed  it,  writes  the  name  Ibitachka.*  Ajubali  is  noted  more 
often  imder  the  forms  Ayaville  or  Ayubale. 

Very  little  has  been  preserved  regarding  the  ethnology  of  the 
Apalachee.  Their  culture  was  midway  between  that  of  the  Florida 
tribes  and  their  own  Muskhogean  relatives  to  the  north.  Writing 
in  1673  one  of  the  governors  of  Florida  says  of  their  dress: 

The  men  wear  only  bark  and  skin  clothing  and  the  women  small  cloaks  (goaipilee), 
which  they  make  of  the  roots  of  trees. 

These  last  must  have  been  similar  to,  if  not  identical  with,  the 
mulberry  bark  garments.  From  what  the  De  Soto  chroniclers  say 
of  the  change  in  domestic  architecture  which  they  encountered  in 
south-central  Georgia  it  is  evident  that  the  Apalachee  were  asso- 
ciated in  this  feature  rather  with  the  southern  than  with  the  north- 
em  tribes. 

Fontaneda  makes  a  few  brief  remarks  regarding  the  customs  of  the 
Apalachee,'  but  it  is  secondhand  information  obtained  through  the 
south  Florida  Indians  and  of  little  value. 

The  first  historical  reference  to  the  Apalachee  is  in  Cabeza  de 
Vaca*s  narrative  of  the  Narvaez  expedition.  On  their  way  north 
through  the  central  part  of  the  Florida  Peninsula  in  the  spring  of 
1528  the  explorers  met  some  Indians  who  led  them  to  their  vUlage, 
and  ** there,"  says  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  ''we  found  many  boxes  for  mer- 
chandize from  Castilla.  In  every  one  of  them  was  a  corpse  covered 
with  painted  deer  liides.     The  commissary  thought  this  to  be  some 

»  See  p.  97. 

>  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  i,  p.  47;  u,  pp.  7,  79;  Shipp's  Garcilasso,  p.  283. 

*  Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Ulst.,  p.  2(17. 
4  Buckingham  Smith,  Two  Docs. 

» See  p.  121. 

•  Buckingham  Smith,  Letter  of  De  Soto  and  Mem.  of  Fontaneda,  pp.  27-28. 


idolatrous  practice,  so  he  burnt  the  boxes  with  the  corpses.     We 
also  found  pieces  of  linen  and  cloth,  and  feather  headdresses  that 
seemed  to  be  from  New  Spain,  and  samples  of  gold/' 
The  narrative  continues  as  follows: 

We  inquired  of  the  Indians  (by  signs)  whence  they  had  obtained  these  things  and 
they  gave  us  to  understand  that  very  far  from  there,  was  a  province  called  Apalachen, 
in  which  there  was  much  gold.  They  also  signified  to  us  that  in  that  province  we 
would  find  everything  we  held  in  esteem.  They  said  that  in  Apalachen  there  was 

The  form  ''Apalachen"  here  giyen  seems  to  contain  the  Muskho- 
gean  objective  ending  -n,  which  by  a  stranger  would  often  be  taken 
over  as  a  necessary  part  of  the  word.  The  people  among  whom  the 
Spaniards  then  were,  were  Timucua,  therefore  the  mistake  was 
perhaps  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  but  more  likely  it  is  the  form  as 
heard  by  the  Spaniards  afterwards  from  the  Apalachee  themselves. 
The  Spaniards  continued  their  journey  in  search  of  this  province  and 
"came  in  sight  of  Apalachen  without  having  been  noticed  by  the 
Indians  of  the  land''  on  the  day  after  St.  John's  Day.* 

Cabeza  continues  thus: 

Once  in  sight  of  Apalachen,  the  governor  commanded  me  to  enter  the  village  with 
nine  horsemen  and  fifty  foot.  So  the  inspector  and  I  undertook  this.  Upon  penetrat- 
ing into  the  village  we  found  only  women  and  boys.  The  men  were  not  there  at  the 
time,  but  soon,  while  we  were  walking  about  they  came  and  began  to  fight,  shooting 
arrows  at  us.  They  killed  the  inspector's  horse,  but  finally  fled  and  left  us.  We 
found  there  plenty  of  ripe  maize  ready  to  be  gathered  and  much  dry  com  already 
housed.  We  also  found  many  deer  skins  and  among  them  mantles  made  of  thread 
and  of  poor  quality,  with  which  the  women  cover  parts  of  their  bodies.  They  had 
many  vessels  [mortars]  for  grinding  [or  rather  pounding]  maize.  The  village  con- 
tained forty  small  and  low  houses,  reared  in  sheltered  places,  out  of  fear  of  the  great 
storms  that  continuously  occur  in  the  country.  The  buildings  are  of  straw,  and  they 
are  surrounded  by  dense  timber,  tall  trees  and  numerous  water-pools,  where  there 
were  so  many  fallen  trees  and  of  such  size  as  to  greatly  obstruct  and  impede  circulation.' 

Below  he  adds: 

In  the  province  of  Apalachen  the  lagunes  are  much  laiger  than  those  we  found  pre- 
viously. There  is  much  maize  in  this  province  and  the  houses  are  scattered  all  over 
the  country  as  much  as  those  of  the  Gelves.^ 

FoUowing  is  the  account  of  the  rest  of  their  dealings  with  the 

Two  hours  after  we  airived  at  Apalachen  the  Indians  that  had  fled  came  back  peace- 
ably, begging  us  to  give  back  to  them  their  women  and  children,  which  we  did.  The 
governor,  however,  kept  with  him  one  of  their  caciques,  at  which  they  became  so 
angry  as  to  attack  us  the  following  day.  They  did  it  so  swiftly  and  with  so  much 
audacity  as  to  set  fire  to  the  lodges  we  occupied,  but  when  we  sallied  forth  they  fled  to 

1  Bandelier,  Journey  of  Cabesa  de  Vaca,  pp.  12-13.  *  Ibid.,  pp.  25-36. 

>  Ibid.,  p.  21.  Ibid.,  p.  27. 

148061  *'--22 8 

114  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  I  bull.  7:; 

the  lagunes  nearby,  on  account  of  which  and  of  the  big  corn  patches  we  could  not  do 
them  any  harm  beyond  killing  one  Indian.  The  day  after  Indians  from  a  village  on 
the  other  side  came  and  attacked  us  in  the  same  manner,  escaping  in  the  same  way, 
with  the  loss  of  a  single  man. 

We  remained  at  this  village  for  25  days,  making  three  exciursions  during  the  time. 
We  found  the  country  very  thinly  inhabited  and  difficult  to  march  through,  owing 
to  bad  places,  timber,  and  lagunes.  We  inquired  of  the  cacique  whom  we  had 
retained  and  of  the  other  Indians  with  us  (who  were  neighbors  and  enemies  of  them) 
about  the  condition  and  settlements  of  the  land,  the  quality  of  its  people,  about  sup- 
plies, and  everything  else.  They  answered,  each  one  for  himself,  that  Apalachcn 
was  the  largest  town  of  all ;  that  further  in  less  people  were  met  with  who  were  very 
much  poorer  than  those  here,  and  that  the  country  was  thinly  settled,  the  inhabitants 
greatly  scattered,  and  also  that  further  inland  big  lakes,  dense  forests,  great  deserts, 
and  wastes  were  met  with. 

Then  we  asked  about  the  land  to  the  south,  its  villages  and  resources.  They  said 
that  in  that  direction  and  nine  days'  march  toward  the  sea  was  a  \'illage  called  Aute, 
where  the  Indians  had  plenty  of  com  and  also  beans  and  melons,  and  that,  being  so 
near  the  sea,  they  obtained  fish  and  that  those  were  their  friends.  Seeing  how  poor 
the  country  was,  taking  into  account  the  unfavorable  reports  about  its  population  and 
everything  else,  and  that  the  Indians  made  constant  war  upon  us,  wounding  men  and 
horses  whenever  they  went  for  water  (which  they  could  do  from  the  lagimes  where 
we  could  not  reach  them)  by  shooting  arrows  at  us;  that  they  had  killed  a  chief  of  Tuz- 
cuco  called  Don  Pedro,  whom  the  commissary  had  taken  along  with  him,  we  agreed  to 
depart  and  go  in  search  of  the  sea,  and  of  the  village  of  Aute,  which  they  had  mentioned . 
And  so  we  left,  arriving  there  five  days  after.  The  first  day  we  traveled  across  lagunes 
and  trails  without  seeing  a  single  Indian. 

On  the  second  day,  however,  we  reached  a  lake  very  difficult  to  cross,  the  water 
reaching  to  the  chest,  and  there  were  a  great  many  fallen  trees.  Once  in  the  middle  of 
it,  a  number  of  Indians  assailed  us  from  behind  trees  that  concealed  them  from  our 
sight,  while  others  were  on  fallen  trees,  and  they  began  to  shower  arrows  upon  us,  so 
tJiat  many  men  and  horses  were  wounded,  and  before  we  could  get  out  of  the  lagune 
our  guide  was  captured  by  them.  After  we  had  got  out,  they  pressed  us  very  hard, 
intending  to  cut  us  off,  and  it  was  useless  to  turn  upon  them,  for  they  would  hide  in  the 
lake  and  from  there  wound  both  men  and  horses. 

So  the  Governor  ordered  the  horsemen  to  dismount  and  attack  them  on  foot.  The 
purser  dismounted  also,  and  our  people  attacked  them.  Again  they  fled  to  a  lagune, 
and  we  succeeded  in  holding  the  trail .  In  this  light  some  of  our  people  were  wounded 
in  spite  of  their  good  armor.  There  were  men  that  day  who  swore  they  had  sec|n  two 
oak  trees,  each  as  thick  as  the  calf  of  a  leg,  shot  through  and  through  by  arrows,  which 
is  not  surprising  if  we  consider  the  force  and  dexterity  ^^ith  which  they  shoot.  I 
myself  saw  an  arrow  that  had  penetrated  the  base  of  a  poplar  tree  for  half  a  foot  in 
length.  All  the  many  Indians  from  Florida  we  saw  were  archers,  and,  being  very  tall 
and  naked,  at  a  distance  they  appeared  giants. 

Those  people  are  wonderfully  built,  very  gaunt  and  of  great  strength  and  agility. 
Their  bows  are  as  thick  as  an  arm,  from  eleven  to  twelve  spans  long,  shooting  an 
arrow  at  2(X)  paces  ^^dth  unerring  aim.  From  that  crossing  we  went  to  another  similar 
one,  a  league  away,  but  while  it  was  half  a  league  in  length  it  was  also  much  more 
difficult.  There  we  crossed  without  opposition,  for  the  Indians,  ha\'ing  spent  all 
their  arrows  at  the  first  place,  had  nothing  where\^ath  they  would  dare  attack  us. 
The  next  day,  while  crossing  a  similar  place,  1  saw  the  tracks  of  people  who  went 
ahead  of  us,  and  I  notified  the  (iovemor,  who  was  in  the  rear,  so  that,  although  the 
Indians  turned  upon  us,  as  we  were  on  our  guard,  they  could  do  us  no  harm.  Once  on 
C|)en  ground  they  pursued  us  still.  We  attacked  them  t^dce,  killing  two,  while  they 
wounded  me  and  two  or  three  other  (  hristians,  and  entered  the  forest  again,  where  we 
could  no  longer  injure  them.. 


In  this  maimer  we  marched  for  eight  days,  without  meeting  any  more  natives, 
until  one  league  from  the  site  to  which  I  said  we  were  going.  There,  as  we  were 
marching  along,  Indians  crept  up  unseen  and  fell  upon  our  rear.  A  boy  belonging  to  a 
nobleman,  called  Avellaneda,  who  was  in  the  rear  guard,  gave  the  alarm.  Avellaneda 
turned  back  to  assist,  and  the  Indians  hit  him  with  an  arrow  on  the  edge  of  the  cuirass, 
piercing  his  neck  nearly  through,  so  that  he  died  on  the  spot,  and  we  carried  him 
to  Ante.  It  took  us  nine  days  from  Apalachen  to  the  place  where  we  stopped.  And 
then  we  found  that  all  the  people  had  left  and  the  lodges  were  biumt.  But  there  was 
plenty  of  maize,  squash,  and  beans,  all  nearly  ripe  and  ready  for  harvest.  We  rested 
there  for  two  days. 

After  this  the  governor  entreated  me  to  go  in  search  of  the  sea,  as  the  Indians  said 
it  was  BO  near  by,  and  we  had,  on  this  march,  already  suspected  its  proximity  from  a 
great  river  to  which  we  had  given  the  name  of  the  Rio  de  la  Magdalena.  I  left  on  the 
following  day  in  search  of  it,  accompanied  by  the  commissary,  the  captain  Castillo, 
Andr6s  Dorantes,  7  horsemen,  and  50  foot.  We  marched  until  simset,  reaching 
an  inlet  or  arm  of  the  sea,  where  we  foimd  plenty  of  oysters  on  which  the  people  feasted, 
and  we  gave  many  thanks  to  God  for  bringing  us  there. 

The  next  day  I  sent  20  men  to  reconnoiter  the  coast  and  explore  it,  who  returned  on 
tibe  day  following  at  nightfall,  saying  that  these  inlets  and  bays  were  very  large  and 
went  so  fan  inland  as  greatly  to  impede  our  investigations,  and  that  the  poast  was  still 
at  a  great  distance.  Hearing  this  and  considering  how  ill-prepared  we  were  for  the 
task,  I  returned  to  where  the  governor  was.  We  found  him  sick,  together  with  many 
others.  The  night  before  Indians  had  made  an  attack,  putting  them  in  great  stress, 
owing  to  their  enfeebled  condition.    The  Indians  had  also  killed  one  of  their  horses. ' 

The  next  day  they  left  Aute  and,  with  great  exertion,  reached 
the  spot  where  Cabeza  de  Vaca  had  come  out  on  the  Gulf.  It  was 
determined  to  build  boats  and  leave  the  country,  but  meanwhile,  in 
order  to  provide  themselves  with  sufficient  provisions,  they  made 
four  raids  upon  Aute  *'and  they  brought  as  many  as  400  fanegas  of 
maize,  although  not  without  armed  opposition  from  the  Indians/'  ' 
Our  author  adds  that  "during  that  time  some  of  the  party  went  to 
the  coves  and  inlets  for  sea  food,  and  the  Indians  surprised  them 
twice,  killing  ten  of  our  men  in  plain  view  of  the  camp  without  our 
being  able  to  prevent  it.  We  found  them  shot  through  and  through 
with  arrows,  for,  although  several  wore  good  armor,  it  was  not  suffi- 
cient to  protect  them,  since,  as  I  said  before,  they  shot  their  arrows 
with  such  force  and  precision.''  ^  Near  the  end  of  September,  1528, 
they  embarked  in  five  barges  and  left  the  country,  coasting  along 
toward  the  west,  and  having  nothing  further  to  do  with  Apalachee 
or  its  inhabitants.  The  narrative  given  by  Oviedo*  is  practically 
the  same;  that  in  the  "Relacion"  published  in  the  Documentos  Inedi- 
tos*  is  even  briefer. 

The  next  we  learn  of  the  Province  of  Apalachee  is  from  the  chroni- 
clers of  the  great  expedition  of  De  Soto.  Ranjel,  who  is  generally 
the  n^ost  reliable,  gives  the  following  account: 

On  Wednesday,  the  first  of  October,  [1539]  the  Governor  Hernando  de  Soto,  started 
from  Agile  and  came  with  his  soldiers  to  the  river  or  swainp  of  Ivitachuco,  and  they 

*  BsDdelier.  op.  oit;«  pp.  28-34.  - ..   s  Bundelier,  op.  cit.,  p.  39. 

'Ibid.,  p.  38.     A  lanega  is  about  equal  to  u         «  Oviedo,  Hist.  Oen..  in.  pp.  578-582. 
busbei.  ^  Doc.  loed.,  xiv,  pp.  26^279. 


made  a  bridge;  and  in  the  high  swamp  grass  on  the  other  side  there  was  an  ambuscade 
of  Indians,  and  they  shot  three  Christians  with  arrows.  They  finished  crossing  this 
swamp  on  the  Friday  following  at  noon  and  a  horse  was  drowned  there.  At  nightfall 
they  reached  Ivitachuco  and  found  the  village  in  flames,  for  the  Indians  had  set  fire 
to  it.  Sunday,  October  5,  they  came  to  Calahuchi,  and  two  Indians  and  one  Indian 
woman  were  taken  and  a  large  amount  of  dried  venison.  There  the  guide  whom 
they  had  ran  away.  The  next  day  they  went  on,  taking  for  a  guide  an  old  Indian  who 
led  them  at  random,  and  an  Indian  woman  took  them  to  Iviahica,  and  they  found 
all  the  people  gone.  And  the  next  day  two  captains  went  on  further  and  found  all 
the  people  gone. 

Johan  de  Afiasco  started  out  from  that  village  and  eight  leagues  from  it  he  found 
the  port  where  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez  had  set  sail  in  the  vessels  which  he  made. 
He  recognized  it  by  the  headpieces  of  the  horses  and  the  place  where  the  foige  was 
set  up  and  the  mangers  and  the  mortars  that  they  used  to  grind  corn  and  by  the  crosBes 
cut  in  the  trees. 

They  spent  the  winter  there,  and  remained  until  the  4th  of  Biarch,  1540,  in  which 
time  many  notable  things  befell  them  with  the  Indians,  who  are  the  bravest  of  men 
and  whose  great  courage  and  boldness  the  discerning  reader  may  imagine  from  what 
follows.  For  example,  two  Indians  once  rushed  out  against  eight  men  on  horseback; 
twice  they  set  the  village  on  fire;  and  with  ambuscades  they  repeatedly  killed  many 
Christians,  and  although  the  Spaniards  pursued  them  and  burned  them  they  were 
never  willing  to  make  peace.  If  their  hands  and  noses  were  cut  off  they  made  no 
more  account  of  it  than  if  each  one  of  them  had  been  a  Mucins  Scaevola  of  Rome. 
Not  one  of  them,  for  fear  of  death,  denied  that  he  belonged  to  Apalache;  and  when 
they  were  taken  and  were  asked  from  whence  they  were  they  replied  proudly:  "From 
whence  am  I?  I  am  an  Indian  of  Apalache."  And  they  gave  one  to  understand 
that  they  would  be  insulted  if  they  were  thought  to  be  of  any  other  tribe  than  the 

Farther  on  we  read: 

The  Province  of  Apalache  is  very  fertile  and  abundantly  provided  with  supplies 
with  much  com,  kidney  beans,  pumpkins,  various  fruits,  much  venison,  many  varie- 
ties of  birds  and  excellent  fishing  near  the  sea;  and  it  is  a  pleasant  country,  though 
there  are  swamps,  but  these  have  a  hard  sandy  bottom.^ 

The  account  in  Elvas  is  as  follows: 

The  next  day,  the  first  of  October,  the  Grovemor  took  Ms  departure  in  the  morning, 
and  ordered  a  bridge  to  be  made  over  a  river,  which  he  had  to  cross.  The  depth 
there,  for  a  stone's  throw,  was  over  the  head,  and  afterward  the  water  came  to  the 
waist,  for  the  distancre  of  a  crossbow-shot,  where  was  a  growth  of  tall  and  dense  forest, 
into  which  the  Indians  came,  to  ascertain  if  they  could  assail  the  men  at  work  and 
prevent  a  passage;  but  they  were  dispersed  by  the  arrival  of  crossbow-men,  and  some 
timbers  being  thrown  in,  the  men  gained  the  opposite  side  and  secured  the  way. 
On  the  fourth  day  of  the  week,  Wednesday  of  St.  Francis,  the  Governor  crossed  over 
and  reached  Uitachuco,  a  town  subject  to  Apalache,  where  he  slept.  He  found  it 
burning,  the  Indians  having  set  it  on  fire. 

Thenceforward  the  country  was  well  inhabited,  producing  much  com,  the  way 
leading  by  many  habitations  like  villages.  Sunday,  the  twenty-fifth  of  October, 
he  arrived  at  the  town  of  Uzela,  and  on  Monday  at  Anhayca  Apalache,  where  the 
lord  of  all  that  country  and  Province  resided.  The  Camp-master,  whose  duty  it  is  to 
divide  and  lodge  the  men,  (juartered  them  about  the  town,  at  the  distance  of  half  a 

1  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  u,  pp.  78-^.  >  Ibid.,  p.  82. 


league  to  a  league  apart.  There  were  other  towns  which  had  much  maize,  pumpkins, 
beans,  and  dried  plums  of  the  country,  whence  were  brought  together  at  Anhayea 
Apalache  what  appeared  to  be  sufficient  provision  for  the  winter.'  These  ameixas 
[penimmons]  are  better  than  those  of  Spain,  and  come  from  trees  that  grow  in  the 
fields  without  being  planted. 

Below  we  read : 

The  Governor  ordered  planks  and  spikes  to  be  taken  to  the  coast  for  building  a 
piragua,  into  w}iich  thirty  men  entered  well  armed  from  the  bay,  going  to  and  coming 
from  sea,  waiting  the  arrival  of  the  brigantines,  and  sometimes  fighting  with  the  natives, 
who  went  up  and  down  the  estuary  in  canoes.  On  Saturday,  the  twenty-ninth  of  No- 
vember, in  a  high  wind,  an  Indian  passed  through  the  sentries  undiscovered,  and  set 
fire  to  the  town,  two  portions  of  which,  in  consequence,  were  instantly  consumed. 

On  Sunday,  the  twenty-eighth  of  December,  Juan  de  Afiasco  arrived;  and  the 
Grovemor  directed  Francisco  Maldonado,  Captain  of  Infantry,  to  run  the  coast  to  the 
westward  with  fifty  men,  and  look  for  an  entrance;  proposing  to  go  himself  in  that 
direction  by  land  on  discoveries.  The  same  day,  eight  men  rode  two  leagues  about 
the  town  in  pursuit  of  Indians,  who  had  become  so  bold  that  they  would  venture  up 
within  crossbow-shot  of  the  camp  to  kill  our  people.  Two  were  discovered  engaged 
in  picking  beans,  and  might  have  escaped,  but  a  woman  being  present,  the  wife  of 
one  of  them,  they  stood  to  fight.  Before  they  could  be  killed,  three  horses  were 
wounded,  one  of  which  died  in  a  few  days.^ 

The  balance  of  the  narrative  is  practically,  the  same  as  that  of 
The  following  is  from  Biedma: 

Across  this  stream  [on  the  confines  of  Apalache]  we  made  a  bridge,  by  lashing  many 
pines  together,  upon  which  we  went  over  with  much  danger,  as  there  were  Indians  on 
the  opposite  side  who  disputed  our  passage;  when  they  found,  however,  that  we  had 
landed,  they  went  to  the  nearest  town,  called  Ivitachuco,  and  there  remained  until 
we  came  in  sight,  when  as  we  appeared  they  set  all  the  place  on  fire  and  took  to  flight. 

There  are  many  towns  in  this  Province  of  Apalache,  and  it  is  a  land  abundant  in 
substance.  They  call  all  that  other  country  we  were  travelling  through,  the  Province 
of  Yustaga. 

We  went  to  another  town,  called  Iniahico.^ 

In  Oarcilasso's  Florida  we  have  some  additional  information  re- 
garding the  Apalachee  Indians: 

Alonso  de  Carmona,  in  his  Peregrinaciony  remarks  in  particular  upon  the  fierceness 
of  the  Indians  of  the  Province  of  Apalache,  of  whom  he  writes  as  follows,  his  words 
being  exactly  quoted:  Those  Indians  of  Apalache  are  very  tall,  very  valiant  and  full 
of  spirit;  since,  just  as  they  showed  themselves  and  fought  with  those  who  were  with 
Pamphilo  de  Narvaez,  and  drove  them  out  of  the  country  in  spite  of  themselves,  they 
kept  flying  in  our  faces  every  day  and  we  had  daily  brushes  with  them;  and  as  they 
fidled  to  make  any  headway  with  us,  because  our  Governor  was  ver\'  brave,  energetic, 
and  experienced  in  Indian  warfare,  they  concluded  to  withdraw  to  the  woods  in  small 
bands,  and  as  the  Spaniards  were  going  out  for  wood  and  were  cutting  it  in  the  forest 
the  Indians  would  come  up  at  the  sound  of  the  axe  and  would  kill  the  Spaniards  and 

>  A  mistake  has  probably  been  made  here  in  the  division  of  sentences,  which  must  have  read:  "The 
Camp-master,  whose  duty  it  is  to  divide  and  lodge  the  men,  quartered  them  about  the  town.  At  the 
distance  of  half  a  league  to  a  league  apart  there  were  other  towns  which  had  much  maize,"  etc. 

*  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  i,  pp.  46-40. 

'  Ibid.,  n,  pp.  6-7. 

118  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  78 

loose  the  chains  of  the  Indians  whom  they  brought  to  carry  back  the  cut  wood  and 
take  the  Spaniards'  scaljM,  which  was  what  they  most  prized,  to  Iianc^  upon  the  arm  of 
their  bows  with  which  they  fouglit;  and  at  the  sound  of  the  voices  and  of  arms  we 
would  immediately  repair  thither,  and  we  found  the  consequences  of  a  lack  of  precau- 
tion. In  that  way  they  killed  for  us  more  tlian  twenty  soldiers,  and  this  happened 
frequently.  And  I  remember  that  one  day  seven  horsemen  went  out  from  the  camp  to 
forage  for  food  and  to  kill  a  little  dog  to  eat;  which  we  were  used  to  do  in  that  land,  and 
a  day  that  we  got  something  we  thought  ourselves  lucky;  and  not  even  pheasants  ever 
tasted  better  to  us.  And  going  in  search  of  these  things  they  fell  in  wjth  five  Indians 
who  were  waiting  for  them  with  bows  and  arrows,  and  they  drew  a  line  on  the  ground 
and  told  them  not  to  cross  that  or  they  would  all  die.  And  the  Spaniards  who  would 
not  take  any  fooling,  attacked  them,  and  the  Indians  shot  off  their  bows  and  killed 
two  horses  and  wounded  two  others,  and  also  a  Spaniard  severely;  and  the  Spaniards 
killed  one  of  the  Indians  and  the  rest  took  to  their  heels  and  got  away,  for  they  are 
truly  very  nimble  and  are  not  impeded  by  the  adornments  of  clothes,  but  rather  are 
much  helped  by  going  bare.* 

After  leaving  Iviahica,  De  Soto  came  to  the  River  Guacuca  and 
later  reached  a  province  called  Capachequi.  It  is  uncertain  what 
relation  this  and  the  subsequent  i)laces  into  which  he  came  bore 
to  the  Apalachee.  Probably  most  of  them  belonged  to  the  people 
we  now  know  as  Hitchiti. 

Pareja,  the  well-kno^ii  missionary  to  the  Timucua  Indians,  and 
another  friar,  Alonso  de  Pofiaranda,  state  in  letters,  written  in  1607, 
that  the  Apalachee  had  a^ked  for  missionaries  that  same  year  through 
the  friars  in  Potano.  Their  statement  that  the  Apalachee  towns 
numbered  107  is,  of  course,  a  gross  exaggeration.-  We  read  that  in 
1609  more  than  28  Timucua  and  Apalachee  chiefs  were  begging  for 
baptism.'  In  1622  an  Englishman  named  Brigstock  claims  to  have 
visited  the  "  Apalachites'.'  and  to  have  discovered  near  them  a  colony 
of  English  refugees.  He  published  his  narrative  in  1644.  It  has 
received  some  credence  from  as  noted  a  student  as  D.  G.  Brinton,  but 
may  now  be  dismissed  as  essentially  a  fabrication.^  The  need  of  mis- 
sionaries to  begin  converting  the  Apalachee  is  frequently  dwelt  upon  in 
documents  written  between  1607  and  1633,  but  it  was  not  imtil  the 
latter  date  that  work  was  actually  begun.  A  letter  dated  November 
15,  1633,  states  that  two  monks  had  gone  to  the  Province  of  Apa- 
lachee on  October  16.  It  adds  that  these  people  had  desired  conver- 
sion for  more  than  20  years,  that  their  country  was  12  leagues  in 
extent  and  contained  15,000  to  16,000  Indians,  which  last  statement 
is  of  course  another  gross  exaggeration,  though  indeed  more  moderate 
than  one  of  30,000  made  in  1618  and  another  of  34,000  made  in  1635.' 
This  last  placed  the  number  of  Christian  converts  in  the  province  at 
5,000,  probably  more  than  the  total  Apalachee  population.  By  a 
letter  of  September  12,  1638,  we  learn  that  conversions  of  Apalachee 

» Trans,  by  noume,  op.  cit. ,  ii,  pp.  151-1.>2.  •  John  Davles,  Hist.  Carrlbboe  Islands,  pp.  228-249. 

*Lowery,  MSS. 

BWAKTosl  jsahly  history  of  the  creek  induns  119 

were  greatly  on  the  increase/  and  Gov.  Damian  de  Vega  Castro  y 
Pardo  writes,  August  22,  1639,  that  there  had  been  more  than  a 
thousand  conversions  there,  although  there  were  still  only  two  friars. 
He  also  states  that  he  had  made  peace  between  the  Apalachee  and 
three  tribes  called  Chacatos,  Apalochocolos,  and  Amacanos,  evi- 
dently the  Chatot,  Lower  Creeks,  and  Yamasee.*  Barcia  informs  us 
that  the  Apalachee  made  war  upon  the  Spaniards  in  1638,  but  were 
driven  back  into  their  own  country,  which  was  in  turn  invaded.'  The 
documents  of  the  time  make  no  mention  of  this  struggle  and  I  think 
Barcia  is  in  error,  or  more  likely  the  notice  is  out  of  place.  In  1647*  a 
war  did  break  out,  however,  attributed  to  the  fact  that  the  Spaniards 
were  not  giving  the  Indians  as  much  as  formerly,  and  also  to  the 
influence  of  some  Chisca  (Yuchi)  Indians.  At  that  time  there,  were 
eight  friars  in  the  province  and  seven  churches  and  convents.  •  Eight 
of  the  chiefs,  of  whom  there  were  said  to  be  more  than  40>  had  ac- 
cepted the  now  faith.  In  the  revolt  three  missionaries  were  killed 
and  all  of  the  churches  and  convents,  with  the  sacred  objects  which 
they  contained,  were  destroyed,  and  among  the  slain  were  the  lieuten- 
ant of  the  province  and  his  family.  Capt.  Don  Martin  de  Cufera  was 
sent  against  the  rebels  with  a  troop  of  soldiers,  but  his  party  was 
surrounded  by  a  multitude  of  Indians  and  after  a  battle  which  lasted 
all  day  he  was  forced  to  return  to  St.  Augustine  for  reinforcements. 
And  then  a  strange  thing  happened,  well  illustrating  the  fickleness 
of  the  Indian  nature.  Francisco  Menendez  Marques,  acting  on 
advices  privately  received  from  the  enemy^s  country,  went  there  in 
person  secretly  and  put  down  the  rebelUon  with  comparative  ^ase, 
assisted  almost  entirely,  it  woxild  seem,  by  friendly  Apalachee. 
Twelve  of  the  ringleaders  were  killed,  and  26  others  condemned  to  labor 
on  the  fortifications  of  St.  Augustine.  The  rest  were  pardoned^  :but 
with  the  understanding  that  they  sh6uld  send  additional  men  to  work 
on  the  fortifications  of  the  capital.  After  this  most  of  the  Apalachee 
sought  baptism.*  The  obligation  to  labor  in  St.  Augustine  is  a  con- 
stant source  of  complaint  from  this  time  on — sometimes  by  the 
Indians  themselves;  sometimes  by  the  friars  on  their  behalf.  In 
1656  there  was  an  uprising  among  the  Timucua  Indians,  which 
spread  to  the  Apalachee,  but  it  seems  to  have  died  out  there  without 
necessitating  drastic  measures,  although  we  learn  that  a  captain 
and  12  soldiers  were  placed  in  San  Luis.*  In  a  letter  written  just 
after  this  war  we  are  told  that  there  were  then  sLx  monks  in  the 
province,*  and  by  the  mission  list  of  two  years  earlier  we  find  that 

>  Lowery,  MSS. 

'Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  198;  also  Ix)wcry,  MSS. 

>Barcia,  La  Florida,  p.  203. 

•Lowery,  MSS.:  also  wo  Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Hist.,  pp.  204-205. 


they  had  nine  xnissions  to  serve.  In  the  memorial  of  a  missionary 
named  Fray  Alonso  de  Moral,  dated  November  5, 1676,  it  is  said  that 
there  had  been  16,000  Apalachee  Indians  in  1638,  and  that  at  the 
date  of  writing  they  were  reduced  to  5,000,*  but  it  may  be  con- 
sidered doubtfxil  whether  they  ever  numbered  more  than  the 
latter  figure.  In  1677  a  body  of  Apalachee  undertook  a  successful 
expedition  against  some  Chisca  (Yuchi)  Indians  living  to  the  west- 
ward who  had  committed  depredations  upon  their  settlements. 
The  full  account  of  it  is  given  elsewhere.*  In  1681  Gov.  Cabrera 
notes  that  he  had  stopped  the  ball  game  among  the  Apalachee 
Indians  as  a  heathenish  practice  inimical  to  their  well  being.  Jan- 
uary 21,  1688,  is  noteworthy  as  the  date  on  which  a  letter  in  the 
Spanish  and  Apalachee  languages  was  written  for  transmission  to 
King  Charles  II.  This  has  fortunately  been  preserved,  and  it  con- 
tains practically  all  of  the  Apalachee  language  known  to  be  in  exist- 
ence.* The  chiefs  of  the  Apalachee  express  their  pleasure  at  having 
missionaries  among  them  and  at  being  reUeved  from  the  former 
burdensome  labors  they  were  compelled  to  undergo  in  St.  Augustine. 
That  this  reUef  was  only  temporary,  however,  is  shown  by  an  appeal, 
dated  Vitachuoo,  February  28,  1701,  made  by  "Nanhxila  Chuba, 
Don  Patricio,  chief  of  the  [Apalachee]  Indians"  to  Gov.  Qiroga  y 
Losada,  in  the  name  of  all  of  the  Apalachee  chiefs,  begging  to  be 
relieved  from  work  on  the  fortifications  of  St.  Augustine.*  From 
an  entry  in  Barcia's  history  it  would  seem  that  final  relief  was  not 
granted  before  1703,*  and  as  the  Apalachee  Nation  was  nearly  de- 
stroyed at  about  the  same  period,  few  were  benefited  by  it.  The 
attacks  of  northern  Indians,  instigated  by  English  in  Carolina, 
were  increasing  in  frequency  and  violence.  March  20,  1702,  Gov. 
Zufiiga  writes  that  infidel  Indians  had  attacked  the  town  of 
Santa  Fe  in  the  Apalachee  province  and,  though  driven  off,  had 
burned  the  church.* 

The  first  encounter  on  a  large  scale  between  the  English  and  their 
allies  on  the  one  hand  and  the  Apalachee  and  Spaniards  took  place 
in  the  following  manner,  as  related  by  an  EngLsh  chronicler: 

In  1702,  before  Queen  Anne's  Declaration  of  War  waa  known  in  these  Parts,  the 
Spaniards  formed  another  Design  to  fall  upon  our  Settlements  by  I^nd,  at  the  Head 
of  Nine  Hundred  Apalachee  Indians  from  thence.  The  Creek  Indians,  in  Friendship 
with  this  Province,  coming  at  a  Knowledge  of  it,  and  sensible  of  the  Dangers  approach- 
ing, acquainted  our  Traders,  then  in  the  Nation  with  it,  when  this  Army  was  actually 
on  their  March  coming  down  that  way.  The  Traders  having  thereupon  encouraged 
the  Creeks  to  get  together  an  Army  of  Five  Hundred  Men,  headed  the  same,  and  went 
out  to  meet  the  other.    Both  Armies  met  in  an  Evening  on  the  Side  of  Flint-River,  a 

1  Lowery,  M8S.  «  Brooks,  MS8.,  Lib.  Cong. 

*  See  pp.  299-304.  »  Barcia,  La  Florida,  p.  323. 

•See  p.  12. 


Branch  of  the  Chatahooche  [Chattahoochee].  In  the  Morning,  just  before  Break  of  Day 
(when  Indians  are  accustomed  to  make  their  Attacks)  the  Creeks  stirring  up  their 
Fires  drew  back  at  a  Little  Distance  leaving  their  Blankets  by  the  Fires  in  the  very 
same  Order  as  they  had  slept.  Immediately  after  the  Spaniards  and  Apalatchees  (as 
was  expected)  coming  on  to  attack  them,  fired  and  run  in  upon  the  Blankets.  There- 
upon Uie  Creeks  rushing  forth  fell  on  them,  killed  and  took  the  greatest  Part,  and 
entirely  routed  them.  To  this  Stratagem  was  owing  the  Defeat  of  the  then  intended 

Shortly  after  this  affair,  in  the  winter  of  1703-4,  occurred  the  great 
Apalachee  disaster,  the  invasion  of  Apalachia  by  Col.  Moore 
with  a  body  of  50  volunteers  from  South  Carolina  and  1,000  Creek 
auxiliaries,  and  the  almost  complete  breaking  up  of  the  Apalachee 
Nation.  The  best  account  of  this  is  printed  in  the  second  volume 
of  Carroll's  Historical  Collections  of  South  Carolina*  under  the  fol- 
lowing heading:  ''An  Account  of  What  the  Army  Did,  under  the 
Command  of  Col.  Moore,  in  His  Expedition  Last  Winter,  against 
the  Spaniards  and  Spanish  Indians  in  a  Letter  from  the  Said  Col. 
Moore  to  the  Governor  of  Carolina.  Printed  in  the  Boston  News, 
May  1,  1704.'*     It  runs  as  follows: 

To  the  Oovemor  of  Carolina: 

May  it  please  your  honour  to  accept  of  this  short  narrative  of  what  I,  with  the  army 
under  my  command,  have  l>een  doing  since  my  departiu'e  from  the  Ockomulgee,  on 
the  19th  «  of  December  [1703]. 

On  the  14th  of  December  we  came  to  a  town,  and  strong  and  almost  regular  fort, 
about  Sun  rising  called  Ayaville,  At  oiu*  first  approach  the  Indians  in  it  fired  and 
shot  arrows  at  us  briskly;  from  which  we  sheltered  ourselves  under  the  side  of  a  great 
Mud-walled  house,  till  we  could  take  a  view  of  the  fort,  and  consider  of  the  best  way 
of  assaulting  it:  which  we  concluded  to  be,  by  breaking  the  church  door,  which 
made  a  part  of  the  fort,  with  axes.  I  no  sooner  proposed  this,  but  my  men  readily 
undertook  it:  ran  up  to  it  briskly  (the  enemy  at  the  same  time  shooting  at  them), 
were  beaten  off  without  effecting  it,  and  fourteen  white  men  wounded.  Two  hours 
after  that  we  thought  fit  to  attempt  the  burning  of  the  chiu-ch,  which  we  did,  three 
or  four  Indians  assisting  us.  The  Indians  obstinately  defending  themselves,  killed 
us  two  men,  viz.  Francis  Plowden  and  Thomas  Dale.  After  we  were  in  their  fort, 
a  fryar,  the  only  white  in  it,  came  forth  and  begged  mercy.  In  this  we  took  about 
twenty-six  men  alive,  and  fifty-eight  women  and  children.  The  Indians  took  about 
as  many  more  of  each  sort.  The  fryar  told  us  we  killed,  in  the  two  storms  of  the  fort, 
twenty-five  men. 

The  next  morning  the  captain  of  St.  Lewis  Fort,  with  twenty-three  men  and  four 
hundred  Indians,  came  to  fight  us,  which  we  did ;  beat  him;  took  him  and  eight  of  his 
men  prisoners;  and,  as  the  Indians,  which  say  it,  told  us,  killed  five  or  six  whites.  We 
have  a  particular  account  from  our  Indians  of  one  hundred  and  sixty -eight  Indian  men 
killed  and  taken  in  the  fight;  but  the  Apalatchia  Indians  say  they  lost  two  hundred, 
which  we  have  reason  to  believe  to  be  the  least.  Capt.  John  Bellinger,  fighting  bravely 
at  the  head  of  our  men  was  killed  at  my  foot.  Capt.  Fox  dyed  of  a  wound  given  him  at 
the  first  storming  of  the  fort.    Two  days  after,  I  sent  to  the  cassique  of  the  Ibitachka, 

1  Asset  forth  in  "Statements  Mode  in  the  Introduction  to  the  Report  on  General  Oglethorpe's  Kxpedl- 
tion  to  St.  Augustine"  (printed  in  Carroll's  Historical  Collections  of  South  Carolina,  vol.  n,  p.  361). 
«  Pp.  570-576. 
*  Tliere  is  evidently  a  mistake  in  this  date,  which  should  be  the  9th  instead  of  the  19th. 

122  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  t bull.  73 

who,  with  one  hundred  and  thirty  men,  was  in  his  strong  and  well  made  fort,  to  come 
and  make  his  peace  with  me,  the  which  he  did,  and  compounded  for  it  ^Hth  his 
church 's  plate,  and  ten  horses  laden  with  provisions.  After  this,  I  marched  through 
five  towns,  which  had  all  strong  forts,  and  defences  against  small  arms.  They  all 
submitted  and  surrendered  their  forts  to  me  without  condition.  I  have  now  in  my 
company  all  the  whole  people  of  three  towns,  and  the  greatest  part  of  four  more.  We 
have  totally  destroyed  all  the  people  of  four  towns;  so  that  we  have  left  the  Apalatchia 
but  that  one  town  which  compound eil  with  one  part  of  St.  Lewis;  and  the  people  of  one 
town,  which  run  away  altogether:  their  town,  church  and  fort,  we  burnt.  The  people 
of  St.  I^ewis  come  to  me  every  night.  I  expect  and  have  advice  that  the  town  which 
compounded  with  me  are  coming  after  me.  The  waiting  for  these  people  make  ray 
marches  slow;  for  I  am  willing  to  bring  away  with  me,  free,  as  many  of  the  Indians  as  I 
can,  this  being  the  address  of  the  commons  to  your  honour  to  order  it  so.  This  will 
make  my  men's  part  of  plunder  (which  other^nse  might  have  been  lOOiC  to  a  man)  but 
small.  But  I  hope  with  your  honour's  assistance  to  find  a  way  to  gratifie  them  for 
their  loss  of  blood.  I  never  see  or  hear  of  a  stouter  or  braver  thing  done,  than  the 
storming  of  the  fort.  It  hath  regained  the  reputation  we  seemed  to  have  lost  under 
the  conduct  of  Robert  Macken,  the  Indians  now  having  a  mighty  value  for  the  whites. 
Apalatchia  is  now  reduced  to  so  feeble  and  low  a  condition,  that  it  can  neither  support 
St.  Augustine  with  provisions,  nor  distrust,  endamage  or  frighten  us:  our  Indians  living 
between  the  Apalatchia  and  the  French.  In  short,  we  have  made  Carolina  as  safe  as 
the  conquest  of  Apalatchia  can  make  it. 

If  I  had  not  so  many  men  wounded  in  our  first  attempt,  I  had  assaulted  St.  Lewis 
fort,  in  which  is  about  28  or  30  men,  and  20  of  these  came  thither  from  Pensacola  to 
buy  provisions  the  first  night  after  I  took  the  first  fort. 

On  Sabbath,  the  23d  instant,  I  came  out  of  Apalatchia  settle,  and  am  now  about  30 
miles  on  my  way  home;  but  do  not  expect  to  reach  it  before  the  middle  of  March, 
notwithstanding  my  horses  will  not  be  able  to  carry  me  to  the  Cheeraquo's  Mountain. 
I  have  had  a  tedious  duty,  and  uneasy  journey;  and  though  I  have  no  reason  to  fear 
any  harm  from  the  enemy,  through  the  difference  between  the  whites,  and  between 
Indians  and  Indians,  bad  way  and  false  alarms,  1  do  labour  under  hourly  uneasiness. 
The  number  of  free  Apalatchia  Indians  that  are  now  under  my  protection,  and  bound 
with  me  to  Carolina,  are  1300,  and  100  slaves.  The  Indians  under  my  command 
killed  and  took  prisoners  on  the  plantations,  whilst  we  stormed  the  fort,  as  many 
Indians  as  we  and  they  took  and  kille<l  in  the  fort. 

Dated  in  the  woods  50  miles  north  and  east  of  Apalatchia. 

An  account  of  this  from  the  Spanish  side  is  contained  in  a  letter 
to  the  king  written  by  Governor  Don  Jos6  do  Zufiiga,  March  30,  1704, 
though  there  is  a  discrepancy  in  the  dates,  which  (iifferences  in  calen- 
dar do  not  seem  fully  to  account  for.  The  mention  of  Guale  is  evi- 
dently a  mistake;  probably  Ayaville  is  intended.     Ho  says: 

After  the  late  siege  of  St.  Augustine  the  enemy  invaded  San  Jose  and  San  Francisco, 
destroying  everything  in  their  path,  killing  many  Indians  and  carrying  \Wth  them 
over  500  prisoners. 

They  returned  afterward,  accompanied  by  the  English  who  laid  siege  to  this  fort 
and  invaded  the  pro  Nance  of  Apalachee,  destroying  all  the  lands.  Tliey  then  assaulted 
Guale,  on  the  25th  of  January  of  the  present  year,  which  was  vigoruualy  defended  by 
the  Indians  and  the  clergyman.  Fray  Angel  de  Miranda,  wlio  bravely  defended  the 
position,  fighting  from  early  in  the  morning  until  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  when 
their  anmiunition  was  exhausted.  The  enemy  then  advanced  through  the  i)a8sage 
adjoining  the  church,  which  they  set  on  fire,  gaining  possession  of  the  pus.sago. 

On  the  26th  I  sent  my  lieutenant,  Juan  Ruiz,  with  thirty  Spanish  soldiers  mounted 
and  four  hundred  Indians.     They  attacked  the  enemy,  inflicting  a  loss  upon  them  of 


seven  Englit<hmen  and  about  one  hundred  Indians  killed,  besides  others  that  were 
killed  by  Fray  Miranda  and  his  Indians.  But  our  men  having  run  out  of  ammuni- 
tion they  were  in  their  turn  finally  defeated.  My  lieutenant  was  wounded  by  a  shot 
that  knocked  him  down  from  his  horse,  and  the  clergyman,  Fray  Juan  de  Parga, 
together  with  two  soldiers,  were  killed.  The  rest  of  the  force  withdrew,  leaving  in 
the  hands  of  the  enemy,  my  lieutenant,  eight  soldiers,  and  a  few  Indians  as  prisoners, 
whom  the  infidels  treated  in  the  most  cruel  and  barbarous  manner.  After  having 
bound  the  unfortunate  Indian  prisoners,  by  the  hands  and  feet  to  a  stake,  they  set  fire 
to  them,  when  they  were  burned  up  alive.  This  horrible  sight  was  witnessed  by 
my  lieutenant  and  soldiers,  who,  naked,  were  tied  up  in  the  stocks.  Only  Fray  Angel 
de  Miranda  was  free 

The  aflliction  of  the  clergymen  is  great,  and  they  have  written  to  me  and  to  their 
prelate  urging  that  they  be  moved  away  from  the  danger  that  threatens  them 

The  enemy  released  the  clergyman,  the  lieutenant,  and  foiur  soldiers,  but  with  the 
understanding  that  each  one  was  to  pay  a  ransom  of  four  hundred  dollars,  five  cows, 
and  five  horses.  But  the  captain  whom  my  lieutenant  had  left  in  his  place,  in  charge 
of  the  defence  of  the  strong  house  at  San  Luis,  sent  word  to  the  English  governor  that 
he  would  not  send  him  anything.  Finally,  sir,  the  governor  withdrew  with  his  forces 
without  attacking  the  Strong  House,  but  not  before  he  had  succeeded  in  destroying  five 
settlements,  carrying  with  him  the  Indians  of  two  of  them,  together  with  all  the  cattle, 
horses,  and  everything  else  that  they  could  carry.  The  Indians  that  abandoned  their 
settlements  and  went  away  with  the  enemy  numbered  about  six  hundred. 

The  enemy  carried  away  the  arms,  shotguns,  pistols,  and  horses,  and  with  flags  of 
peace  marched  upon  the  Strong  House  at  old  San  Luis  in  order  to  ill  treat  the  captain 
that  was  stationed  there.* 

The  only  satisfactory  French  account  is  contained  in  a  letter 
written  by  Bienville  to  his  Government.  This  also  contains  the  best 
statement  relative  to  the  settlement  of  a  part  of  the  Apalachee 
y-efugees  near  Mobile.     I  venture  to  translate  it  as  follows: 

The  Apalachee  have  been  entirely  destroyed  by  the  English  and  the  savages. 
They  made  prisoners  thirty-two  Spaniards,  who  formed  a  garrison  there,  besides 
which  they  had  seventeen  burned,  including  three  Franciscan  fathers  (Peres 
Cordelliers),  and  have  killed  and  made  prisoner  six  or  seven  thousand  Apalachee, 
the  tribe  which  inhabited  this  country,  and  have  killed  more  than  six  thousand  head 
of  cattle  and  other  domestic  animals  such  as  horses  and  sheep.  The  Spaniards  have 
burned  the  little  fortress  which  they  had  there  and  have  all  retired  to  St.  Augustine. 
Of  all  the  Apalachee  savages  there  have  escaped  only  four  hundred  persons  who 
have  taken  refuge  in  our  river  and  have  asked  my  permission  to  sow  there  and  estab- 
lish a  village.  Another  nation,  named  Chaqueto,  which  was  established  near  Pansa- 
cola,  has  also  come  to  settle  in  our  river.  They  number  about  two  hundred  i)er8ons. 
I  asked  them  why  they  left  the  Spaniards.  They  told  me  that  they  did  not  give 
them  any  guns,  but  that  the  French  gave  them  to  all  of  their  allies.  The  English 
have  drawn  over  to  themselves  all  of  the  savages  who  were  near  the  castle  of  St.  Augus- 
tine, among  whom  there  were  Spanish  missionaries.  There  remain  to  them  [the  Span- 
iards] at  present  only  two  or  three  allied  villages  of  the  savages.  The  English  intend 
to  return  to  besiege  the  castle  of  St.  Augustine,  according  to  information  which  1  have 
received  from  the  governor  of  the  said  castle,  and  they  also  threaten  to  make  the 
French  withdraw  from  Mobille.  If  they  come  here,  which  1  do  not  believe,  they 
will  not  make  us  withdraw  easily.^ 

>  Brooks,  H8S.,  Miss  Brooks's  translation. 

sLooiilane:  Correspondence  Oto^rale,  MS.  vol.  in  Library  I^uisiana  IIi»tOTlcal  Society,  pp.  567-566. 
The  "Chaqueto"  are  the  Chatot. 

124  BUREAU  01^  AMERICA^  EtH^OLOGV  (bull.  7ft 

Farther  on  we  learn  that  the  Spanish  governor  had  offered  the 
chiefs  of  the  Apalachee  and  Chatot  very  considerable  presents  to 
return  to  Florida,  but  they  refxised/  stating  that  the  French  pro- 
tected them  better.  This  was  written  July  28,  1706,  which  tends 
to  confirm  P6nicaut's  statement  that  the  removal  occurred  toward 
the  end  of  1705.'  He  adds  that  Bienville  furnished  them  with  com 
with  which  to  plant  their  first  crop.  The  first  mention  of  Apalachee 
in  the  register  of  the  old  Catholic  church  in  Mobile  records  the  bap- 
tism of  a  little  Apalachee  boy  on  September  6,  1706.' 

P6nicaut  has  the  following  to  say  regarding  these  Apalachee: 

The  Apalachee  perform  divine  service  like  the  Catholics  in  France.  Their  grand 
feast  is  on  the  day  of  St.  Louis; '^  they  come  the  evening  before  to  ask  the  officers  of 
the  fort  to  come  to  the  fete  in  their  village,  and  they  extend  great  good  cheer  on  that 
day  to  all  who  come  there,  especially  to  the  French. 

The  priests  of  our  fort  go  there  to  perform  high  mass,  which  they  listen  to  with 
much  devotion,  singing  the  psalms  in  Latin,  as  is  done  in  France,  and,  after  dinner, 
vespers  and  the  benediction  of  the  Holy  Sacrament.  Men  and  women  are  there 
that  day  very  well  dressed.  The  men  have  a  kind  of  cloth  overcoat  and  the  women 
cloaks,  skirts  of  silk  stuff  after  the  French  manner,  except  that  they  do  not  have 
head  coverings,  their  heads  being  imcovered;  their  hair,  long  and  very  black,  ia 
braided  and  hangs  in  one  or  two  plaits  behind  after  the  manner  of  the  Spanish 
women.  Those  who  have  too  long  hair  bend  it  back  as  far  as  the  middle  of  the 
back  and  tie  it  with  a  ribbon. 

They  have  a  church,  where  one  of  our  French  priests  goes  to  say  mass  Sundays 
and  feast  days;  they  have  a  baptismal  font,  in  which  to  baptize  their  infants,  and  a 
cemetery  side  of  the  church,  in  which  there  is  a  cross,  where  they  are  buried . 

Toward  evening,  on  St.  Louis's  day,  after  the  service  is  finished,  men,  women, 
and  children  dress  in  masks;  they  dance  the  rest  of  the  day  with  the  French 
who  are  there,  and  the  other  savages  who  come  that  day  to  their  village;  'they  have 
quantities  of  food  cooked  with  which  to  regale  them.  They  love  the  French  very 
much,  and  it  must  be  confessed  that  they  have  nothing  of  the  savage  except  their 
language,  which  is  a  mixture  of  the  language  of  the  Spaniards  and  of  the  Alibamons.' 

Meantime  the  Apalachee  carried  away  by  Moore  had  been  settled 
near  New  Windsor,  South  Carolina,  below  what  is  now  Augusta, 
Georgia,  where  they  remained  xmtil  1715,  the  year  of  the  Yamasee 
uprising.  When  that  outbreak  occurred,  the  Apalachee,  as  might 
have  been  anticipated,  joined  the  hostiles,  and  from  then  on  they 
disappear  from  English  colonial  history. 

However,  the  greater  part  of  these  revolted  Apalachee  evidently 
settled  first  near  the  Lower  Creeks,  a  faction  of  whom  opposed  the 
English.  In  the  following  letter  to  the  crown  from  Gov.  Juan  de 
Ayala  of  Florida  we  get  a  view  of  the  struggle  between  these  two 
factions,  and  the  apparent  victory  of  that  in  the  English  interest, 

>  Looislanec  Correspondence  Gto^rale,  MS.  vol.  in  Library  Louisiana  Historical  Society,  pp.  621-622. 
s  Umtgry,  Dte.,  v,  pp.  400-461 . 
•Hamiltoo,  Cokmial  Mobile,  1910,  p.  109. 

*  It  will  be  remembered  that  St.  Louis  was  one  of  the  leading  Apalachee  towns  and  one  of  those  which 
ped  destructioo. 

*  Pteicaut,in  Margry,  v,  pp.  486-487. 


and  in  that  fact  we  have  an  evident  reason  for  the  return  of  the 
Apalachee  to  Florida  which  soon  took  place.     He  says: 

I  beg  to  report  to  Y.  M.  that  on  the  10th  of  July  of  the  present  year  [1717]  there  came 
to  pledge  obedience  to  Y.  M.,  Oedngulo,  son  and  heir  of  the  Emperor  of  Caveta,  accom- 
panied by  Talialicha,^  the  great  general  and  captain  of  war,  and  the  cacique  Adrian 
[the  Apalachee  chief],  who  ia  a  Christian,  together  with  fifty-eeven  Indians  their 
subjects.  They  asked  me  for  arms  and  anmiunition  for  themselves  and  their  people 
as  there  were  many  who  were  in  need  of  them. 

Their  entrance  having  been  made  with  great  public  ostentation,  I  ordered  a  salute  to 
be  fired  by  the  guns  of  the  royal  fort.  They  reached  the  government  houses  amidst 
great  rejoicings  and  their  usual  dance  and  song,  "La  Paloma,"  escorted  by  a  body  of 
infantry  which  I  had  sent  out  to  meet  them.  Myself,  together  with  all  the  ministers 
and  the  officers  of  this  garrison,  received  them  at  the  door  of  my  residence.  All  of 
which  will  more  extensively  appear  in  the  written  testimony  which  I  herewith 

They  were  splendidly  treated  and  feasted  during  the  time  they  remained  here,  not 
only  on  accoimt  of  Y.  M.,  but  also  on  my  own  and  that  of  the  city,  I  giving  over  my 
own  residence  to  the  caciques,  in  order  to  please  them  and  to  induce  them  to  return 
satisfied.  These  attentions  proved  to  be  of  great  importance,  as  I  will  mention  further. 
They  left  here  on  the  26th  of  the  same  month  of  July,'  and  I  sent  with  them,  to  go  as  far 
tm  their  provinces,  a  retired  officer,  lieutenant  of  cavalry,  named  Diego  Pena,  with 
twelve  soldiers,  in  order  that  they  might  procure,  either  by  purchase  or  exchange, 
iome  horses  for  the  company  of  this  garrison,  for  which  purpose  they  carried  with 
them  sufficient  silver  and  goods  and  a  very  gorgeous  and  costly  dress  for  the  Emperor 
as  a  present,  together  with  a  cane  and  a  fine  hat  with  plumes.  When  they  arrived  at 
a  place  called  Caveta,  situated  160  leagues  from  this  city,  which  is  the  residence  of  the 
Emperor,  they  found  there  twelve  Englishmen  and  a  negro  from  Carolina,  of  those  who 
had  been  previousl  y  engaged  in  destroying  the  country,  who  were  on  horseback .  They 
were  there  with  presents  for  the  Emperor  in  order  to  draw  him  to  their  side  and  turn 
him  from  this  government  and  from  the  obedience  pledged  to  Y.  M.  But  when  his 
son,  the  cacique,  who  had  left  here  so  much  gratified,  saw  that  his  father,  the  Emperor, 
was  consenting  to  the  presence  of  the  Englishmen  there,  he  attempted  to  take  up  arms 
against  his  ibtiier.  At  the  same  time  the  dissatisfied  Indians,  those  in  Ulyot  of  the 
English,  were  getting  ready  to  fire  on  our  aforesaid  soldiers,  which  they  would  have 
done  had  not  the  said  Osingulo  and  the  great  general  of  war,  Talichaliche,  together 
with  the  Christian  cacique  Adrian  and  the  subjects  of  his  towns,  who  were  many, 
taken  the  part  of  the  Spaniards  and  accompanied  them  back  to  this  city,  with  the 
exception  of  the  said  Osingulo,  who  started  hence  for  Pensacola  in  quest  of  arms  and 
ammunition  and  men  in  order  to  drive  the  English  away  and  punish  those  dissatisfied 
Indians  who  obeyed  his  Either.' 

To  all  intents  and  purposes,  then,  the  English  faction,  which  included 
the  head  chief  of  Coweta,  remained  masters  of  the  situation.  Shortly 
afterwards  we  hear  of  bands  of  Apalachee  asking  permission  to  estab- 
lish themselves  near  the  Spanish  settlements. 

In  1717  a  Spanish  oflGlcer  reports  Apalachee  dispersed  in  west 
Florida,  near  their  former  coimtry.*  A  part  of  them  removed,  how- 
ever, to  Pensacola,  probably  to  be  near  their  congeners  at  Mobile. 

>  BpeDed  TaUchaWche  below. 

*  Baida  (La  Florida,  p.  829)  says  the  26th  of  August. 

*  Brooks,  MSB.,  Hiss  Brooks's  translation  with  some  emendations;  also  see  Barcia,  La  Florida,  p.  329. 

*  Semno  j  Bans,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  228. 


Their  chief,  or  their  principal  chief,  was  a  certain  Juan  Marcos,  and 
Barcia  says  that  in  1718 — 

He  began  to  form  a  town  of  Apalachee  Indians,  the  people  of  his  own  nation,  in  the 
place  which  they  call  the  Rio  de  loe  Chiscas,  5  leagues  from  Santa  Maria  de  Gal  ve[Pensa- 
cola],  which  was  named  Nuestra  Sefiora  de  la  Soledad,  and  San  Luis;  for  its  peopling  he 
sent  the  Apalache  Indians  who  were  in  Santa  Maria  de  Galve  with  the  same  rations  that 
they  had  in  the  presidio;  there  came  together  in  it  more  than  a  hundred  persons; 
the  number  was  increased  every  day;  with  many  of  the  Apalache  subject  to  Movila, 
who  abandoned  their  lands  and  came  to  the  new  town,  causing  the  poet  great  expense, 
because,  as  they  did  not  have  crops,  it  was  necessary  to  give  them  daily  rations  of 
maize  until  the  following  year  when  ;ldiey'  ^ouid  gather  fruits:  Juan  Marcos  assured  his 
governor  that  others  would  come  #ho  ^ere  waiting  to  harvest  their  crops  to  return  to  the 
authority  of  the  king,  from  which  the  French  had  drawn  them.  .  .  ,  Friar  Joseph  del 
Castillo,  one  of  the  chaplains  of  the  post,  counseled  Don  Juan  Pedro  that  he  should 
ask  the  Provincial  of  Santa  Elena  for  two  curates  who  understood  the  language  of 
Apalache  well  in  order  to  teach  the  Indians  in  the  new  town  of  la  Soledad.^ 

Farther  on  we  find  the  following  among  the  items  for  the  same  year: 

July  13  two  Topocapa  Indians  came  to  Santa  Maria  de  Galve,  who  had  fled  from 
Movila  on  account  of  the  bad  treatment  of  the  French.  Don  Juan  Pedro  sent  them  to 
the  new  town  of  the  Indians  of  their  nation,  which  had  been  formed  near  the  port  of 
San  Apalache,  because  they  were  of  a  nation  subject  to  the  king,  who  had 
in  their  towns  curates  of  the  order  of  St.  Francis  of  the  province  of  Santa  Elena, 
and  all  those  who  came  in  this  manner*he  sent  to  the  people  of  their  own  nation,  enter- 
tained in  accordance  with  their  quality,  from  which  they  experienced  great  satisfac- 

It  would  seem  from  this  that  Topocapa  was  an  Apalachee  toiyn  or 
else  a  tribe  supposed  to  be  connected.^th  the  Apalachee^  The  new 
settlement  near  the  port  of  San  Marcos  de  Apalache  seems  to  have 
been  foxmded  after  La  Soledad,  partly  in  order  to  cover  a  new  Span- 
ish post.  It  was  close  to  Apalachee  Bay  and  therefore  oh  the  skirts 
of  tiie  old  Apalachee  comitry.  Further  information  regarding  the 
settlement  of  this  place  is  given  in  the  following  words: 

April  10  [1719]  there  arrived  at  Santa  Maria  de  Galve  the  chief,  Juan  Marcos,  gov- 
ernor of  the  new  town  of  la  Soledad,  who  returned  from  the  city  of  St.  Augustine,  stating 
that  he  had  come  from  founding  another  town  of  Apalaches,  near  the  port  of  San 
Marcos.  Don  Juan  Pedro  gave  him  a  garment  and  |he  gave]  another  to  the  captain 
of  the  Yamaces,  who  arrived  at  the  same  time  with  some  of  his  nation;  the  Indians  left 
very  well  satisfied,  and  on  the  17th  the  chief,  Juan  Marcos,  took  away  to  the  new  town 
many  of  the  Indians  of  the  town  of  la  Soledad.  Those  who  remained  there,  seeing  that 
their  governor  was  going,  although  he  assured  them  he  would  soon  return,  discussed 
the  election  of  a  chief,  but  they  did  not  agree  further,  and  in  order  to  avoid  disturb- 
ances came  to  Don  Juan  Pedro  that  he  might  pacify  them,  and  he  commended  them 
to  their  guardian  Father  that  he  should  persuade  them  and  that  they  should  cease 
these  disputes,  cautioning  them  that  he  would  not  entrust  to  them  ornaments  of  the 
church  until  a  curate  should  be  named  for  that  particular  town/* 

The  new  Apalachee  settlements  in  Florida  show  their  iniiuence  in 
the  baptismal  records  of  the  old  church  at  ijjobile,  for  while  there  are 

•;  t  — .  ■  — 

>  Barcia,  La  Florida,  pp.  341-342.  « Ibid.,  p.  344.     ,  UbW.,  pp.  347-34S. 

s  wanton] 



manv  entries  between  1704  and  1717,  after  that  date  there  is  a 
considerable  falling  oflf.*  When  Fort  Toulouse  was  founded,  about 
1715,  the  Tawasa  Indians,  formerly  neighbors  of  the  Apalachee,  set- 
tled near  it  among  the  Alabama.  It  is  probable  that  some  Apala- 
chee accompanied  them.  At  any  rate  a  few  known  to  be  of  Apala- 
chee descent  are  still  living  among  the  Alabama  near  Weleetka, 

At  a  considerably  later  date  we  find  two  Apalachee  towns  in  the 
territory  which  the  tribe  formerly  occupied.  Gov.  Dionisio  do  la 
Vega,  to  whom  wo  are  indebted  for  information  regarding  these,  repre- 
sents them  as  Apalachee  which  had  been  left  after  the  destruction 
of  the  province.     Writing  August  27,  1728,  he  says: 

The  entire  province  of  Apalache  became  reduced  to  two  towns.  The  one  called 
Hamaste,  distant  two  leagues  from  the  fort  [of  San  Marcos],  had  about  sixty  men, 
forty  women,  and  about  the  same  number  of  children  who  were  being  taiight  the 
doctrine.  The  other  one,  named  San  Juan  de  Guacara,  which  was  its  old  name,  had 
about  ten  men,  six  women,  and  four  children,  all  Christians.^ 

San  Juan  de  Guacara  was,  however,  originally  a  Timucua  town,  and 
the  above  settlement  may  have  been  Timucua  miscalled  "Apalache'' 
by  the  governor,  or  they  may  have  been  Apalachee  settled  on  the 
site  of  a  former  Timucua  town.  Hamaste  was  very  likely  the  town 
established  by  Juan  Marcos.  De  la  Vega  adds  that  these  towns  had 
revolted  March  20,  1727,  but  he  had  learned  that  some  of  the  Indians 
had  '*  returned  to  their  obedience,''  while  those  stiU  hostile  had  ap- 
parently withdrawn  from  the  neighborhood  of  the  fort.^  Most  of 
those  Apalachee  who  remained  in  Florida  evidently  gravitated  at 
last  to  the  vicinity  of  Pensacola,  where  they  could  also  be  near 
the  Mobile  band.     We  will  now  revert  to  these  last. 

As  already  stated,  Bienville  placed  those  Apalachee  who  sought 
his  protection  near  the  Mobile  Indians,  but  their  settlement  was 
broken  up  by  the  Alabama  and  they  took  refuge  near  the  new  Fort 
Louis.  Afterward  Bienville  assigned  them  lands  on  the  River  St. 
Martin,  a  league  from  the  fort.  **This,''  says  Hamilton,  "would  be 
at  our  Three  Mile  Creek,  probably  extending  to  Chickasabogue,  the 
St.  Louis."  He  adds  that  "The  ceDar  of  the  priest's  house  still 
exists  behind  a  sawmill  near  Magazine  Point."*  Some  time  before 
1733  they  made  another  change,  perhaps  because  so  many  had  gone 
to  Pensacola.     Says  Hamilton: 

We  know  that  at  some  time  they  moved  over  across  the  bay  from  the  city,  where 
the  eastern  mouth  of  the  Tensaw  River  still  preserves  tlieir  name.  They  seem  to 
have  lived  in  part  on  an  island  there,  for  in  Spanish  times  it  is  mentioned  as  only 
recently  abandoned.  .  .  .  Their  main  8eat  was  at  and  above  what  we  now  know  as 
Blakely.  Bayou  So!im6  proba})ly  commemorates  Salome,  so  often  named  in  the 

>  UamiltOD,  Colonial  Mobile,  pp.  109-111. 
'Brooks,  M8S. 

'  Hamilton,  op.  cit.,  p.  109. 
*  Ibid.,  p.  111. 

128  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY-  [bull.  73 

The  last  Apalachee  baptismal  notice  in  the  registers  of  the  parish 
church  at  Mobile  is  under  date  of  1751.* 

In  his  report  of  1758  De  Kerlerec  says  under  the  heading  ''Apata- 
ches,"  which  is  of  course  a  misprint  for  Apalaches: 

This  nation  of  about  30  warriors  is  situated  on  the  other  (i.  e.,  east)  side  of  Mobile 
Bay.  They  are  reduced  to  this  small  number  on  account  of  the  quantity  of  drink 
which  has  been  sold  to  them  in  trade  at  all  times;  they  are  Christians  and  have  a 
curacy  established  among  them  administered  by  a  Capuchin,  who  acquits  himself  of 
it  very  poorly. 

This  nation  has  been  attached  to  us  for  a  long  time.  It  is  divided  into  two  bands, 
one  of  which  is  on  Spanish  territory,  a  dependence  of  Pensacola.  The  warriors  who 
are  allied  with  us  (dependent  de  noiu)  are  equally  of  great  use  in  conveying  the  dis- 
patches of  Tombigbee  and  the  Alabamas,  especially  this  latter,  where  we  send  soldiers 
as  little  as  possible  on  account  of  the  too  great  ease  with  which  they  can  desert  and 
p&BB  to  the  English.' 

In  1763  all  Spanish  and  French  possessions  east  of  the  Mississippi 
passed  under  the  government  of  Great  Britain.  This  change  was 
not  at  all  to  the  liking  of  most  of  the  small  tribes  settled  about 
Mobile  Bay,  and  a  letter  of  M.  d'Abbadie,  governor  of  Louisiana, 
dated  April  10,  1764,  informs  us  that  the  Taensas,  Apalachee  and 
the  Pakana  tribe  of  the  Creeks  had  already  come  over  to  Red 
River  in  his  province,  or  were  about  to  do  so.*  We  know  that  such  a 
movement  did  actually  take  place.  Probably  the  emigrant  Apala- 
chee included  both  the  Mobile  and  the  Pensacola  bands.  SiUey, 
in  his  ''Historical  sketches  of  several  Indian  Tribes  in  Louisiana, 
south  of  the  Arkansas  River,  and  between  the  Mississippi  and  River 
Grand,"  written  in  1806,  has  the  following  to  say  regarding  this 

Appalaches,  are  likewise  emigrants  from  West  Florida,  from  off  the  river  whose 
name  they  bear;  came  over  to  Red  River  about  the  same  time  the  Boluxas  did,  and 
have,  ever  since,  lived  on  the  river,  above  Bayau  Rapide.  No  nation  have  been 
more  highly  esteemed  by  the  French  inhabitants;  no  complaints  against  them  are 
ever  heard;  there  are  only  fourteen  men  remaining;  have  their  own  language,  but 
epeak  French  and  Mobilian.^ 

Prom  the  papers  on  public  lands  among  the  American  State  Papers 
we  know  that  they  and  the  Taensa  Indians  settled  together  on  a 
strip  of  land  on  Red  River  between  Bayou  d'Arro  and  Bayou  Jean 
de  Jean.  This  land  was  sold  in  1803  to  Miller  and  Fulton,  but  only 
a  portion  of  it  was  allowed  them  by  the  United  States  conmiissioners 
in  1812  on  the  groimd  that  the  sale  had  not  been  agreed  to  by  the 
Apalachee.*  Nevertheless  it  is  probable  that  the  Apalachee  did  not 
remain  in  possession  of  their  lands  for  a  much  longer  period,  though 
they  appear  to  have  lived  in  the  same  general  region  and  to  have 

«  Hamilton,  op.  clt.,  p.  112.  ^  xm.  Antlq.,  xni,  252-25.^,  Sept.,  1891. 

flnternat.  Congress  Am.,  Compte  Rendu,  xv         *  Sibley  In  Ann.  of  Cong.,  9th  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  1085. 
.,  I,  p.  86.  *  Am.  State  Papers,  Ind.  Aff.,  u,  pp.  796-797. 


die<l  out  there  or  gradually  lost  their  identity.  At  the  present  time 
there  are  said  to  be  two  or  three  persons  of  Apalachee  blood  still 
living  in  Louisiana,  ]>ut  they  have  forgotten  their  language  and  of 
course  all  of  their  aboriginal  culture.* 


There  has  been  considerable  confusion  regarding  this  tribe,  because 
the  name  was  applied  by  the  Spaniards  from  a  very  early  period  to 
the  Lower  Creeks  generaUy,  Coweta  and  Kasihta  in  one  accoimt 
being  mentioned  as  Apalachicola  towns.*  It  is  used  in  its  general 
sense  in  the  very  earhest  place  in  the  Spanish  records  in  which  the 
name  occurs,  a  letter  dated  August  22,  1639,  and  in  the  same  way 
in  letters  of  1686  and  1688.' 

On  the  other  hand,  in  the  letter  of  1686  the  name  '^Apalachicoli*' 
is  distinctly  appUed  also  to  a  particular  town,^  and  inasmuch  as  it  is 
clearly  the  name  of  a  tribe  and  town  in  later  times  it  is  probable 
that  its  original  application  was  to  such  a  tribe  among  or  near  the 
Lower  Creeks.  From  this  the  Spaniards  evidently  extended  it  over 
the  whole  of  the  latter.  That  the  town  was  considered  important  is 
shown  by  the  Creek  name  which  it  bears,  Talwa  liko,  **Big  Town," 
and  from  Bartram's  statement  that  it  was  the  leading  White  or 
Peace  town.*  In  one  Spanish  dociunent  we  read  that  Oconee  was 
'*\mder  Apalachicolo,"  and  at  a  council  between  the  Lower  Creeks 
and  Spaniards  at  San  Marcos  about  1738  Quilate,  the  chief  of  this 
town,  spoke  for  all.®  Replying  to  a  speech  of  John  Stuart,  the 
British  Indian  agent,  delivered  in  the  Chiaha  Square,  September  18, 
1768,  a  Lower  Creek  speaker  says:  ^' There  are  four  head  men  of  us 
have  signed  our  Names  in  the  presence  of  the  whole  lower  Creeks  as 
you  will  see:  Two  of  us  out  of  the  Pallachicolas  which  is  reckoned 
the  Head  Town  of  upper  &  lower  Creeks  and  two  out  of  the  Cussi- 
taw  Town,  which  are  friend  Towns,  which  two  towns  stand  for  in 
behalf  of  the  upper  and  lower  Creeks.''  It  is  probable  that  this 
speaker  wishes  to  exaggerate  the  representative  character  of  the 
chiefs  of  these  two  towns,  but  the  important  position  assigned  to 
Apalachicola  was  not  a  mere  invention  on  his  part.  Ten  years 
later  we  find  John  Stuart  writing,  without  the  same  bias  as  that 
which   the  speaker  quoted  above  may  be  supposed  to  have  had, 

1  Infonnation  from  Dr.  Milton  Dunn,  Colfax,  La. 

>  It  appears  in  two  forms,  Apalachicoli  and  Apachicolo,  the  first  of  which  is  evidently  in  the  Hltchiti 
dialect,  the  second  in  Muskogee.    Apalachicola  is  a  compromise  term. 

*  Lowery,  MSS.;  Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Hist.,  pp.  199-201, 21$^221.    The  latter  has  made  an  unfortunate 
bhmder  in  dating  the  letter  of  168<s  as  if  It  were  1606. 

*  Serrano  7  Sane,  op.  cit.,  pp.  193, 195. 
» Bartram,  Travels,  p.  387. 

■  Copy  of  MS.  in  Ayer  Coll.,  Newberry  Library. 

148061**— 22 ^9 

130  BUREAU   OF  AlVIERTCAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

that  this  town  '^s  considered  as  the  Mother  &  Governing  Town  of 
the  whole  Nation."  * 

.  It  is  quite  probable,  as  we  shall  see  later,  that  it  was  a  tribe  of  con- 
siderable size,  often  scattered  among  several  settlements.  In  spite  of 
the  resemblance  which  its  name  bears  to  that  of  the  Apalachee  I  am 
inchned  to  think  that  there  was  only  a  remote  relationship  between  the 
two  peoples,  although  the  meanings  of  the  two  words  may  have 
been  something  ahke.  The  ending  of  the  name  resembles  oTcli,  the 
Hitchiti  word  for  "people."  Judge  G.  W.  Stidham  told  Dr. 
Gatschet  that  he  had  heard  the  name  was  derived  from  the  ridge  of 
earth  around  the  edge  of  the  square  ground  made  in  sweeping  it.' 
In  recent  times  Apalachicola  has  always  been  classed  by  the  Creeks 
as  a  Hitchiti-speaking  town,  while  the  fragment  of  Apalachee  that 
has  come  down  to  us  shows  that  language  to  have  been  an  independent 

According  to  Creek  legend  the  Apalachicola  were  foimd  in  posses- 
sion of  southwestern  Georgia  when  the  Muskogee  invaded  that  sec- 
tion.' In  1680  two  Franciscans  were  sent  into  the  Province  of 
Apalachicola  to  begin  missionary  work,  but  the  Coweta  chief  would 
not  allow  them  to  remain,  and  the  effort  was  soon  abandoned.* 

A  great  deal  of  hght  hag  been  thrown  upon  the  ethnographical 
complexion  of  the  region  along  Apalachicola  River  by  tlie  discovery 
by  Mr.  D.  I.  BushneD,  Jr.,  of  an  old  manuscript  already  alluded  to 
(p.  13),  preserved  among  the  LudweU  papei-s  in  the  archives  of  the  Vir- 
ginia Historical  Society.*  This  gives  the  account  of  an  Indian  named 
Lamhatty,  who  was  captured  by  a  band  of  "Tusckaroras,"  in  reahty 
probably  Creeks,  and  who,  after  having  been  taken  through  various 
Creek  towns,  was  sold  to  the  Shawnee.  Later  he  came  northward 
with  a  hunting  party  of  Shawnee,  escaped  from  them,  and  reached 
the  Virginia  settlements.  As  ijauch  of  his  story  as  he  was  able  to 
communicate  was  taken  down  by  Robert  Beverly,  the  liistorian,  and 
on  the  reverse  side  of  the  sheet  containing  it  was  traced  a  map  of  the 
region  through  which  Lamhatty  had  come,  as  Lamhatty  himself 
understood  it.  In  his  narrative  this  Indian  represents  himself  as 
belonging  to  the  Tawasa,  or,  as  he  spells  it,  ^^Towasa/'  people, 
which  he  says  consisted  of  10  ''nations.'^  In  the  year  1706,  however, 
the  ^'Tusckaroras^'  (or  Ci-eeks?)  made  a  descent  upon  them  and 
carried  off  three  of  the  ^'nations.''  In  the  spring  of  1707  they 
carried  off  four  more,  and  two  fled.  The  narrative  savs  ^*the  other 
two  fled,"  but  that  would  leave  one  still  to  be  accounted  for.  It  is 
difhcult  to  know  just  what  Lamhatty  means  by  the  10  ^^ nations." 
On  his  map  there  are  indeed  10  towns  laid  down  on   and  near  the 

»  English  Transcriptions,  Lib.  Cong.  <  Lowery,  MSS. 

s  Creek  Mig.  Leg.,  i,  p.  127.  »  Published  in  Amer.  Anthrop.,  n.  s.  vol.  x,  pp.  568-^74. 

>  Ibid.,  p.  250. 


lower  Apalachicola,  but  only  one  is  marked  "To^asa/*  Neverthe- 
less it  appears  likely  that  the  10  towns  are  the  ''nations"  to  which 
Lamhatty  refers,  especially  as  what  he  says  r^arding  their  fate 
may  be  made  to  fit  in  very  well  with  other  information  concerning 
them.  The  names  of  these  10  towns  are  given  as:  To^asa,  Po6hka, 
Sow611a,  Choct6uh,  Ogolatighoos,  Tomo6ka,  Ephippick,  Aulfidly, 
Socs6sky,  and  Sunep&h.  To^asa  is  of  course  the  well-known  Tawasa 
tribe.  The  five  following  may  probably  be  identified  with  the 
Pawokti,  vSawokU,  Chatot,  Yuchi,  and  a  band  of  Timucua.  This  last 
and  the  Potihka  are  the  only  ones  the  identification  of  which  is  uncer- 
tain. With  the  remaining  four  nothing  can  be  done.  Of  the  first 
six,  the  Tawasa  and  Chatot  are  known  to  have  taken  refuge  with  the 
French  and  may  have  been  the  two  that  Lamhatty  says  fled  on  the 
occasion  of  the  second  attack.*  The  band  of  Yuchi  evidently  remained 
in  this  country  much  longer  and  may  have  been  the  ''nation'*  left 
out  of  consideration.  The  three  others  identified  always  remained 
separate,  and  we  are  reduced  to  the  conclusion  that  the  four  unidenti- 
fied towns  represented  the  people  afterwards  called  Apalachicola. 
They  were  perhaps  those  carried  off  on  the  last  raid. 

Be  that  as  it  may,  the  next  we  hear  of  the  Apalachicola  they  were 
settled  upon  Savannah  River  at  a  place  known  for  a  long  time  as 
Palachocolas  or  Parachocolas  Fort,  on  the  east  or  southeast  side, 
almost  opposite  Mount  Pleasant,  and  about  50  miles  from  the  river's 
mouth.  In  1716,  after  the  Yamasee  war,  the  Apalachicola,  and  part 
of  the  Yuchi  and  Shawnee,  abandoned  their  settlements  on  the 
Savannah  and  moved  over  to  the  Chattahoochee.  The  Apalachicola 
chief  at  that  time  was  named  Cherokee  Leechee.'  The  date  is  fixed 
by  a  manuscript  map  preserved  in  South  Carolina.  They  settled  first 
at  the  junction  of  the  Fhnt  and  Chattahoochee  Rivers,  at  a  place 
known  long  afterwards  as  Apalachicola  Fort.  Later  they  abandoned 
this  site  and  went  higher  up;  in  fact,  they  probably  moved  several 

Some  early  Spanish  documents  treat  Apalachicola  and  Cherokee 
Leechee  as  distinct  towns.  Thus  in  the  directions  given  to  a  Spanish 
emissary  about  to  set  out  for  the  Lower  Ci'eek  towns  he  is  informed 
that  he  would  encounter  these  towns  in  the  following  order:  "Ta- 
maxle,- Chalaquihcha,  Yufala,  Sabacola,  Qcone,  Apalachicalo,  Oc- 
niulque,  Osuche,  Chiaja,  Casista,  Caveta. '^  This  was  evidently 
due  to  the  removal  of  a  large  part  of  the  Apalachicola  Indians  from 
the  forks  of  Chattahoochee  River  to  the  position  later  occupied  by 
the  entire  tribe,  while  some  still  remained  with  their  chief  in  the 
district  first  settled. 

1  Later  informaticm  shows,  however,  that  the  Chatot  must  have  fled  after  the  first  attack,  for  they 
had  gone  to  Mobile  before  July  28,  1706  (see  pp.  123-124). 
>  "Cberokee  killer"  in  Creek.    Brinton,  Floridian  Peninsula,  p.  141. 


Tobias  Fitch,  in  the  journal  narrating  his  proceedings  among  the 
Creeks  in  1725,  relates,  under  date  of  September  28,  that  Cherokee 
Leechee  had,  indeed,  intended  to  move  north  as  well,  but  had  been 
frightened  out  of  his  purpose  by  a  Spanish  emissary  who  represented 
that  the  English  were  trying  to  draw  away  his  people  in  order  to  send 
them  all  across  the  ocean.^  He,  too,  mentions  Apalachicola  as  a 
distinct  town. 

A  Spanish  document  gives  the  name  of  the  Apalachicola  chief  in 
1734  as  Sanachiche.'  Bartram  visited  them  in  1777  and  has  the 
following  account: 

After  a  little  refreshment  at  this  beautiful  town  [Yuchi]  we  repacked  and  set  o£f 
again  for  the  Apalachucla  town,  where  we  arrived  after  riding  over  a  level  plain,  con- 
sisting of  ancient  Indiam  plantations,  a  beautiful  landscape  diversified  with  groves 
and  lawns. 

This  is  esteemed  the  mother  town  or  capital  of  the  Creek  or  Muscogulge  confederacy; 
sacred  to  peace;  no  captives  are  put  to  death  or  human  blood  spilt  here.  And  when 
a  general  peace  is  proposed,  deputies  from  all  the  towns  in  the  confederacy  assemble 
at  thv9  capital,  in  order  to  deliberate  upon  a  subject  of  so  high  importance  for  the  pros- 
perity of  the  commonwealth. 

And  on  the  contrary  the  great  Coweta  town,  about  twelve  miles  higher  up  this 
river,  is  called  the  bloody  town,  where  the  Micos,  chiefs,  and  warriors  a88emble  when 
a  general  war  is  proposed;  and  here  captives  and  state  malefactors  are  put  to  death. 

The  time  of  my  continuance  here,  which  was  about  a  week,  was  employed  in  excur- 
sions round  about  this  settlement.  One  day  the  chief  trader  of  Apalachucla  obliged 
me  with  his  company  on  a  walk  of  about  a  mile  and  a  half  down  the  river,  to  view  the 
ruins  and  site  of  the  ancient  Apalachucla;  it  had  been  situated  on  a  peninsula  formed 
by  a  doubling  of  the  river,  and  indeed  appears  to  have  been  a  very  ^unous  capital 
by  the  artificial  mounds  or  terraces,  and  a  very  populous  settlement,  from  its  extent 
and  expansive  old  fields,  stretching  beyond  the  scope  of  the  sight  along  the  low  grounds 
of  the  river.  We  viewed  the  mounds  or  terraces,  on  which  formerly  stood  their  round 
house  or  rotunda  and  square  or  areopagus,  and  a  little  behind  these,  on  a  level  height 
or  natural  step,  above  the  low  grounds,  is  a  vast  artificial  terrace  or  four  square  mound, 
now  seven  or  eight  feet  higher  than  the  common  surface  of  the  ground;  in  front  of  one 
square  or  side  of  this  mound  adjoins  a  very  extensive  oblong  square  yard  or  artificial 
level  plain,  sunk  a  little  below  liie  common  surface,  and  surrounded  with  a  bank  or 
narrow  terrace,  formed  with  the  earth  thrown  out  of  this  yard  at  the  time  of  its  forma- 
tion; the  Creeks  or  present  inhabitants  have  a  tradition  that  this  was  the  work  of  the 
ancients,  many  ages  prior  to  their  arrival  and  possessing  this  country. 

The  old  town  was  evacuated  about  twenty  years  ago  by  the  general  consent  of  the 
inhabitants,  on  account  of  its  imhealthy  situation,  owing  to  the  frequent  inundations 
of  the  great  river  over  the  low  grounds;  and  moreover  they  grew  timorouH  and  de- 
jected, apprehending  themselves  to  be  haunted  and  possessed  with  vengeful  spirits, 
on  account  of  human  blood  that  had  been  undeservedly  spilt  in  this  old  town,  having 
been  repeatedly  warned  by  apparitions  and  dreams  to  leave  it. 

At  the  time  of  their  leaving  this  old  town,  like  the  ruin  or  dLspersion  of  the  ancient 
Babel,  the  inhabitants  separated  from  each  other,  forming  several  bands  under  the 
conduct  or  auspices  of  the  chief  of  each  family  or  tribe.  The  greatept  number,  how- 
ever, chose  to  sit  down  and  build  the  present  new  Apalachucla  town,  upon  a  high 

^  Tobias  Fitch's  Journal,  in  Mereness,  Travels,  p.  193. 

*  Copy  of  a  MS.  in  Ayer  Coll.,  Newberry  Library.  This  name  may,  however,  be  intended  for  that  of 
Tomoehlchi,  the  Yamaoraw  ohiel. 


bank  of  the  river  above  the  inundations.  The  other  bands  pursued  different  routes, 
as  their  inclinations  led  them,  settling  villages  lower  down  the  river;  some  continued 
their  migration  towards  the  sea  coast,  seeking  their  kindred  and  countrymen  amongst 
the  Lower  Creeks  in  East  Florida,  where  they  settled  themselves.^ 

While  this  account  apparently  throws  a  great  deal  of  li^ht  upon 
the  history  of  the  Apalachicola,  it  actually  introduces  many  per- 
plexities. At  the  present  time  C!oweta  is  indeed  recognized  as  the 
head  war  town  of  the  Lower  Creeks,  but  the  head  peace  town  among 
them^  so  far  as  anyone  can  now  recall,  is  and  always  was  Kasihta. 
Still,  the  name  by  which  this  Apalachicola  town  is  now  known  to  the 
Creeks  proper  is,  as  stated  above,  Tilwa  l&ko,  or  Big  Town,  from 
which  a  former  prominence  may  be  inferred.  Moreover,  in  the 
migration  l^end  told  to  Oglethorpe  the  priority  of  Apalachicola  as  a 
peace  town  seems  to  be  taught,  Kasihta  having  acquired  the  ''white'' 
character  later.'  Therefore  it  is  probable  that  this  town  did 
anciently  have  a  sort  of  precedence  among  the  peace  towns  of  the 
Lower  Creeks.  Again  it  is  perplexing  to  find  that  Bartram  appears 
to  have  been  entirely  unaware  of  the  former  residence  of  the  Apalachi- 
cola on  Savannah  River,  though  their  removal  had  not  taken  place 
much  over  60  years  earher.  In  the  light  of  other  facts  brought  out 
this  seems  stUl  more  confusing.  He  explains  the  reference  to 
''human  blood  imdeservedly  spilt  in  this  old  town"  in  a  footnote, 
which  runs  as  follows: 

About  fifty  or  sixty  years  ago  almost  all  the  white  traders  then  in  the  nation  were 
massacred  in  this  town,  whither  they  had  repaired  from  the  di£ferent  towns,  in  hopes 
of  an  asylum  or  refuge,  in  consequence  of  the  alarm,  having  been  timely  apprised  of 
the  hostile  intentions  of  the  Indians  by  their  temporary  wives.  They  all  met  together 
in  one  house,  under  the  avowed  protection  of  the  chiefs  of  the  town,  waiting  the 
event;  but  whilst  the  chiefs  were  assembled  in  council,  deliberating  on  ways  and 
means  to  protect  them,  the  Indians  in  multitudes  surrounded  the  house  and  set  fire 
to  it;  they  all,  to  the  number  of  eighteen  or  twenty,  perished  with  the  house  in  the 
flames.    The  trader  showed  me  the  ruins  of  the  house  where  they  were  burnt.' 

This  wholesale  massacre  reminds  us  so  strongly  of  the  sweeping 
character  of  the  Yamasee  rebellion,  which  the  fact  itself  can  not  have 
followed  by  many  years,  that  one  is  at  first  tempted  to  think  reference 
is  made  to  that  uprising.  But  at  that  time  the  Apalachicola  were 
upon  Savannah  River,  and,  since  the  trader  was  able  to  show  Bar- 
tram  the  ruins  of  the  house  in  which  the  unfortunate  victims  were 
burned,  it  is  evident  that  the  massacre  could  not  have  taken  place 
there.  Another  suggestion  is  that  only  part  of  the  Apalachicola 
were  on  Savannah  River,  but  of  this  we  have  not  the  slightest 
evidence.  It  is  surprising,  to  say  the  least,  that  Bartram's  trading 
acquaintance  could  not  or  would  not  tell  him  about  the  comparatively 
recent  immigration  of  this  tribe  among  the  Lower  Creeks.     The 

I  Bartram,  Tnvaii,  pp.  886-^00.  *  Bartram,  Travels,  pp.  388-389,  note. 

»  Oatwli^,  Crtek  Wg.  Leg.,  i,  pp.  344-251. 



[boll.  73 

extensive  mounds  which  Bartram  notes  must  have  owed  their 
origin  for  the  most  part  to  some  other  of  the  Lower  Creek  tribes.  It 
should  be  observed  also  that  the  people  whom  Bartram  calls  Lower 
Creeks  were  really  Seminole,  and  it  is  to  the  Seminole  that  most  of 
the  scattered  bands  of  Apalachicola  went. 

We  find  through  a  list  of  trading  assignments  made  in  1761  that 
the  '^Pallachocolas^'  were  then  assigned  to  Macartan  and  Campbell.^ 
In  1797  the  trader  was  Benjamin  Steadham.^ 

Hawkins,  in  1799,  has  the  following  to  say  r^arding  Apalachicola: 

Pa-la-chooc-le  is  on  the  right  bank  of  Chat-to-ho-che,  one  and  a  half  miles  below 
Au-he-gee  creek  on  a  poor,  pine  barren  flat;  the  land  back  from  it  is  poor,  broken,  pine 
land;  their  fields  are  on  the  left  side  of  the  river,  on  poor  land. 

This  was  formerly  the  first  among  the  Lower  Creek  towns;  a  peace  town,  averse 
to  war,  and  called  by  the  nation,  Tal-lo-wau  thluc-co  (big  town).  The  Indians  are 
poor,  the  town  has  lost  its  former  consequence,  and  is  not  now  much  in  estimation.^ 

This  confirms  Bartram  and  Tchikilli  regarding  the  former  impor- 
tance of  the  town,  and  also  shows  a  rather  early  fall  of  the  tribe  from 
its  high  estate. 

The  census  of  1832,  taken  just  before  the  removal  of  the  Creeks 
west  of  the  Mississippi,  gives  77  ''Palochokolo''  Indians,  and  162 
"Tolowarthlocko''  Indians,  besides  7  slaves.*  While  there  were  no 
doubt  two  settlements  of  these  people  at  the  time,  the  enumerator 
has  made  an  evident  error  in  giving  the  Hitchiti  name  to  one  and 
the  Creek  name,  Tilwa  lako,  to  the  other. 

The  remnant  are  to  be  found  principally  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Okmulgee,  Okla.,  a  former  capital  of  the  Creek  Nation  in  the  west. 


The  only  one  of  all  of  the  Apalachicola  River  tribes  which  main- 
tained an  existence  apart  from  the  Creek  confederacy  was  the 
Chatot — or  Chateaux  as  it  is  sometimes  called.  It  is  probable  that 
this  was  anciently  very  important,  for  La  Harpe  calls  the  Apalachicola 
River  *Ma  rividre  du  Saint-Esprit,  a  present  des  Ch&teaux,  ou  Ca- 
houitas. "  *  On  the  Lamhatty  map  an  eastern  affluent  of  the  prin- 
cipal river  delineated,  perhaps  the  Flint,  is  called  Chouctoiibab, 
apparently  after  this  tribe.®  When  we  first  get  a  clear  view  of  them 
in  the  Spanish  documents,  however,  they  were  living  west  of 
Apalachicola  River,  somewhere  near  the  middle  course  of  the 

The  first  mention  appears  to  be  in  a  letter  of  August  22,  1639, 
already  quoted,  in  which  the  governor  of  Florida  states  that  he  has 

1  Oa.  Col.  Docs.,  vm,  pp.  522-624. 
>  Qa.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  ix,  p.  171. 
*  Ibid.,  m,  p.  65. 

*  Sen.  Doc.  512, 23d  Cong.,  1st  sess.,  iv,  pp.  345-347. 

*  La  Harpe,  Jour.  Hist.,  p.  2. 

*  Ainer.  Anthrop.,  d.  s.  vol.  x,  p.  569. 


made  peace  between  the  **Chacatos,  Apalachocolos,  and  Amacanos" 
and  the  Apalachee.     He  adds : 

It  is  an  extraordinary  thing,  because  the  aforesaid  Chacatos  never  had  peape  with 

In  1674  two  missions  were  established  among  the  Chatot  Indians — 
San  Carlos  de  los  Chacatos  and  San  Nicolas  de  Tolentino.  The  same 
year  the  friars  were  threatened  by  three  Chiskas  (Yuchi)  and  appealed 
to  the  Apalachee  commandant,  Capt.  Juan  Hernandez  de  Florencia, 
who  proceeded  to  the  Chatot  country  with  25  soldiers.  In  the  cer- 
tification which  these  friars,  Fray  Miguel  de  Valverde  and  Fray 
Rodrigo  de  la  Barreda,  give  regarding  his  conduct  they  state  that 
they  had  converted  the  Chatot  chiefs  and  more  than  300  of  the  com- 
mon people.'  In  1675,  as  appears  from  a  letter  from  the  Spanish 
governor  of  Florida  to  the  crown,  the  Chatot  rebelled,  incited,  as  he 
claims,  by  the  Chiska,  wounded  Fray  Rodrigo  de  la  Barreda,  and 
drove  him  to  Santa  Cruz,  the  new  Apalachee  mission  station  on 
Apalachicola  River.'  There  he  was  protected  by  Florencia,  who  put 
an  end  to  the  disturbances,'  but  soon  afterwards  the  Chatot  aban- 
doned their  country  and  withdrew  among  the  Apalachee,  where  they 
settled  in  "  the  land  of  San  Luis. "  '  This  withdrawal  was  probably 
due  to  hostiUties  on  the  part  of  the  Chiska.  At  the  same  time  the 
two  missions  appear  to  have  been  combined  into  one  called  San 
Carlos  de  los  Chacatos  given  in  the  mission  list  of  1680  as  a  "new 
conversion."  *  In  1695  the  governor  of  Florida  writes  that  shortly 
before  the  Lower  Creeks,  whom  he  calls  **  Apalachecole, "  had  entered 
San  Carlos  de  los  Chacatos  ''and  carried  off  forty  two  Christians, 
despoiling  and  plundering  the  church. "  *  This  attack  was  only  a 
foretaste  of  what  was  to  come,  but  for  specific  information  regarding 
the  subsequent  troubles  of  these  people  we  are  obl^ed  to  turn  to 
French  and  English  sources. 

Unf  ortimately  the  similarity  between  the  words  Chatot  and  Chacta, 
or  Choctaw,  has  resulted  in  some  confusion  regarding  the  history 
of  this  tribe.  Thus  the  following  account  in  La  Harpe,  which  is 
made  to  apply  to  the  Choctaw,  probably  refers  in  reality  to  another 
English  and  Creek  attack  upon  the  Chatot: 

Jan.  7,  1706,  M.  Lambert  brought  a  Chacta  chief;  he  brought  the  news  that  this 
nation  had  been  attacked  by  four  thousand  savages,  at  the  head  of  whom  were  many 
English,  who  had  carried  away  more  than  three  hundred  women  and  children.^ 

The  following  items  should  also  be  added: 

Aug.  25  news  was  received  that  two  hundred  savages  allied  with  the  English  had 
gone  to  Pensacola,  and  that  they  had  burned  the  houses  which  were  outside  of  the 

1  Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  196;  also  Lowery,  MSB.  *  See  p.  323. 

*  Lowery y  MSS.  &  Serrano  y  Sana,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  224. 

*  Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  208.  *  La  Harpe,  Jour.  Hist.,  pp.  94-95. 

136  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

fort;  that  they  had  killed  ten  Spaniards  and  a  Frenchman,  and  made  twelve  slaves  of 
[Indians  of]  the  Apalache  and  Ohacta  Nations.' 
On  the  20th  [of   November]  two  hundred  Chacta  arrived  with  four  slaves  and 

thirteen  scalps  of  Cahouitas  and  Hiltatamahans.' 


Bienville's  account  of  tho  Chatot  migration  to  the  neighborhood  of 
Mobile  and  its  causes  has  already  been  given.'  It  seems  strange  that 
La  Harpe  nowhere  mentions  it,  but  from  what  Bienville  tells  us,  it  is 
apparent  that  it  followed  upon  the  attack  of  which  news  had  reached 
Mobile  January  7,  1706.  The  Lamhatty  narrative  merely  sa}^  that 
three  ''nations"  of  the  Tawasa  were  destroyed  first,  and  that  in  a 
second  expedition  in  the  spring  of  1707  four  more  were  swept  away.' 
P^nicaut,  usually  much  inferior  to  La  Harpe  in  his  record  of  events, 
describes  the  removal  at  some  length,  though  he  places  it  in  the  year 
1708,  at  least  two  years  too  late.     He  says: 

Some  days  afterward,  the  Chactaa,  who  were  a  nation  repelled  from  tiie  domination 
of  the  Spaniards,  arrived  at  Mobile  with  their  women  and  children  and  begged  MM. 
d'Artaguiette  and  de  Bienville  to  give  them  a  place  in  which  to  make  their  dwelling. 
Lands  were  assigned  them  at  a  place  lower  down  on  the  right,  on  the  shore  of  the  bay, 
in  a  great  arm  about  a  league  in  circuit.    It  is  still  called  to-day  T Anse  des  Chactas.^ 

Hamilton  says  that  this  Anse  des  Gaactas  extended  '*from  our 
Choctaw  Point  west  around  Garrow's  Bend.^'     He  adds: 

They  occupied  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Mobile  and  were  its  first  inhabitants. 
.  .  .  When  Bienville  selected  this  very  ground  for  new  Mobile  he  had  to  recompense 
these  Choctaws  with  land  on  Dog  River.  Maps  of  1717  and  later  show  them  on  the 
south  side  of  that  stream,  sometimes  near  the  bay,  sometimes  several  miles  up. 

He  notes  that  their  name  seems  to  survive  in  the  Choctaw  Point 
just  mentioned  and  in  an  adjacent  swamp  known  as  Choctaw  Swamp. 
Hamilton  also  cites  several  entries  referring  to  members  of  this 
tribe  in  the  baptismal  registers  between  1708  and  1729,  but  one  or 
two  of  these  may  be  true  Mississippi  Choctaw,  since  Hamilton  fails 
to  distinguish  the  two  ])eoples.'* 

In  speaking  of  tho  tribes  about  Mobile  Bay  Du  Pratz  says: 

Nearest  the  sea  on  Mobile  River  is  the  little  Chatot  Nation,  consisting  of  about 
forty  cabins;  they  are  friends  of  the  French,  to  whom  they  render  all  the  services 
which  can  be  paid  for.    They  are  Catholics  or  repute  to  be  such.® 

He  adds  that  the  French  post,  Fort  Louis,  was  just  to  the  north 
of  them.  His  information  would  apply  to  about  the  year  1738. 
According  to  the  late  H.  S.  Halbert,  of  the  ^Vlabama  State  Depart- 
ment of  Archives  and  History,  the  Choctaw  of  Mississippi  until  lately 
remembered  this  tribe,  and  stated  that  tho  Chatot  language  was  dis- 

'La  Harpe,  Jour.  Hist.,  p.  103.  <  Margry,  v,  p.  479. 

*  Amer.  Anthrop.  n.  s.  vol.  x,  p.  568.    See  p.  138.         *  Colonial  Mobile,  pp.  113-114. 
s  See  p.  123.  *  Du  I'ratz,  Uist.  de  La  Louisiane,  n,  pp.  212-213. 


tinctfrom  their  own.     Du  Pratz,  however,  in  speaking  of  the  small 

tribes  of  Mobile  Bay,  says: 

The  Chickasaws  moreover,  regard  them  as  their  brothers,  because  they  have  almost 
the  same  language,  as  well  as  thocte  to  the  east  of  Mobile  who  are  their  neighbors.^ 

This  matter  has  already  been  considered  in  full.' 

About  the  time  when  the  other  Mobile  tribes  left  to  settle  in 
Louisiana  the  Chatot  departed  also,  as  we  know  by  Sibley^s  entry 
regarding  them,  though  he  is  wrong  in  speaking  of  them  as  **  aborigi- 
nes'' of  the  part  of  Liouisiana  they  then  inhabited.  His  statement 
probably  means  that  they  had  been  one  of  the  first  tribes  to  settle 
on  Bayou  Beauf.     The  entry  is  as  follows: 

Chactooe  live  on  Bayaa  Beauf,  about  ten  miles  to  the  southward  of  Bayau  Raplde, 
on  Red  River,  toward  Appalousa;  a  small,  honest  people;  are  aborigines  of  the  country 
where  they  live;  of  men  about  thirty;  dimintshing;  have  their  own  peculiar  tongue; 
speak  Mobilian.  The  lands  they  claim  on  Bayau  Beauf  are  inferior  to  no  part  of 
Louisiana  in  depth  and  richness  of  soil,  growth  of  timber,  pleasantness  of  surface,  and 
goodness  of  water.  ^ 

Their  last  appearance  in  history  is  in  the  enumeration  of  Indian 
tribes  contained  in  Jedidiah  Morsels  Report  to  the  Secretary  of  War 
regarding  the  Indians,  where  they  are  referred  to  as  the  ^'Gaatteau," 
and  are  located  on  Sabine  River,  50  miles  above  its  mouth.*  This 
report  was  published  in  1822,  but  the  information  applies  to  the 
year  1817.  What  happened  to  them  later  we  do  not  know,  but  it 
is  probable  that  they  are  represented  by  or  in  a  Choctaw  band  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Kinder,  Louisiana. 


The  first  reference  to  the  Tawasa  is  by  Ranjel  and  the  Fidalgo  of 
Elvas.  Tawasa  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  towns  at  which  the  De 
Soto  expedition  stopped  and  is  placed  between  Ulibahali  (Holiwa- 
hali)  and  Talisi  (Tulsa).  It  is  called  by  Ranjel  Tuasi,  by  Elvas  Toasi.* 
From  this  location  it  is  evident  that  the  tribe,  or  part  of  it,  was  at 
that  time  among  the  Upper  Creeks,  but  from  Lamhatty^s  narrative 
it  appears  they  had  moved  southeast  before  1706  and  settled  some- 
where between  Apalachicola  and  Choctawhatchee  Rivers.  A  Spanish 
letter  of  1686  refers  to  the  tribe  in  one  place  as  *^  Tauasa,"  whose  chief 
was  *'  a  very  great  scoundrel,''  in  another  as  Tabara,  the  last  evidently 
a  misprint.'  It  is  impossible  to  tell  from  this  letter  whether  the 
tribe  was  where  De  Soto  found  it  or  not.     In  1706  and   1707,  as 

>  Du  Pratz,  Hist,  de  la  Louisiane,  n,  p.  214. 

s  See  Bull.  43',  Bur.  Amer.  Ettm.,  pp.  27, 33. 

>  Sibley  In  Annala  of  Congress,  9th  Cong.,  2d  sess.  ( 1806-7),  1087. 
«  Morse,  Rept.  to  Sec.  of  War,  p.  373. 

ft  Boome,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  l,  p.  85;  n,  p.  lU.    On  plates  2  accompanying,  Tawasa  (1)  and  Tulsa  (1) 
should  be  transposed. 
*  Seiraoo  y  Sans,  Doc  Hist.,  p.  196;  also  Lowery,  MSS. 

138  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  I  bull.  73 

we  know  by  the  Lamhatty  document,  they  were  partly  destroyed 
and  partly  driven  away  by  other  Indians.  As  Lamhatty  was  him- 
self a  Tawasa,  and  since  he  represents  all  of  the  ten  towns  to  have 
been  Tawasa  as  well,  it  will  be  best  to  give  his  statement  in  this 
place  in  the  form  in  which  it  was  recorded  by  Robert  Beverley: 

The  foregoing  year  y*  Tuackaroras  made  war  on  y*  Towaaafi  &  destroyed  3  of  theyr 
nations  (the  whole  consisting  of  ten)  haveing  disposed  of  theyr  prisoners  they  re- 
turned again  &  in  y*  Spring  of  y^  year  1707  they  swept  away  4  nations  more,  the  other 
2  fled,  not  to  be  heard  of.' 

The  rest  consists  of  an  accomit  of  the  personal  fortimes  of  Lam- 
hatty himself  which  do  not  concern  ns.  If  the  dates  given  are 
correct  that  set  by  Pfinicaut  for  the  appearance  of  the  Tawasa  at 
Mobile,  1705,  would  seem  to  be  an  error.  At  any  rate  we  know  that 
the  Tawasa,  or  a  port  of  them,  did  seek  refuge  with  the  French. 
P^nicaut's  accoimt  of  their  coming  is  as  follows: 

In  the  beginning  of  this  year  [1705]  a  nation  of  savagos,  named  the  ToOachas,  came  to 
find  M.  de  Bienville  at  Mobile  in  order  to  ask  of  him  a  place  in  which  to  establish  itself; 
he  indicated  to  them  a  piece  of  land  a  league  and  a  half  below  the  fort,  where  they 
remained  while  we  were  established  at  Mobile.  These  savages  are  good  hunters,  and 
they  bring  to  us  every  day  all  kinds  of  game.  They  brought  in  addition  to  their  mova- 
bles, much  com  with  which  to  sow  the  lands  which  M.  de  Bienville  had  given  them. 
They  had  left  the  Spaniards  to  come  to  live  on  the  French  soil,  because  they  were 
every  day  exposed  to  the  incursions  of  the  Alibamons,  and  they  were  not  supported  by 
the  Spaniards.' 

In  1710,  according  to  the  same  authority,  the  year  in  which  the 
position  of  the  post  of  Mobile  was  changed,  the  Indians  were  relo- 
cated also,  or  at  least  some  of  them,  and  he  says : 

The  Taouachas  were  also  placed  on  the  river  [Mobile],  adjoining  the  Apalaches  and 
one  league  above  them.  They  had  also  left  the  Spaniards  on  account  of  wars  with  the 
Alibamons;  they  are  not  Christians  like  the  Apalaches,  the  only  Christian  nation  which 
has  come  from  the  neighborhood  of  the  Spaniards.^ 

Whether  due  to  persistent  tradition  regarding  the  early  home  of 
this  tribe  or  to  the  fact  that  some  individuals  belonging  to  it  did 
remain  in  their  old  country,  we  find  a  Tawasa  town  laid  down  among 
the  Lower  Creeks  on  several  maps,  as,  for  instance,  the  Purcell  map 
(pi.  7). 

It  is  strange  that,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Chatot,  La  Harpe  is  silent 
regarding  the  time  when  these  people  came  to  Mobile  or  the  circum- 
stances attending  their  coming,  but  there  are  notes  in  his  work  which 
attest  that  they  were  certainly  there.  Thus  he  says  that ' '  in  the  month 
of  March  [1707]  the  Parcagoules  [Pascagoula]  declared  war  on  the 
Touacha  Nation.  M.  de  Bienville  reconciled  them."*  The  16th 
of  the  following  November  ho  notes  that  '^some  Touachas  came  to 
the  fort  with  four  scalps  and  a  young  slave  of  the  iVlbika  [Abihka] 

1  Amer.  Anthrop.,  n.  s.  vol.  x,  p.  668.  ■  Ibid.,  p.  486. 

I  Ptoicaut  in  Margryy  v,  p.  457.  *  La  Harpc,  Jour.  Hist.,  p.  101. 


Nation/'  *  Neither  La  Harpe  nor  P^nicaut,  however,  drops  a  hint 
about  the  time  or  manner  of  their  leaving  Mobile.  Hamilton  has  the 
following  to  say  of  them  in  addition  to  what  P^nicaut  tells  us: 

The  only  mention  of  them  noticed  in  the  church  registers  is  where,  in  1716,  Huv^ 
baptized  Marguerite,  daughter  of  a  savage,  slave  of  Commissary  Ducloe,  and  a  free 
Taouache  woman.  The  godmother  was  Marguerite  Le  Sueur.  What  became  of  them 
we  do  not  certainly  know,  but  it  would  seem  probable  that  as  early  as  1713  they  had 
made  some  change  of  residence.  The  creek  Toucha,  emptying  into  Bayou  Sara  some 
distance  east  of  Cleveland's  Station  on  the  M.  &  B.  R.  R.,  or,  according  to  some,  into 
Mobile  River  at  Twelve  Mile  Island,  would  seem  even  yet  to  perpetuate  this  location, 
which  corresponds  nearly  with  Delisle's  map,  and  one  of  1744.  As  Touacha,  it  occurs 
a  number  of  times  in  Spanish  documents.^ 

Hamilton's  belief  that  the  tribe  had  made  some  change  of  residence 
as  early  as  1713  is  evidently  founded  on  P^nicaut's  statement  that 
the  Taensa  were  brought  to  Mobile  that  year  and  given  *'  the  planta- 
tion [habitation]  where  the  Chaouachas  [Tawasa]  had  formerly  been 
located,  within  two  leagues  of  our  fort."  *  However,  we  know  that 
this  event  must  have  taken  place  in  the  year  1715.* 

The  removal  of  the  Tawasa  I  believe  to  have  been  due  to  the  estab- 
lishment of  Fort  Toulouse,  or  the  Alabama  Fort  as  it  is  also  called, 
at  the  junction  of  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosa.  P6nicaut  sets  this 
down  among  the  events  of  the  year  1713,*^  but  some  of  the  other  hap- 
penings recorded  by  him  for  the  same  year,  such  as  the  removal  of 
the  Taensa  noted  above  and  the  outbreak  of  the  Yamasee  war, 
belong  properly  to  1715.  I  can  not  avoid  the  conclusion  that  the 
establishment  of  this  post  took  place  in  the  year  1715,  Bienville 
having  taken  advantage  of  the  Yamasee  uprising  to  strengthen  him- 
self in  that  quarter.  At  any  rate  it  must  have  been  between  1713 
and  1715,  and  it  is  an  important  point  that  just  at  this  time  the 
Tawasa  disappear.  The  mention  of  a  Tawasa  in  the  baptismal  records 
of  1716  need  not  trouble  us,^  for  the  woman  there  referred  to,  although 
free,  had  married  a  slave  and  probably  remained  behind  when  her 
people  migrated  to  their  new  settlement.  Their  name  occurs  again  in 
the  French  census  of  1760,  when  two  bodies  are  given,  one  settled  >\dth 
the  Fus-hatchee  Indians  on  the  Tallapoosa,  4  leagues  from  Fort  Tou- 
louse, the  other  forming  an  independent  body  7  leagues  from  that  post.* 
When  next  we  hear  of  them  it  is  from  Hawkins  in  1799,  and  they  are 
on  Alabama  River  below  the  old  French  post,  and  are  reckoned  as 
one  of  the  four  towns  of  the  Alabama  Indians.^ 

^  La  Harpe,  Jour.  Hist.,  p.  103. 

s  Hamilton,  Col.  Mobile,  pp.  112-113. 

« Margry,  IWc.,  v,  p.  509. 

«  La  Harpe,  op.  cit.,  pp.  llS-119. 

*  Margry,  op.  dt.,  p.  511. 

•  Miss.  Prov.  Arch.,  i,  pp.  94-95. 

'  HawUns's  description  of  the  Tawasa  town  as  it  existed  in  1799  is  given,  along  with  descriptions  of  the 
other  Alabama  towns,  on  pp.  197-198. 


The  fact  of  this  removal  from  Mobile  Bay  to  the  upper  Alabama 
is  confirmed  from  the  Indian  side  by  Stiggins  in  giving  what  he 
supposes  to  be  the  history  of  all  of  the  Alabama  Indians.     He  says: 

The  first  settlement  we  find  in  tracing  the  Alabamas  (a  branch  of  the  Creek  or 
Ispocoga  tribe)  is  at  the  confluence  of  the  Alabama  River  and  Tensaw  Lake,  near  the 
town  of  Stockton,  in  Baldwin  County.  Their  settlements  extended  up  the  lake  and 
river  as  far  as  Fort  Mimbs;  their  town  sites  and  other  settlements  they  called  Towassee, 
and  at  this  time  they  call  that  extent  of  country  Towassee  Talahassee,  which  is  Towas- 
see Old  Town.  The  white  settlers  of  the  place  call  it  the  Tensaw  settlement.  The 
Indians  say  traditionally  that  at  the  time  of  their  lesidence  there  that  they  were  a 
very  rude,  barbarous  set  of  people  and  in  a  frightful  state  of  ignorance:  their  missile 
weapons  for  both  war  and  subsistence  were  bows  and  arrows  made  of  cane  and  pointed 
with  flint  or  bone  sharpened  to  a  point.  With  the  same  weapons  they  repelled  their 
foe  in  time  of  war;  in  the  wintertime  they  got  their  subsistence  in  the  forest,  and  they 
made  use  of  them  to  kill  their  fish  in  the  shallow  parts  of  the  lakes  in  the  summer 
season.  They  say  very  jocosely  they  consider  that  at  this  time  were  they  to  meet  one 
of  their  ancestors  armed  in  ancient  manner,  and  dressed  in  full  habiliment  with  buck- 
skin of  his  own  manufacture  that  it  would  inspire  them  with  dread  to  l)ehold  his 
savage  appearance.  They  very  often  make  mention  of  their  forefathers  of  that  age 
calling  it  the  time  when  their  ancestors  made  an  inhuman  appearance,  by  which  we 
may  judge  that  the  then  state  of  their  forefathers  has  been  handed  down  to  them  as 
a  very  rude  and  frightful  state  almost  beyond  conception.  They  do  not  pretend  to 
any  traditional  account,  when  or  for  what  they  emigrated  to  this  distance.  They 
have  a  tradition  that  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  ancient  Towassee  for  some  reason 
unknown  to  them  were  carried  o£f  on  shipboard  by  the  French  or  some  other  white 
people  many  years  since.  It  must  have  been  in  consequence  of  said  interruption 
when  the  Towassee  settlement  was  depopulated  and  carried  off  on  shipboard  that 
the  remaining  part  of  the  tribe  removed  up  the  river  and  made  the  settlements  and 
towns  Autauga  and  Towassee  in  the  bend  of  the  river  below  the  city  of  Montgomery, 
where  they  resided  to  the  close  of  their  hostile  movements  in  the  year  of  eighteen 
hundred  and  thirteen.^ 

From  this  it  appears  that  Autauga,  the  Alabama  town  farthest 
downstream,  was  settled  by  the  same  people.^  From  the  records 
available  we  learn  nothing  regarding  the  supposed  deportation  of 
part  of  the  tribe,  but  it  is  quite  likely  that  some  members  embarked 
on  sailing  vessels,  or  Stiggins  may  have  confused  the  Natchez  story 
with  this.  I  have  alreacly  given  my  own  explanation  of  the  Tawasa 
removal  to  the  upper  Alabama.''  There  is  nothing  to  indicate  any 
break  in  the  amicable  relations  existing  between  this  tribe  and  the 

We  may  mfer  that  their  ancient  occupancy  of  this  region,  as 
evidenced  by  the  De  Soto  narratives,  had  something  to  do  in  deter- 
mining them  to  return  to  it  when  Fort  Toulouse  was  founded.  And 
it  is  also  probable  that  their  language  was  not  very  distantly  related 
to  Alabama.  At  any  rate,  from  this  time  on  they  followed  the 
fortunes  of  the  Alabama  tribe.     Not  long  after  the  time  to  which 

1  stiggins,  MS.  >  See  p.  139. 

I  Hawkins's  description  of  Autauga  in  1799  is  on  p.  197. 


Hawkinses  description  applies  the  Alabama  divided,  part  moving 
into  Louisiana  to  be  near  the  French,  part  remaining  with  the  Eng- 
lish and  subsequently  accompanying  the  rest  of  the  Creeks  into 
what  is  now  Oklahoma.  Some  of  the  Tawasa  evidently  went  to 
Louisiana,  because  the  name  is  still  remembered  by  the  descendants 
of  that  portion  of  the  tribe  and  the  father  of  one  of  my  most  intelligent 
informants  among  them  was  a  Tawasa.  The  majority,  however, 
would  seem  to  have  remained  with  the  Creeks,  since  Tawasa  and 
Autauga  are  the  only  names  of  Alabama  towns  which  appear  on 
the  census  roll  of  1832.^ 

In  Hawkins's  time  Pawokti  was  the  name  of  one  of  the  four  Alabama 
towns.  From  the  resemblance  between  the  name  of  the  tribe  and 
and  Pouhka,  one  of  those  given  on  the  Lamhatty  map,^  and  from 
the  fact  that  two  other  Alabama  towns,  Tawasa  and  Autauga,  are 
known  to  have  come  from  the  same  region,  it  may  be  suspected 
that  the  two  were  identical  and  that  the  Pawokti  and  Tawasa  had 
had  similar  histories. 

Hawkins's  description  of  the  town  occupied  by  this  tribe  as  it 
existed  in  1799  is  given  with  his  account  of  the  other  Alabama 
towns  on  page  197.' 


The  earliest  home  of  the  Sawokli  of  which  we  have  any  indication 
was  upon  or  near  the  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  probably  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Choctawhatchee  Bay.  Thus  Barcia  refers  to  ''the 
Provinces  of  Pancacola,  Sabacola,  and  others,  upon  the  ports  and 
bays  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,"*  and  the  position  above  given  agrees 
very  well  with  that  assigned  to  them,  imder  the  name  ''Sowoolla," 
upon  the  Lamhatty  map.* 

In  a  letter  written  in  the  year  1680  Gov.  Cabrera  of  Florida  says: 

The  (^azique  Saucola,  distant  forty  leagues  from  Apalache,  came  [to  the  Apalache 
missioiiB]  and  three  monks  went  [back]  with  him,  but  with  no  results.* 

Fray  Francisco  Gutierrez  de  Vera,  writing  May  19,  1681,  from 
this  new  province,  is  naturally  more  optimistic  than  Cabrera,  who 
was  by  no  means  favorable  to  the  missionaries.     He  says: 

Thirty  adults  have  been  baptized  in  two  months,  including  the  head  chief  and 
two  sons,  and  his  stepfather,  and  now,  on  knowing  the  prayers,  his  mother  will  be 
also,  the  casique  govemador,  his  wife,  and  three  children,  and  a  grandson  who  has  no 
family,  five  sons  of  the  principal  enixa,  two  henixaSj  and  other  leading  men  vdth 
their  wives  and  families.^ 

1  Sen.  Doc.  512,  23d  Cong.,  1st.  sess.,  pp.  258-259;  *  Barcia,  La  Florida,  p.  324. 

Schoolcraft,  Ind.  Tribes,  rv,  p.  678.  '^  Amer.  j^nthrop.,  n.  s.  vol.  x,  p.  671. 

*  Amer.  Antbrop.,  n.  s.  vol.  x,  p.  571 .  •  Lowery,  MSS. 

*  Ga.  Hist.  See.  Colls.,  m,  p.  36. 



[bull.  73 

The  enixa  or  Jienixa  was  of  course  the  heniha  or  '* second  man'* 
of  the  Creeks.  This  reference  shows  that  the  customs  of  the  Sawokli 
were  even  then  similar  to  those  of  the  Creeks  proper. 

The  SawokU  mission  was  evidently  stopped  shortly  afterwards  by 
those  influences  which  had  brought  the  Apalachicola  mission  to  a  pre- 
mature end,  particularly  the  hostile  attitude  of  the  English. 

I  have  ventured  a  guess  that  this  was  one  of  the  three  '*  nations'* 
carried  off  by  hostile  Indians  in  1706.*  At  any  rate,  the  next  we 
hear  of  them  they  are  living  among  the  Lower  Creeks.  They  are 
mentioned,  without  being  definitely  located,  in  a  Spanish  letter  of 

The  De  Crenay  map  of  1733  shows  a  town  called  *'Chaouakale'' 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  Chattahoochee,  and  another, ''  Chaogouloux, " 
eastward  of  the  Flint  (pi.  5).  It  seems  probable  that  part  of  the 
tribe  at  least  settled  first  near  Ocmulgee  River,  because  on  the  Moll 
map  of  1720  they  are  placed  on  the  west  bank  of  a  southern  affluent 
of  that  stream.  The  name  appears  in  a  few  later  maps — for  instance, 
the  Homann  map  of  1759 — but  none  of  these,  except  the  De  Crenay 
map  above  mentioned,  shows  a  Sawokli  town  on  the  Chattahoochee 
until  1795,  when  it  appears  between  the  Apalachicola  town  and  the 
mouth  of  the  Flint.  This  is  repeated  on  some  subsequent  maps. 
However,  there  is  every  reason  to  believe  that  they  had  been  on 
Chattahoochee  River  ever  since  the  Yamasee  war.  They  appear  in 
the  Spanish  enumeration  of  1738  and  the  French  estimat<3s  of  1750 
and  1760.*  In  1761  the  Sawokli  trading  house  was  owned  by  Crook 
&  Co.*  Sawokli  occurs  also  in  the  lists  of  Creek  towns  given  by 
Bartram,*^  Swan,"  and  Hawkins.'  Some  of  these  contain  a  big  and  a 
little  Sawokli,  and  Hawkins  gives  the  following  description  of  the  two 
as  they  existed  in  his  lime: 

Sau-woo-ge-lo  is  six  miles  below  0-co-nee,  on  the  right  ])ank  of  the  river  [the  Chatta- 
hoochee], a  new  settlement  in  the  open  pine  forest.  Below  this,  for  four  and  a  half 
miles,  the  land  is  flat  on  the  river,  and  much  of  it  in  the  bend  is  good  for  com.  Here 
We-lau-ne,  (yellow  water)  a  fine  flowing  creek,  joins  the  river;  and  still  lower,  Co- wag- 
gee,  (partridge),*  a  creek  sixty  yards  wide  at  its  mouth.  Its  source  is  in  the  ridge 
dividing  its  waters  from  Ko-e-ne-cuh,  Choc^tan  hatche  and  Telague  hache,®  they  have 
some  settlements  in  this  neighborhood,  on  good  land. 

Sau-woog-e-loo-che  is  two  miles  above  Sau-woo-ge-lo,  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river, 
in  oaky  woods,  which  extend  back  one  mile  to  the  pine  forest;  they  have  about 
twenty  families,  and  plant  in  the  bends  of  the  river;  they  have  a  few  cattle. '" 

Besides  the  Big  and  Little  Sawokli  which  Hawkins  describes  there 
was  at  a  very  early  date  a  northern  branch  living  in  the  noigliborhood 

»  Amer.  Anthrop.,  n.  s.  vol.  x,  p.  5t\y<. 

«  Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  228. 

»  MS.,  Ayer  Coll.;  Jkliss.Prov.  Arch.,  i,  p.  96. 

*  Ga.  Col.  Docs.,  vin,  pp.  522-524. 
(>  Bartram,  Travels,  p.  462. 

•  Bchooleraft,  Ind.  Tribes,  v,  p.  262. 
'  Qa.  Hist.  Soc.  CoUs.,  m,  p.  25. 

»"  Partridge"  Is  probably  a  mist  niaslat ion,  the 
name  being  a  contraction  of  Okawaigl  (see  below). 

"The  words  "Choc-tan  hatcho  jind  Telague 
hache"  are  wanting  In  the  MS.  in  the  Library 
of  Congress. 

w  CJa.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  in,  pp.  tVMiO. 


of  the  Kasihta  and  Coweta.  In  a  Spanish  document  dated  1738  this 
seems  to  be  called  ''Tamaxle  Nuevo^'  and  is  represented  as  the 
northernmost  of  the  Lower  Creek  towns,*  but  it  is  usually  known  by 
a  variant  of  the  tribal  name  now  under  discussion,  although  the  initial 
consonant  is  sometimes  ch  rather  than  s.  One  of  the  two  names  given 
above  as  appearing  on  the  De  Crenay  map  evidently  refers  to  this  band, 
but  which  is  uncertain.  In  the  Spanish  census  of  1750  it  occurs 
again  in  the  distorted  form  ^'Couacalfi/'  *  and  in  the  French  census 
of  1760  it  is  spelled  *'Chaouakl6''  and  placed  between  Kasihta  and 
Coweta.'  Finally,  one  of  my  best  Indian  informants — a  man  who 
was  bom  in  the  country  of  the  Lower  Creeks  in  Alabama — remem- 
bered that  there  were  two  distinct  towns  called  Sawokli  and  Tca- 
wokli,  both  of  which  ho  believed  to  belong  to  the  Hitchiti  group. 
This  latter  probably  gave  its  name  to  a  branch  of  Uphapee  Creek 
called  Chewockeleehatcheo  Creek,  which  in  turn  furnished  the  desig- 
nation for  a  body  of  Tulsa  who  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  Sawokli 
tribe.^  If  we  may  trust  the  census  of  1832,  a  village  inhabited  by 
Kasihta  bore  the  same  name.* 

The  towns  of  Okawaigi  (or  Kawaigi)  and  Okiti-yagani  are  said  to 
have  branched  oflF  from  the  Sawokh.  The  former  is  probably  one  of 
the  Sawokli  towns  which  appear  in  the  French  census.  The  latter  is 
evidently  the  *^  Oeyakbe ''  of  the  same  list,*  and  the  '*  Weupkees ''  of  the 
census  of  1761,*  in  which  the  name  has  been  translated  into  Muskogee, 
Oiyakpi,  "water  (or  river)  fork.''  Manuel  Garcia,  a  Spanish  officer 
sent  against  the  adventurer  Bowles,  mentions  it  in  the  grossly  dis- 
torted form  "Hogue  6hotehanne."'  Okawaigi  and  Okiti-yakani  are 
both  in  Hitchiti,  the  first  signifying '  'Place  to  get  water,'*  and  the  second 
*' Zigzag  stream  land."  They  are  in  the  census  list  of  1832  along  with 
still  another  Sawokli  off  branch  called  Hatchee  tcaba  [Hatci  tcaba] ' 
which  is  to  be  distinguished  carefully  from  an  Upper  Creek  town 
of  the  same  name,  a  branch  of  Kealedji.'  After  accompanying  the 
other  Creeks  west  the  Sawokli  soon  gave  up  their  independent  busk 
ground  and  united  with  the  Hitchiti.  Their  descendants  are  living 
near  Okmulgee,  the  former  capital  of  the  Creek  Nation  in  the  west. 


Westward  of  the  tribes  just  considered,  and  probably  immediately 
west  of  the  Sawokli,  the  Spanish  ^'Province  of  Sabacola, "  lived 
anciently  the  Pensacola.  Their  name,  properly  Pa°shi  okla,  ''Bread 
People,"  is  Choctaw  or  from  a  closely  related  tongue,  but  we  know 

>  MS.  in  Ayer  Coll.,  Newberry  Lib.    This  docu-         ^  Ga.  Col.  Docs.,  viii,  522. 
ment  incidentally  serves  as  an  additional  argument         <  ^'opy  of  MS.  in  A  yer  Coll.,  Newberry  Library, 
for  the  Hitchiti  connection  of  the  Tamali  Indians.         »  Sen.  Doc.  512,  23d  Cong.,  1st  sess.,  pp.  342-344; 

«  Mis?.  Prov.  Arch.,  i,  p.  96.  Ala.  Hist.  Soc.  Misc.  Colls.,  1,  p.  396. 

«  See  p.  245.  •  See  p.  272. 

« See  p.  226. 

144  BUREAU   OF   AMERU^AN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

next  to  nothing  regarding  the  people  themselves.  Our  earliest 
information  of  value  concerning  any  of  the  people  of  this  coast  is 
contained  in  the  relation  of  Cabeza  de  Vaca,  who  encountered  them 
in  1528  on  his  way  westward  from  the  Apalachee  country  by  sea 
with  the  remains  of  the  Narvaez  expedition.  Although  none  of  the 
tribes  which  the  explorers  met  is  mentioned  by  name  there  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  one  of  them  was  the  Pensacola.     He  says: 

That  bay  from  which  we  started  is  called  the  Bay  of  the  Horses.  We  sailed  seven 
days  among  those  inlets,  in  the  water  waist  deep,  without  signs  of  anything  like  the 
coast.  At  the  end  of  this  time  we  reached  an  island  near  the  shore.  My  barge  went 
ahead,  and  from  it  we  saw  five  Indian  canoes  coming.  The  Indians  abandoned 
them  and  left  them  in  our  hands,  when  they  saw  that  we  approached.  The  other 
barges  went  on  and  saw  some  lodges  on  the  same  island,  where  we  found  plenty  of  ruffs 
and  their  eggs,  dried,  and  that  was  a  very  great  relief  in  our  needy  condition.  Hav- 
ing taken  them, we  went  further,  and  two  leagues  beyond  found  a  strait  between  the 
island  and  the  coast,  which  strait  we  christened  San  Miguel,  it  being  the  day  of  that 
saint.  Issuing  from  it  we  reached  the  coast,  where  by  means  of  the  five  canoes  I  had 
taken  from  the  Indians  we  mended  somewhat  the  barges,  making  washboards  and 
adding  to  them  and  raising  the  sides  two  hands  above  water. 

Then  we  set  out  to  sea  again,  coasting  towards  the  River  of  Palms.  Every  day  our 
thirst  and  hunger  increased  because  our  supplies  were  giving  out,  as  well  as  the  water 
supply,  for  the  pouches  we  had  made  from  the  legs  of  our  horses  soon  became  rotten 
and  useless.  From  time  to  time  we  would  enter  some  inlet  or  cove  that  reached  very 
far  inland,  but  we  found  them  all  shallow  and  dangerous,  and  so  we  navigated  thjrough 
them  for  thirty  days,  meeting  sometimes  Indians  who  fished  and  were  poor  and 
wretched  people. 

At  the  end  of  these  thirty  days,  and  when  we  were  in  extreme  need  of  water  and 
hugging  the  coast,  we  heard  one  night  a  canoe  approaching.  When  we  saw  it  we 
stopped  and  waited,  but  it  would  not  come  to  us,  and,  although  we  called  out,  it 
would  neither  turn  back  nor  wait.  It  being  night,  we  did  not  follow  the  canoe,  but 
proceeded.  At  dawn  we  saw  a  small  island,  where  we  touched  to  search  for  water, 
but  in  vain,  as  there  was  none.  While  at  anchor  a  great  storm  overtook  us.  We 
remained  there  six  days  without  venturing  to  leave,  and  it  being  five  days  since  we 
had  drunk  anything  our  thirst  was  so  great  a»  to  compel  us  to  drink  salt  water,  and 
several  of  us  took  such  an  excess  of  it  that  we  lost  suddenly  five  men. 

I  tell  this  briefly,  not  thinking  it  necessary  to  relate  in  particular  all  the  distress  and 
hardships  we  bore.  Moreover,  if  one  takes  into  account  the  place  we  were  in,  and  the 
slight  chances  of  relief,  he  may  imagine  what  we  suffered.  Seeing  that  our  thirst  was 
increasing  and  the  water  was  killing  us,  while  the  storm  did  not  abate,  we  agreed  to 
trust  to  God,  our  Lord,  and  rather  risk  the  perils  of  the  sea  than  wait  there  for  cer- 
tain death  from  thirst.  So  we  left  in  the  direction  we  had  seen  the  canoe  going  on 
the  night  we  came  here.  During  this  day  we  found  ourselves  often  on  the  verge  of 
drowning  and  so  forlorn  that  there  was  none  in  our  company  who  did  not  expect  to 
die  at  any  moment. 

It  was  our  Lord's  pleasure,  who  many  a  time  shows  Ilis  favor  in  the  hour  of  greatest 
distress,  that  at  sunset  we  turned  a  point  of  land  and  found  there  shelter  and  much 
improvement.  Many  canoes  came  and  the  Indians  in  them  spoke  to  us,  but  turned 
back  without  waiting.  They  were  tall  and  well  built,  and  carried  neither  bows  nor 
arrows.  We  followed  t  hem  to  their  lodges,  which  were  nearly  along  the  inlet,  and 
landed,  and  in  front  of  the  lodges  we  saw  many  jars  with  water,  and  great  quantities 
of  cooked  fish.    The  chief  of  that  land  offered  all  to  the  governor  and  led  him  to 


his  abode.  The  dwellings  were  of  matting  and  seemed  to  be  pennanent.  When  we 
entered  the  home  of  the  chief  he  gave  us  plenty  of  fish,  while  we  gave  him  of  our 
maize,  which  they  ate  in  our  presence,  asldng  for  more.  So  we  gave  more  to  them, 
and  the  governor  presented  him  with  some  trinkets.  While  with  the  cacique  at  his 
lodge,  half  an  hour  after  sunset,  the  Indians  suddenly  fell  upon  us  and  ux)on  our  sick 
people  on  the  beach. 

They  also  attacked  the  house  of  the  cacique,  where  the  governor  was,  wounding 
him  in  the  face  with  a  stone.  Those  who  were  with  him  seized  the  cacique,  but 
as  his  people  were  so  near  he  escaped,  leaving  in  our  hands  a  robe  of  marten-ermine 
skin,  which,  I  believe,  are  the  finest  in  the  world  and  give  out  an  odor  like  amber 
and  musk.  A  single  one  can  be  smelt  so  far  off  that  it  seems  as  if  there  were  a  great 
many.    We  saw  more  of  that  kind,  but  none  like  these. 

Those  of  us  who  were  there,  seeing  the  governor  hurt,  placed  him  aboard  the  barge 
and  provided  that  most  of  the  men  should  follow  him  to  the  boats.  Some  fifty  of  us 
remained  on  land  to  face  the  Indians,  who  attacked  thrice  that  night,  and  so  fiuiously 
as  to  drive  us  back  every  time  further  than  a  stone's  throw. 

Not  one  of  us  escaped  unhiurt.  I  was  wounded  in  the  face,  and  if  they  had  had 
more  arrows  (for  only  a  few  were  found)  without  any  doubt  they  would  have  done  us 
great  harm.  At  the  last  onset  the  Captains  Dorantes,  Pefialosa  and  Tellez,  with 
fifteen  men,  placed  themselves  in  ambush  and  attacked  them  from  the  rear,  causing 
them  to  flee  and  leave  us.  The  next  morning  I  destroyed  more  than  thirty  of  their 
canoes,  which  served  to  protect  us  against  a  northern  wind  then  blowing,  on  account 
of  which  we  had  to  stay  there,  in  the  severe  cold,  not  ventiuing  out  to  sea  on  account 
of  the  heavy  storm.  After  this  we  again  embarked  and  navigated  for  three  days, 
having  taken  along  but  a  small  supply  of  water,  the  vessels  we  had  for  it  being  few. 
So  we  found  ourselves  in  the  same  plight  as  before. 

Continuing  onward,  we.entered  a  firth  and  there  saw  a  canoe  with  Indians  approach- 
ing. As  we  hailed  them  they  came,  and  the  governor,  whose  barge  they  neared  first, 
asked  them  for  water.  They  offered  to  get  some,  provided  we  gave  them  something 
in  which  to  carry  it,  and  a  Christian  Greek,  called  Doroteo  Teodoro  (who  has  already 
been  mentioned) ,  said  he  would  go  with  them .  The  governor  and  others  vainly  tried  to 
dissuade  him,  but  he  insisted  upon  going  and  wentj  taking  along  a  negro,  while  the 
Indians  left  two  of  their  number  as  hostages.  At  night  the  Indians  returned  and 
brought  back  our  vessels,  but  without  water;  neither  did  the  Christians  return  with 
them.  Those  that  had  remained  as  hostages,  when  their  people  spoke  to  them, 
attempted  to  throw  themselves  into  the  water.  But  our  men  in  the  barge  held  them 
back,  and  so  the  other  Indians  forsook  their  canoe,  leaving  us  very  despondent  and 
sad  for  the  loss  of  those  two  Christians. 

In  the  morning  many  canoes  of  Indians  came,  demanding  their  two  companions, 
who  had  remained  in  the  barge  as  hostages.  The  governor  answered  that  he  would 
give  them  up,  provided  they  returned  the  two  Christians.  With  those  people  there 
came  five  or  six  chiefs,  who  seemed  to  us  to  be  of  better  appearance,  greater  authority 
and  manner  of  composure  than  any  we  had  yet  seen,  although  not  as  tall  as  those  of 
whom  we  have  before  spoken.  They  wore  the  hair  loose  and  very  long,  and  were 
clothed  in  robes  of  marten,  of  the  kind  we  had  obtained  previously,  some  of  them 
done  up  in  a  very  strange  fashion,  because  they  showed  patterns  of  fawn-colored  furs 
that  looked  very  well. 

They  entreated  us  to  go  with  them,  and  said  that  they  would  give  us  the  Christians, 
water  and  many  other  things,  and  more  canoes  kept  coming  towards  us,  tr>dng  to 
block  the  mouth  of  that  inlet,  and  for  this  reason,  as  well  as  because  the  land  appeared 
very  dangerous  to  remain  in,  we  took  again  to  sea,  where  we  stayed  with  them  till 

1480W— 22 ^10 

146  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  78 

noon.    And  as  they  would  not  return  the  ChristianB,  and  for  that  reason  neither 
would  we  give  up  the  Indians,  they  began  to  throw  stones  at  us  with  slings,  and  darts, 
threatening  to  shoot  arrows,  although  we  did  not  see  more  than  three  or  four  bows. 
While  thus  engaged  the  wind  freshened  and  they  turned  about  and  left  us.^ 

This  contains  many  interesting  points.  The  Bay  of  Horses  must 
have  been  somewhere  near  the  mouth  of  Apalachicola  River;  and 
the  place  where  they  met  the  five  Indian  canoes  in  what  the  Span- 
iards knew  later  as  the  province  of  Sabacola,  though  the  Indians 
need  not  have  been  of  that  tribe,  as  we  know  from  the  account  of 
Lamhatty  that  there  were  several  other  peoples  in  the  neighborhood. 
The  poor  fisher  folk  whom  they  encountered  were  of  the  same  prov- 
ince. The  inlet  in  which  they  found  the  first  Indian  settlement 
must  have  been  either  East  Pass  or  the  entrance  to  Pensacola  Bay, 
and  the  second  entrance  where  Doroteo  Teodoro  and  the  negro  went 
after  water  would  be  either  Pensacola  entrance  or  the  opening  into 
Mobile  Bay.  That  these  points  were  not  west  of  Mobile  Bay  at  all 
events  is  shown  by  one  circumstance.  In  his  narrative  of  the  De 
Soto  expedition  Ranjel  says: 

In  this  village,  Piachi,  it  was  learned  that  they  had  killed  Don  Teodoro  and  a  black, 
who  came  from  the  ships  of  Pamphilo  de  Narvaez.' 

Now,  from  a  study  of  the  narratives,  we  feel  sure  that  Piachi  was 
near  the  upper  course  of  the  Alabama  River  or  between  it  and  the 
Tombigbee.  It  thus  appears  that  the  Greek  and  the  negro  were 
carried,  or  traveled,  inland,  but  it  is  not  likely  that  they  deviated 
much  from  the  direct  line  inland,  not  more  than  the  ascent  of  the 
Alabama  or  Tombigbee  would  make  necessary. 
•  We  need  not  suppose  that  the  place  where  these  Indians  were  met 
was  Pensacola  Bay,  for  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  at  least  the  lower 
portion  of  Mobile  Bay,  perhaps  the  upper  portion  also,  was  in  times 
shortly  before  the  opening  of  certain  history  occupied  by  tribes 
different  from  those  found  in  possession  by  the  French.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  when  Iberville  settled  at  Biloxi  and  began  to 
explore  the  coast  eastward  he  touched  at  an  island  which  he  named 
Massacre  Island,  "because  we  found  there,  at  the  southwest  end,  a 
place  where  more  than  60  men  or  women  had  been  killed.  Having 
found  the  heads  and  the  remainder  of  the  bones  with  much  of  their 
household  articles,  it  did  not  appear  that  it  was  more  than  three  or 
four  years  ago,  nothing  being  yet  rotted/'^  The  journal  of  the 
second  ship,  Le  Marin,  confirms  the  statement,  and  adds: 

The  savages  who  are  along  this  coast  are  wandorers  (vagabonds);  when  they  are 
satiated  with  meat  they  come  to  tlie  sea  to  (»at  fisli,  wiiore  there  is  an  abundan(*e  of  it.* 

»  Bandelier,  The  Joiimry  of  Alvar  Nuner  Cabeza  de  Vuca,  pp.  41-49. 
«  Bourne,  Narr.  of  Dc  Soto,  n,  p.  12.3. 
•  Iborx-ille  In  Margry,  iv,  p.  H7. 
« Margry,  Ddc.,  iv,  p  232, 


P^nicaut,  as  usual,  *  improves  upon  the  truth/'     He  say^: 

We  were  very  much  frightened,  on  landing  there,  to  find  such  a  prodigious  number 
of  bones  of  the  dead  that  they  formed  a  mountain,  ao  many  there  were.  We  learned 
afterward  that  it  was  a  numerous  nation,  which  being  pursued  and  having  retired 
into  the  country,  had  almost  all  died  there  of  sickness,  and  as  it  is  the  custom  of 
savages  to  collect  together  all  the  bones  of  the  dead,  they  had  brought  them  to  this 
place.    This  nation  is  named  Movila,  of  which  there  still  remain  a  small  number.* 

Pfinicaut's  conclusion  was  probably  due  to  his  knowledge  that  it 
was  customary  among  the  Choctaw,  and  probably  some  of  the  neigh- 
boring nations  as  well,  to  treat  the  bones  of  the  dead  as  he  describes, 
but  his  explanation  is  not  borne  out  by  the  descriptions  of  IberviDe 
and  his  colleague,  who  are  much  more  worthy  of  credence.  Of  course, 
there  is  no  certainty  to  what  tribe  the  bones  in  question  belonged, 
but  I  make  the  suggestion  that  they  were  from  some  band  of  the 
ancient  coast  people  of  whom  I  am  speaking.  It  is  possible  that, 
mstead  of  being  members  of  the  Mobile  tribe,  the  people  killed  here 
had  been  the  victims  of  the  Mobile.  Perhaps  these  sinister  reUcs 
and  the  mysterious  disappearance  of  the  Pensacola  may  have  been 
due  to  causes  set  in  motion  by  De  Soto,  20  years  after  the  time  of 
Cabeza  de  Vaca,  when  he  overthrew  the  Mobile  Indians.  At  that 
period  it  is  not  improbable  that  they  pushed  down  toward  the  coast 
and  were  instrumental  in  destroying  the  aboriginal  inhabitants  of  the 

In  November,  1539,  while  De  Soto  was  in  the  Province  of  Apalachee, 
Maldonado  was  despatched  westward  in  the  brigantines.  He 
returned  reporting  that  he  had  discovered  an  excellent  harbor.  He 
"brought  an  Indian  from  the  province  adjacent  to  this  coast,  which 
was  called  Achuse,  and  he  brought  a  good  blanket  of  sable  fur.  They 
had  seen  others  in  Apalache,  but  none  like  that."  This  is  from 
RanjeFs  account.^  The  Fidalgo  of  Elvas  says  that  this  province, 
which  he  calls  "Ochus,''  was  "sixty  leagues  from  Apalache"  and  that 
Maldonado  had  "found  a  sheltered  port  with  a  good  depth  of  water."  ■ 
Biedma  states  that  Maldonado  "coasted  along  the  country,  and 
entered  iall  the  coves,  creeks,  and  rivers  he  discovered,  imtil  he  ar- 
rived at  a  river  having  a  good  entrance  and  harbour,  with  an  Indian 
town  on  the  seaboard.  Some  inhabitants  approaching  to  traffic,  he 
took  one  of  them,  and  directly  turned  back  with  him  to  join  us." 
He  adds  that  he  was  absent  on  this  voyage  two  months.*  Later  the 
bay  in  which  the  De  Luna  colonists  established  themselves  is  called  the 
"Bay  of  Ichuse,"  or  "  Ychuse,"  but  it  is  uncertain  whether  this  was 

»  Margry,  D4c.,  v,  p.  883.  « Ibid.,  i,  p.  50. 

« Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  u,  p.  81.  « Ibid.,  ii,  pp.  8-9. 



[bi:ll.  7.3 

Mobile  or  Pensacola.*  Nevertheless,  what  Biedma  says  of  the  river 
and  his  later  statement,  when  the  army  reached  what  must  have  been 
the  Alabama,  or  a  stream  between  it  and  the  Tombigbee,  that  they 
considered  it  to  be  *'that  which  empties  into  the  Bay  of  Chuse,''  * 
along  with  the  further  fact  that  they  there  heard  of  the  brigantines,' 
would  seem  to  indicate  Mobile.  An  interesting  point  in  connection 
with  this  expedition  of  Maldonado  is  the  mention  of  the  ''good 
blanket  of  sable  fur"  superior  to  anything  they  had  seen  in  Apalachee, 
because  it  will  be  recalled  that  Cabeza  de  Vaca  noticed  in  the  very 
same  region  ''a  robe  of  marten-ermine  skin''  which  he  believed  to  be 
*'  the  finest  in  the  world/' *  The  blankets  seen  by  Cabeza  de  Vaca  and 
the  companions  of  De  Soto  were  probably  of  the  same  sdrt,  and  it  is 
likely  that  the  Indians  of  that  particular  region  had  peculiar  skill  in 
making  them.  The  names  Achuse,  Ochus,  Ichuse,  Ychuse  recall  the 
Hitchiti  word  Otcisif  "people  of  a  different  speech,"  and  it  is  not 
improbable  that  the  term  occurred  Ukewise  in  Apalachee  and  was 
appUed  to  this  province  because  the  Pensacola  and  Mobile  languages 
were  distinct  from  those  spoken  east  of  them. 

In  letters  written  in  1677  this  tribe  and  the  Chatot  are  mentioned 
as  peoples  living  between  the  Chiska  Indians  and  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,* 
and  from  a  letter  dated  May  19,  1686,  and  sent  by  Antonio  Matheos, 
lieutenant  among  the  Apalachee,  to  the  governor  of  Florida,  it  appears 
that  the  *'Panzacola"  were  then  at  war  with  the  Mobile  Indians,*  a 
circumstance  which  would  tend  to  bear  out  my  theory  above  ex- 
pressed. Shortly  afterwards,  however,  when  a  Spanish  post  was 
established  in  their  country  the  tribe  itself  had  disappeared.  Barcia 

They  say  that  the  province  was  called  Pancacola  because  anciently  a  nation  of 
Indians  inhabited  it  named  Pancocolos,  which  the  neighboring  nations  destroyed  in 
wars,  leaving  only  the  name  in  the  province.'' 

Nevertheless,  Barcia  himself  records  encounters  with  Indians  in  the 
surroimding  country  by  the  Spaniards  sent  to  make  a  reconnoissance 
of  the  harbor  in  1693.     His  account  is  as  follows : 

On  the  11th  [of  September]  starting  from  the  "Punta  de  Gijon  "  and  navigating  in  a 
depth  of  from  one  to  two  fathoms,  they  went  along  the  coast,  going  northeast  with 
easterly  wind,  and  at  a  distance  of  about  two  leagues  and  a  half,  it  looked  as  if  the 
water  had  changed  its  colour.  They  tasted  it  and  found  it  sweet,  and  one-quarter 
of  a  league  further  on  it  was  very  sweet  and  they  were  then  sure  it  was  the  mouth  of  a 
river  which  ran  east-southeast,  about  three-quarters  of  a  league  and  its  width  was 
one  fourth  [of  a  league],  being  lost  at  the  distance  mentioned.  On  the  north  side 
there  is  a  canal,  which  extends  about  a  pistol  shot.    They  entered  the  first  inlet 

1  See  p.  159. 

s  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  u/p.  17. 

» Ibid.,  p.  21. 

*  See  p.  145. 

'Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Ili'^t.,  p.  197;  I>owery,  M88. 

'Ibid.,  p.  210. 

'Barcia,  La  Florida,  p.  316. 


for  about  a  quarter  of  a  league  and  seeing  some  smoke  rise  on  the  south  shore,  they 
discovered  three  bulks  which  looked  like  tree  trunks,  but  when  these  began  to  move 
towards  the  forest,  they  recognised  them  to  be  Indians.  They  jumped  on  land  and 
although  they  tried  to  catch  up  with  them  they  could  not  find  them  any  more,  not 
even  their  traces,  for  the  soil  was  covered  with  dry  leaves. 

They  found  the  lighted  fire,  and  on  it  a  badly  shaped  earthen  pan,  with  lungs  ^ 
of  bison,  very  tastelessly  prepared,  stewing  in  it,  and  some  pieces  of  meat  toasting  on 
wooden  roasters.  On  one  of  them  some  fish  was  transfixed,  which  looked  like  "Chu- 
choe.*'  In  baskets  made  of  reed,  and  which  the  Indians  call  *'Uzate"  (U^te)  there 
was  some  com,  calabash-seeds,  bison- wool  and  hair  of  other  animals,  put  in  deerskin 
bags,  a  lot  of  mussels  (shell- fish),  shells,  bones  and  similar  things.  They  found  several 
feather  plumes  of  fine  turkeys,'  cardinal  birds  or  redbirds,  and  other  birds  and  many 
small  crosses,  the  sight  of  which  delighted  them,  although  they  recognised  soon  that 
those  were  spindles  on  which  the  Indian  women  span  the  wool  of  the  bison.  The 
Spaniards  put  into  one  of  the  baskets  cakes,  into  the  other  knives  and  scissors,  and, 
after  erecting  a  cross,  they  returned  to  their  boat.  They  navigated  half  a  league 
when  they  saw  to  starboard  four  or  five  Indians,  who,  in  order  to  escape  more  swiftly 
threw  away  all  they  carried.  They  [the  Spaniards]  landed  and  found  several  skins 
of  marten,  fox,  otter,  and  bison  and  a  lot  of  meat  pulverised  and  putrid,  in  wooden 
troughs.*  In  one  of  the  baskets  which  were  strewn  about,  they  found  some  roots 
looking  like  iris  or  ginger,  very  sweet  in  ta^te,  bison-wool  done  up  in  balls,  spindles 
and  beaver-wool  or  hair  in  bags,  very  soft  white  feathers  and  pulverised  clay  or  earth 
apparently  for  painting,  combs,  not  so  badly  made,  leather  shoes  shaped  more  like 
boots,  claws  of  birds  and  other  animals,  roots  of  dittany,^  several  pieces  of  brazil,  a 
very  much  worn,  large  hoe  and  an  iron  adze.  The  Indian  huts,  which  they  saw  here, 
were  made  of  tree-bark  and  in  the  sea  were  two  canoes  or  boats,  one  with  bows  and 
arrows  made  of  very  strong  wood  and  points  of  bone;  the  other  was  badly  used  [in 
bad  condition].  These  boats  showed  that  those  Indians  had  probably  come  here 
by  water  .  .  . 

.  .  .  Toward  the  south-southeast  went  Don  Carlos  de  Siguenza  with  captain  Juan 
Jordan,  Antonio  Fernandez,  carpenter,  and  an  artillery  man,  and  they  found  a  hut, 
built  on  four  posts  and  covered  with  palm  leaves.  Inside  they  found  a  deerskin,  a 
sash  made  of  bison  wool,  a  piece  of  blue  cloth  of  Spain,  abo\it  a  yard  and  a  half  long 
and  thrown  over  the  poles,  many  mother-of-pearl  shells,  fish-spines,  animal-bones 
and  several  large  locks  of  [human  hair].  A  little  further  on  at  the  foot  of  a  tall  pine 
tree  they  saw  in  a  hamper^  a  decayed  body,  to  all  appearances  that  of  a  woman;  but, 
leaving  all  this  as  it  was,  they  went  to  the  spot  where  they  had  seen  the  two  Indians 
and  they  found  one,  who  fled,  leaving  in  the  place  where  he  had  been  a  gourd  filled 
with  water  and  a  bit  of  roasted  meat;  which  provisions,  however,  made  them  suppose 
him  to  be  a  sentinel,  the  more  so  as  thev  soon  found  traces  of  children's  and  women's 
feet,  but  could  find  nobody.* 

There  are  also  three  specific  references  to  the  Pensacola  by  French 
wijiters.  P^nicaut  states  that  in  1699  the  chiefs  of  **five  different 
nations,  named  the  Pascagoulas,  the  Capinans,  the  Chicachas,  the 
PassacolaS;  and  the  Biloxis,  came  with  ceremony  to  our  fort,  singing, 

>  Probably  the  whole  lights,  or  haslet,  i,  c,  lungs,  heart,  and  liver. 
sPiaiiiera.<t  de  plumas  dc  paves  flnos. 

*  Pilones,  probably  wooden  mortars. 

*  Which  might  have  been  flaxlnella  or  marjoram. 

>  Petaea  means  really  a  leather  trunk  fashioned  after  the  style  of  a  hamper. 

*  Btfda,  La  Florida,  pp.  309-310.    Translated  by  Mrs.  F.  Bandelier. 

150  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

to  present  the  calumet  to  M.  d'lberville.'^^  La  Harpe  in  liis  Journal 
Hutorique  says  that  on  October  1,  1702,  at  Mobile,  '*  other  savages 
were  received  who  sang  the  calumet,  and  promised  to  live  in  peace 
with  the  Chicachas,  the  Pensacolas,  and  the  Apalaches."^  These 
"other  savages'*  were  probably  Alabama  Indians.  And  finally, 
Bienville  in  an  unpublished  account  of  the  native  tribes  of  Louisiana 
dating  from  about  1725  says  that  the  villages  of  the  Pensacola  and 
Biloxi  lay  near  each  other  on  Pearl  River,  the  two  containing  but  40 
warriors.^  In  a  letter  on  Indian  affairs,  dated  Pensacola,  December 
1,  1764,  is  an  estimate  of  the  Indian  population  in  the  Gnlf  region, 
and  among  the  entries,  we  read,  '^Beloxies,  Chactoes,  Capinas, 
Panchaculas  [Pensacolas],  Washaws,  Chawasaws,  Pascagulas,  251/'* 
It  is  therefore  probable  that  a  remnant  of  the  tribe  continued  a  preca- 
rious existence,  probably  in  close  alliance  with  some  larger  one,  for  a 
long  time  aftdr  it  was  supposed  to  be  extinct.  This  would  be  quite 
in  line  with  what  we  find  in  the  case  of  so  many  other  small  tribes. 


So  far  as  our  information  goes,  the  first  white  men  to  have  dealings 
with  the  Indians  of  Mobile  Bay  were  probably  the  Spaniards  under 
Pinedo.  Pinedo  was  sent  out  by  Garay,  governor  of  Jamaica,  in  the 
year  1619,  to  explore  toward  the  north,  and  he  appears  to  have 
coasted  along  the  northern  shore  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  from  the 
peninsula  of  Florida  to  Panuco.  In  the  description  of  this  voyage 
in  the  Letters  Patent  we  read  that  after  having  covered  the  entire 
distance '^  they  then  tmned  back  with  the  said  ships,  and  entered 
a  river  which  was  foimd  to  be  very  large  and  very  deep,  at  the 
mouth  of  which  they  say  they  found  an  extensive  town,  where  they 
remained  40  days  and  careened  their  vessels.  The  natives  treated 
our  men  in  a  friendly  manner,  trading  with  them,  and  giving  what 
they  possessed.  The  Spaniards  ascended  a  distance  of  6  leagues 
up  the  river,  and  saw  on  its  banks,  right  and  left,  40  villages."  * 

The  river  referred  to  is  usually  identified  with  the  Mississippi,  but 
I  am  entirely  in  accord  with  Mr.  Hamilton  in  finding  in  it  the  River 
Mobile.'  When  first  known  to  us  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  near 
the  ocean  were  not  permanently  occupied  by  even  small  tribes,  and 
occupancy  the  year  around  would  have  been  practically  impossible. 
On  the  other  hand,  the  shores  of  Mobile  River  must  once  have  been 
quite  thickly  settled,  for  Iberville,  on  his  first  visit  to  the  Indian 
tribes  there,  notes  numbers  of  abandoned  Indian  settlements  all 
along  the  way.     There  seems  to  be  practically  no  other  place  answer- 

«  Margry,  I)6c.,  v,  p.  378.  *  Amcr.  lllst.  Rev.,  xx,  No.  4,  p.  825. 

*  La  Harpo,  Jour.  Hist.,  pp.  73-74.  ^  llarrisse.  Disc,  of  N.  Amer.,  p.  168. 

*  French  t  inscription,  Lil>.  Cong.  *  Hamilton,  Col.  Mobile,  p.  10. 


ing  to  the  description  here  given.  The  later  depopulation  can  "be 
accounted  for  by  the  wars  of  which  Iberville  speaks  and  by  the 
pestilences,  whidi  seem  to  have  moved  just  a  little  in  advance  of 
the  front  rank  of  white  invasion. 

Narvaez  encountered  some  of  the  Indians  of  Mobile  Bay,^  but 
it  is  open  to  question  whether  they  were  the  ones  in  possession  in 
Iberville's  time.  The  Province  of  Achuse  or  Ochus,  discovered  by 
MaldonadO;  may  also  have  been  here,  and  again  it  may  have  been 
about  Pensacola.' 

Our  next  historical  encounter  with  t)ie  Mobile  tribes  was  that 
famous  and  sanguinary  meeting  between  De  Soto  and  the  Mobile, 
which  has  served  to  immortalize  the  Indians  participating  almost  as 
much  as  does  the  city  which  bears  their  name. 

According  to  Ranjel  they  first  heard  of  the  people  of  Mobile  at 
'*Talisi/'  probably  the  Creek  town  now  known  as  Talsi,  where  mes- 
sengers reached  them  from  Tascalu^a,  the  Mobile  chief.  His  name  is 
in  the  Choctaw  language  or  one  almost  identical  with  Choctaw,  just 
as  we  should  expect,  and  means  ^' Black  warrior."  Ranjel  calls  him 
*'  a  powerful  lord  and  one  much  feared  in  that  land."  *'  And  soon, "  he 
adds,  "one  of  his  sons  appeared  and  the  governor  ordered  his  men  to 
moimt  and  the  horsemen  to  charge  and  the  trumpets  to  be  blown 
(more  to  inspire  fear  than  to  make  merry  at  their  reception).  And 
when  those  Indians  returned  the  commander  sent  two  Christians 
with  them  instructed  as  to  what  they  were  to  observe  and  to  spy  out, 
so  that  they  might  take  counsel  and  be  forewarned." 

On  Tuesday,  October  5,  1540,  the  army  left  Talisi  and,  after  pass- 
ing through  several  villages,  encamped  the  following  Saturday, 
October  9,  within  a  league  of  Tascalu^a's  village.  '  *  And  the  governor 
dispatched  a  messenger,  and  he  returned  with  the  reply  that  he 
would  be  welcome  whenever  he  wished  to  come."  Ranjel's  narrative 
goes  on  as  follows: 

Sunday,  October  10,  the  governor  entered  the  village  of  Tascaluga,  which  is  called 
Athahachi,  a  recent  village.  And  the  chief  was  on  a  kind  of  balcony  on  a  mound  at 
one  side  of  the  square,  his  head  covered  by  a  kind  of  coif  like  the  almaizal,  so  that  his 
headdress  was  like  a  Moor's,  which  gave  him  an  aspect  of  authority;  he  also  wore  a 
pelote  or  mantle  of  feathers  down  to  his  feet,  very  imposing;  he  was  seated  on  some  high 
cushions,  and  many  of  the  principal  men  among  his  Indians  were  with  him.  He  was 
as  tall  as  that  Tony  of  the  Emperor,  our  lord's  guard,  and  well  proportioned,  a  fine  and 
comely  figure  of  a  man.  He  had  a  son,  a  young  man  as  tall  as  himself,  but  more  slender. 
Before  this  chief  there  stood  always  an  Indian  of  graceful  mien  holding  a  parasol  on 
a  handle  something  like  a  round  and  very  large  fly  fan,  with  a  cross  similar  to  that  of 
the  Knights  of  the  Order  of  St.  John  of  Rhodes,  in  the  middle  of  a  black  field,  and  the 
cross  was  white.  And  although  the  governor  entered  the  plaza  and  alighted  from  his 
horse  and  went  up  to  him,  he  did  not  rise,  but  remained  passive  in  perfect  composure, 
and  as  if  he  had  been  a  king. 

1  See  pp.  144-146.  >  See  pp.  147-148. 

152  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  78 

The  governor  remained  Heated  with  him  a  short  time,  and  after  a  little  he  aroee  and 
said  that  they  should  come  to  eat,  and  he  took  him  with  him  and  the  Indians  came  to 
dance ;  and  they  danced  very  well  in  the  fashion  of  rustics  in  Spain,  so  that  it  was  pleas- 
ant to  see  them.  At  night  he  desired  to  go,  and  the  commander  told  him  that  he  must 
sleep  there.  He  understood  it  and  showed  that  he  scoffed  at  such  an  intention  for  him, 
being  the  lord,  to  receive  so  suddenly  restraints  upon  his  liberty,  and  dissembling,  he 
immediately  despatched  his  principal  men  each  by  himself,  and  he  slept  there  not- 
withstanding his  reluctance.  The  next  day  the  governor  asked  him  for  carriers  and  a 
hundred  Indian  women;  and  the  chief  gave  him  four  hundred  carriers  and  the  rest  of 
them  and  the  women  he  said  he  would  give  at  Mabila,  the  province  of  one  of  his  prin- 
cipal vassals.  And  the  governor  acquiesced  in  having  the  rest  of  that  unjust  request 
of  his  fulfilled  in  Mabila;  and  he  ordered  him  to  be  given  a  horse  and  some  buskinB 
and  a  scarlet  cloak  for  him  to  ride  off  happy. 

At  last,  Tuesday,  October  12,  they  departed  from  the  village  of  Atahachi,  taking 
along  the  chief,  as  has  been  said,  and  with  him  many  principal  men,  and  always  the 
Indian  with  the  sunshade  attending  his  lord,  and  another  with  a  cushion  And  that 
night  they  slept  in  the  open  country  The  next  day,  Wednesday,  they  came  to 
Piachi,  which  is  a  village  high  above  the  gorge  of  a  mountain  stream;  and  the  chief  of 
this  place  was  evil  intentioned,  and  attempted  to  resist  their  passage;  and  as  a  result, 
they  crossed  the  stream  with  effort,  and  two  Christians  were  slain,  and  also  the  prin- 
cipal Indians  who  accompanied  the  chief.  In  this  village,  Piachi,  it  was  learned  that 
they  had  killed  Don  Teodoro  and  a  black,  who  came  from  the  ships  of  Pftmphilo  de 

Saturday,  October  16,  they  departed  thence  into  a  mountain  where  they  met  one 
of  the  two  Christians  whom  the  governor  had  sent  to  Mabila,  and  he  said  that  in 
Mabila  there  had  gathered  together  much  people  in  arms  The  next  day  they  came  to 
a  fenced  village,  and  there  came  messengers  from  Mabila  bringing  to  the  chief  much 
bread  made  from  chestnuts,  which  are  abundant  and  excellent  in  that  region. 

Monday,  October  18,  St.  Luke's  day,  the  governor  came  to  Mabila,  having  passed 
that  day  by  several  villages,  which  was  the  reason  that  the  soldiers  stayed  behind  to 
forage  and  to  scatter  themselves,  for  the  region  appeared  populous  And  there  went 
on  with  the  governor  only  forty  horsemen  as  an  advance  guard,  and  after  they  had 
tarried  a  little,  that  the  governor  might  not  show  weakness,  he  entered  into  the  village 
with  the  chief,  and  all  his  guard  went  in  with  him.  Here  the  Indians  immediately 
began  an  areyto,^  which  is  their  fashion  for  a  ball  with  dancing  and  song.  While  this 
was  going  on  some  soldiers  saw  them  putting  bundles  of  bows  and  arrows  slyly  among 
some  palm  leaves,  and  other  Christians  saw  that  above  and  below  the  cabins  were 
full  of  people  concealed.  The  governor  was  informed  of  it,  and  he  put  his  helmet  on 
his  head  and  ordered  all  to  go  and  mount  their  horses  and  warn  all  the  soldiers  that 
had  come  up.  Hardly  had  they  gone  out  when  the  Indians  took  the  entrances  of  the 
stockade,  and  there  were  left  with  the  governor,  Luis  de  Moscoso  and  Baltasar  de 
Gallegos,  and  Espindola,  the  captain  of  the  guard,  and  seven  or  eight  soldiers.  And 
the  chief  went  into  a  cabin  and  refused  to  come  out  of  it.  Then  they  began  to  shoot 
arrows  at  the  governor.  Baltasar  de  Gallegos  went  in  for  the  chief,  he  not  being  willing 
to  come  out.  He  disabled  the  arm  of  a  principal  Indian  with  the  slash  of  a  knife. 
Luis  de  Moscoso  waited  at  the  door,  so  as  not  to  leave  him  alone,  and  he  was  fighting 
like  a  knight  and  did  all  that  was  possible  until  ''not  being  able  to  endure  any  more, 
he  cried,  Sefior  Baltasar  de  Gallegos,  come  out,  or  I  will  leave  you,  for  I  cannot  wait 
any  longer  for  you."  During  this,  Solis,  a  resident  of  Trianaof  Seville,  had  ridden 
up,  and  Rodrigo  Ranjel,  who  were  the  first,  and  for  his  sins  Solis  was  immediately 
stricken  down  dead ;  but  Rodrigo  Ranjol  got  to  the  gate  of  the  to\\Ti  at  the  time  when 

1  See  p.  145.  *  A  West  Indian  word  for  an  Indian  dance.    (Note  by  Bourne.) 


the  governor  went  out,  and  two  soldiers  of  his  guard  with  him,  and  after  him  came 
more  than  seventy  Indians  who  were  held  back  for  fear  of  Rodrigo  Ranjers  horse,  and 
the  governor,  desiring  to  charge  them,  a  negro  brought  up  his  horse;  and  he  told  Rod- 
rigo Ranjel  to  give  aid  to  the  captain  of  the  guard,  who  was  left  behind,  for  he  had  come 
out  quite  used  up,  and  a  soldier  of  the  guard  with  him;  and  he  with  a  horse  faced  the 
enemy  until  he  got  out  of  danger,  and  Rodrigo  Ranjel  returned  to  the  governor  and 
had  him  draw  out  more  than  twenty  arrows,  which  he  bore  fastened  to  his  armour, 
which  was  a  loose  coat  quilted  with  coarse  cotton.  And  he  ordered  Ranjel  to  watch 
for  Solis,  to  rescue  him  from  the  enemy,  that  they  should  not  carry  him  inside.  And 
the  governor  went  to  collect  the  soldiers.  There  was  great  valour  and  shame  that  day 
among  all  those  that  found  themselves  in  this  first  attack  and  beginning  of  this  unhappy 
day;  for  they  fought  to  admiration  and  each  Christian  did  his  duty  as  a  most  valiant 
soldier.  Luis  de  Moscoao  and  Baltasar  de  Gallegos  came  out  with  the  rest  of  the 
soldiers  by  another  gate. 

As  a  result  the  Indians  were  left  with  the  village  and  all  the  property  of  the  Chris- 
tians, and  with  the  horses  that  were  left  tied  inside,  which  they  killed  immediately. 
The  governor  collected  all  of  the  forty  horse  that  were  there  and  advanced  to  a  large 
open  place  before  the  principal  gate  of  Mabila.  There  the  Indians  rushed  out  without 
venturing  very  far  from  the  stockade,  and  to  draw  them  on  the  horsemen  made  a 
feint  of  taking  flight  at  a  gallop,  withdrawing  far  from  the  walls.  And  the  Indians 
believing  it  to  be  real,  came  away  from  the  village  and  the  stockade  in  pursuit,  greedy 
to  make  use  of  their  arrows.  And  when  it  was  time  the  horsemen  wheeled  about 
on  the  enemy,  and  before  they  could  recover  themselves,  killed  many  with  their 
lances.  Don  ("arlos  wanted  to  go  with  his  horse  as  far  as  the  gate,  and  they  gave  the 
horse  an  arrow  shot  in  the  breast.  And  not  being  able  to  turn,  he  dismounted  to 
draw  out  ihe  arrow,  and  then  another  came  which  hit  him  in  the  neck  above  the 
shoulder,  at  which;  seeking  confession,  he  fell  dead.  The  Indians  no  longer  dared 
to  withdraw  from  the  stockade.  Then  the  Commander  invested  them  on  every  side 
until  the  whole  force  had  come  up;  and  they  went  up  on  three  sides  to  set  fire  to  it, 
first  cutting  the  stockade  with  axes.  A  nd  the  fire  in  its  course  burned  the  two  hundred 
odd  pounds  of  pearls  that  they  had,  and  all  their  clothes  and  ornaments,  and  the 
sacramental  cups,  and  the  moulds  for  making  the  wafers,  and  the  wine  for  saying 
the  mass;  and  they  were  left  like  Arabs,  completely  stripped,  after  all  their  hard 
toil.  They  had  left  in  a  cabin  the  Christian  women,  which  were  some  slaves  belonging 
to  the  governor;  and  some  pages,  a  friar,  a  priest,  a  cook,  and  some  soldiers  defended 
themselves  very  well  against  the  Indians,  who  were  not  able  to  force  an  entrance 
before  the  Christians  came  with  the  fire  and  rescued  them.  And  all  the  Spaniards 
fought  like  men  of  great  courage,  and  twenty-two  died,  and  one  hundred  and  forty- 
eight  others  received  six  hundred  and  eighty-eight  arrow  wounds,  and  seven  horses 
were  killed  and  twenty-nine  others  wounded.  Women  and  even  boys  of  four  years* 
of  age  fought  with  the  Christians;  and  Indian  boys  hanged  themselves  not  to  fall  into 
their  hands,  and  others  jumped  into  the  fire  of  their  own  accord.  See  with  what 
good  will  those  carriers  acted.  The  arrow  shots  were  tremendous,  and  sent  with 
such  a  will  and  force  that  the  lance  of  one  gentleman  named  Nufio  de  Tovar,  made 
of  two  pieces  of  ash  and  very  good,  was  pierced  by  an  arrow  in  the  middle,  as  by  an 
auger,  without  being  split,  and  the  arrow  made  a  cross  \vdth  the  lance. 

On  that  day  there  died  Don  Carlos,  and  Francis  de  Soto,  the  nephew  of  the  Governor, 
and  Johan  de  Gamez  de  Jaen,  and  Men  Rodriguez,  a  fine  Portugues  gentleman,  and 
Espinosa,  a  fine  gentleman,  and  another  named  Velez,  and  one  Blasco  de  Barcarrota, 
and  many  other  honoured  soldiers;  and  the  wounded  comprised  all  the  men  of  most 
worth  and  honoiur  in  the  army.  They  killed  three  thousand  of  the  vagabonds  without 
counting  many  others  who  were  wounded  and  whom  they  afterwards  found  dead  in 

154  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull. 73 

the  cabins  and  along  the  roads.    Whether  the  chief  ^as  dead  or  alive  was  never 
known.    The  son  they  found  thrust  through  ^ith  a  lance. 

After  the  end  of  the  battle  as  described,  they  rested  there  until  the  14th  of 
November,  caring  for  their  wounds  and  their  horses,  and  they  burned  over  much  of 
the  country.^ 

Biedma's  account  of  this  affair  is  as  follows: 


From  this  point  (Co^a)  we  went  south,  drawing  towards  the  coast  of  New  Spain, 
and  passed  through  several  towns,  before  coming  to  another  pro\'ince,  called  Taszaluza, 
of  which  an  Indian  of  such  size  was  chief  that  we  all  considered  him  a  giant.  He 
awaited  us  quietly  at  his  town,  and  on  our  arrival  we  made  much  ado  for  him,  with 
joust  at  reeds,  and  great  running  of  horses,  although  he  appeared  to  regard  it  all  as  a 
small  matter.  Afterward  we  asked  him  for  Indians  to  carry  our  burdens;  he  an- 
swered that  he  was  not  accustomed  to  serving  any  one,  but  it  was  rather  for  others 
all  to  serve  him.  The  governor  ordered  that  he  should  not  be  allowed  to  return  to 
his  house,  but  be  kept  where  he  was.  This  detention  among  us  he  felt — whence 
sprang  the  ruin  that  he  afterwards  wrought  us,  and  it  was  why  he  told  us  that  he  could 
there  give  us  nothing,  and  that  we  must  go  to  another  town  of  his,  called  Ma\dla, 
where  he  would  bestow  on  us  whatever  we  might  ask.  We  took  up  our  march  in  that 
direction,  and  came  to  a  river,  a  copious  flood,  which  we  considered  to  be  that  which 
empties  into  the  Bay  of  C'huse.  Here  we  got  news  of  the  manner  in  which  the  boats 
of  Narvaez  had  arrived  in  want  of  water,  and  of  a  Christian,  named  Don  Teodoro,  who 
had  stopped  among  these  Indians,  with  a  negro,  and  we  were  shown  a  dagger  that  he 
had  worn.  We  were  here  two  days,  making  rafts  for  crossing  the  river.  In  this  time 
the  Indians  killed  one  of  the  guard  of  the  governor,  who,  thereupon,  being  angry, 
threatened  the  cacique,  and  told  him  that  he  should  burn  him  if  he  did  not  give  up 
to  him  those  who  had  slain  the  Christian.  He  replied  that  he  would  deliver  them  to 
us  in  that  town  of  his,  Mavila.  The  cacique  had  many  in  attendance.  An  Indian, 
was  always  behind  him  with  a  fly  brush  of  plumes,  so  large  as  to  afford  his  person 
shelter  from  the  sun. 

At  nine  o'clock  one  morning  we  arrived  at  Mavila,  a  small  town  very  strongly 
stockaded,  situated  on  a  plain.  We  found  the  Indians  had  demolished  some  habita- 
tions about  it,  to  present  a  clear  field.  A  number  of  the  chiefs  came  out  to  receive 
us  as  soon  as  we  were  in  sight,  and  they  asked  the  governor,  through  the  interpreter, 
if  he  would  like  to  stop  on  that  plain  or  preferred  to  entc»r  the  town,  and  said  that  in 
the  evening  they  would  give  us  the  Indians  to  carry  }>urden8.  It  appeared  to  our 
chief  better  to  go  thither  with  them,  and  he  commanded  that  all  should  enter  the 
town,  which  we  did. 

Having  come  within  the  enclosure,  we  walked  about,  talking  with  the  Indians, 
supposing  them  to  be  friendly,  there  being  not  over  three  or  four  hundred  in  sight, 
though  full  five  thousand  were  in  the  town,  whom  we  did  not  see,  nor  did  they  show 
themselves  at  all.  Apparently  rejoicing,  they  began  their  (customary  songs  and 
dances;  and  some  fifteen  or  twenty  women  haWng  performed  before  us  a  little  while, 
for  dissimulation,  the  cacifiue  got  up  and  withdrew  into  one  of  the  houses.  The 
governor  sent  to  tell  him  that  he  must  come  out,  to  which  he  answered  that  he  would 
not;  and  the  captain  of  the  bodyguard  entered  the  door  to  bring  him  forth,  but  seeing 
many  Indians  present,  fully  prepared  for  battle,  he  thought  it  best  to  withdraw  and 
leave  him.  He  reported  that  the  houses  were  filled  with  men,  ready  with  bows  and 
arrows,  bent  on  some  mischief.  The  gov(?rnor  called  to  an  Indian  passing  by,  who 
also  refusing  to  come,  a  gentleman  near  took  him  by  the  arm  to  bring  him,  when, 
receiving  a  push,  such  as  to  make  him  let  go  his  hold,  ho  drt^w  his  sword  and  dealt 
a  stroke  in  return  that  cleaved  away  an  arm . 

» Ranjel,  Trans,  in  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  ii,  pp.  120-128. 


With  the  blow  they  all  began  to  shoot  arrows  at  us,  some  from  within  the  houses, 
through  the  many  loopholes  they  had  arranged,  and  some  from  without.  As  we  were 
00  wholly  unprepared,  having  considered  ourselves  on  a  footing  of  peace,  we  were 
obliged,  from  the  great  injuries  we  were  sustaining,  to  flee  from  the  town,  leaving 
behind  all  that  the  carriers  had  brought  for  us,  as  they  had  there  set  down  their  burdens. 
When  the  Indians  saw  that  we  had  gone  out,  they  closed  the  gates,  and  beating  their 
drudM,  they  raised  flags,  with  great  shouting;  then,  emptying  our  knapsacks  and 
bundles,  showed  up  above  the  palisades  all  we  had  brought,  as  much  as  to  say  that  they 
had  those  things  in  possession.  Directly  as  we  retired,  we  bestrode  our  horses  and 
completely  encircled  the  town,  that  none  might  thence  anywhere  escape.  The 
governor  directed  that  sixty  of  us  should  dismount,  and  that  eighty  of  the  best 
accoutred  should  form  in  four  parties,  to  assail  the  place  on  as  many  sides,  and  the 
first  of  us  getting  in  should  set  flre  to  the  houses,  that  no  more  harm  should  come  to 
us;  so  we  handed  over  our  horses  to  other  soldiers  who  were  not  in  armour,  that  if 
any  of  the  Indians  should  come  running  out  of  the  town  they  might  overtake  them. 

We  entered  the  town  and  set  it  on  fire,  whereby  a  number  of  Indians  were  burned, 
and  all  that  we  had  was  consumed,  so  that  there  remained  not  a  thing.  We  fought 
that  day  until  nightMl,  without  a  single  Indian  having  surrendered  to  us,  they 
fighting  bravely  on  like  lions.  We  killed  them  all,  either  with  fire  or  the  sword,  or, 
such  of  them  as  came  out,  with  the  lance,  so  that  when  it  was  nearly  dark  there  re- 
mained only  three  alive;  and  these,  taking  the  women  that  had  been  brought  to 
dance,  placed  the  twenty  in  front,  who,  crossing  their  hands,  made  signs  to  us  that 
we  should  come  for  them.  The  Christians  advancing  toward  the  women,  these 
turned  aside,  and  the  three  men  l)ehind  them  shot  their  arrows  at  us,  when  we  killed 
two  of  them.  The  last  Indian,  not  to  surrender,  climbed  a  tree  that  was  in  the  fence, 
and  taking  the  cord  from  his  bow,  tied  it  about  his  neck,  and  from  a  limb  hanged  him- 

This  day  the  Indians  slew  more  than  twenty  of  our  men,  and  those  of  us  who  escaped 
only  hurt  were  two  hundred  and  fifty,  bearing  upon  our  bodies  seven  himdred  and 
sixty  injuries  from  their  shafts.  At  night  we  dressed  our  wounds  with  the  fat  of  the 
dead  Indians,  as  there  was  no  medicine  left,  all  that  belonged  to  us  having  been 
burned.  We  tarried  twenty-seven  or  twenty -eight  days  to  take  care  of  ourselves,  and 
God  be  praised  that  we  were  all  relieved.  The  women  were  divided  as  servants 
among  those  who  were  sufTering  most.  We  learned  from  the  Indians  that  we  were  as 
many  as  forty  leagues  from  the  sea.  It  was  much  the  desire  that  the  governor  should 
go  to  the  coast,  for  we  had  tidings  of  the  brigan tines;  but  he  dared  not  venture  thither, 
as  it  was  already  the  middle  of  November,  the  season  very  cold;  and  he  found  it  neces- 
sary to  go  in  quest  of  a  coimtry  where  subsistence  might  be  had  for  the  winter;  here 
there  was  none,  the  region  being  one  of  little  food.* 

The  Elvas  narrative  parallels  that  of  Ranjel  in  most  particulars 
but  adds  interesting  details.  It  confirms  the  Ranjel  narrative  in 
stating  that  the  first  messenger  from  Tascalupa  reached  De  Soto  at 
the  Tilsi  town.  From  what  he  tells  us  a  little  farther  on  it  would 
seem  that  the  village  called  Caxa  by  Ranjel  was  the  first  belonging 
to  the  Province  of  Tascalupa,  or  Tastalupa  as  Elvas  has  it.  ''The 
following  night,"  he  goes  on  to  say,  ''he  [De  Soto]  rested  in  a  wood, 
two  leagues  from  the  town  where  the  cacique  resided,  and  where  he 
was  then  present.  He  sent  the  field  marshal,  Luis  de  Moscoso,  with 
fifteen  cavalry,  to  inform  him  of  his  approach. " 

I  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  n,  pp.  lft-21. 

156  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

From  this  point  we  will  follow  the  narrative  consecutively: 

The  cacique  was  at  home,  in  a  piazza.  Before  his  dwelling,  on  a  high  place,  was 
spread  a  mat  for  him,  upon  which  two  cushions  were  placed,  one  above  another,  to 
which  he  went  and  sat  down,  his  men  placing  themselves  around,  some  way  removed, 
Bo  that  an  open  circle  was  formed  about  him,  the  Indians  of  the  highest  rank  being 
nearest  to  his  peison.  One  of  them  shaded  him  from  the  sun  with  a  circular  umbrella, 
spread  wide,  the  size  of  a  target,  with  a  small  stem,  and  having  a  deerskin  extMled 
over  cross-sticks,  quartered  with  red  and  white,  which  at  a  distance  made  it  look  of 
taffeta,  the  colours  were  so  very  perfect.  It  formed  the  standard  of  the  chief,  which 
he  carried  into  battle.  His  appearance  was  full  of  dignity:  he  was  tall  of  person, 
muscular,  lean,  and  symmetrical.  He  was  the  suzerain  of  many  territories  and  of  a 
numerous  people,  being  equally  feared  by  his  vassals  and  the  neighboring  nations. 
The  field  marshal,  after  he  had  spoken  to  him,  advanced  with  his  compajiy,  their 
steeds  leaping  from  side  to  side,  and  at  times  towards  the  chief,  when  he,  with  great 
gravity,  and  seemingly  with  indifference,  now  and  then  would  raise  his  eyes  and  look 
on  as  in  contempt. 

The  governor  approached  him,  but  he  made  no  movement  to  rise;  he  took  him  by 
the  hand,  and  they  went  together  to  seat  themselves  on  the  bench  that  was  in  the 

Here  follows  the  speech  of  the  chief,  real  or  imaginary,  which  we 
will  omit. 

The  governor  satisfied  the  chief  with  a  few  brief  words  of  kindness.  On  leaving,  he 
determined  for  certain  reasons,  to  take  him  along.  The  second  day  on  the  road  he 
came  to  a  town  called  Piache;  a  great  river  ran  near,  and  the  governor  asked  for  canoes. 
The  Indians  said  they  had  none,  but  that  they  could  have  rafts  of  cane  and  dried 
wood,  whereon  they  might  readily  enough  go  over,  wh^^h  they  diligently  set  about 
making,  and  soon  completed.  They  managed  them;  and  the  water  being  calm,  the 
governor  and  his  men  easily  crossed.  .  .  . 

After  crossing  the  river  of  Piache,  a  Christian  having  gone  to  look  after  a  woman 
gotten  away  from  him,  he  had  been  either  captured  or  killed  by  the  natives,  and  the 
governor  pressed  the  chief  to  tell  what  had  been  done;  threatening,  that  should  the 
man  not  appear,  he  would  never  release  him.  The  cacique  sent  an  Indian  thence 
to  Manilla,  the  town  of  a  chief,  his  vassal,  whither  they  were  going,  stating  that  he 
sent  to  give  him  notice  that  he  should  have  provisions  in  readiness  and  Indians  for 
loads;  but  which,  as  afterwards  appeared,  was  a  message  for  him  to  get  together  there 
all  the  warriors  in  his  country. 

The  governor  marched  three  days,  the  last  of  them  continually,  through  an  inhabited 
region,  arriving  en  Monday,  the  eighteenth  day  of  October,  at  Manilla.  He  rode 
forward  in  the  vanguard,  with  fifteen  cavalry  and  thirty  infantry,  when  a  Christian  he 
had  sent  with  a  message  to  the  cacique,  three  or  four  days  before,  with  orders  not  to 
be  gone  long,  and  to  discover  the  temper  of  the  Indians,  came  out  from  the  town  and 
reported  that  they  appeared  to  him  to  be  making  preparations  for  that  while  he  was 
present  many  weapons  were  brought,  and  many  people  came  into  the  town,  and  work 
had  gone  on  rapidly  to  strengthen  the  palisade.  Luis  de  Moscoso  said  that,  since  the 
Indians  were  so  evil  disposed,  it  would  be  better  to  stop  in  the  woods;  to  which  the 
governor  answered,  that  he  was  impatient  of  sleeping  out,  and  that  he  would  lodge  in 
the  town. 

Arriving  neetr,  the  chief  came  out  to  receive  him,  with  many  Indians  singing  and 
playing  on  flutes,  and  after  tendering  his  services,  gave  him  three  cloaks  of  marten 
skins.  The  governor  entered  the  town  with  the  caciques,  seven  or  eight  men  of  his 
guard,  and  three  or  four  cavalry,  who  had  dismounted  to  accompany  them:  and  they 
seated  themselves  in  a  piazza.     The  cacique  of  Tastaluca  asked  the  governor  to  allow 


him  to  remain  there,  and  not  to  weary  him  any  more  with  walking;  but,  finding  that 
was  not  to  be  permitted,  he  changed  his  plan,  and  under  pretext  of  speaking  with 
some  of  the  chiefs,  he  got  up  from  where  he  sate,  by  the  side  of  the  governor,  and 
entered  a  house  where  were  many  Indians  with  their  bows  and  arrows.  The  governor, 
finding  that  he  did  not  return,  called  to  him;  to  which  the  cacique  answered  that  he 
would  not  come  out,  nor  would  he  leave  that  town;  that  if  the  governor  wished  to 
go  uHDeace,  he  should  quit  at  once,  and  not  persist  in  carrying  him  away  by  force  from 
hislRntry  and  its  dependencies. 

The  governor,  in  view  of  the  determination  and  furious  answer  of  the  cacique, 
thought  to  soothe  him  with  soft  words;  to  which  he  made  no  answer,  but  with  great 
haughtiness  and  contempt  withdrew  to  where  Soto  could  not  see  nor  speak  to  him. 
The  governor,  that  he  migjit  send  word  for  the  cacique  for  him  to  remain  in  the  country 
at  his  will,  and  to  be  pleased  to  give  him  a  guide,  and  persons  to  carry  burdens,  that 
he  might  see  if  he  could  pacify  him  with  gentle  words,  called  to  a  chief  who  was 
paaaing  by.  The  Indian  replied  loftily  that  he  would  not  listen  to  him.  Baltasar  de 
Gallegoe,  who  was  near,  seized  him  by  the  cloak  of  marten  skins  that  he  had  on,  drew  it 
off  over  his  head,  and  left  it  in  his  hands;  whereupon  the  Indians  all  beginning  to  rise 
he  gave  him  a  stroke  with  a  cutlass,  that  laid  open  his  back,  when  they,  with  loud 
yells,  came  out  of  their  houses,  discharging  their  bows. 

The  governor,  discovering  that  if  he  remained  there  they  could  not  escape,  and  if 
he  should  order  his  men,  who  were  outside  of  the  town,  to  come  in,  the  horses  might 
be  killed  by  the  Indians  from  the  houses  and  great  injury  done,  he  ran  out;  but 
before  he  could  get  away  he  fell  two  or  three  times,  and  was  helped  to  rise  by  those 
with  him.  He  and  they  were  all  badly  wounded:  within  the  town  five  Christians 
were  instantly  killed.  Coming  forth,  he  called  out  to  all  his  men  to  get  farther  off, 
because  there  was  much  harm  doing  from  the  palisade.  The  natives  discovering 
that  the  Christians  were  retiring,  and  some,  if  not  the  greater  number,  at  more  than 
a  walk,  the  Indians  followed  with  great  boldness,  shooting  at  them,  or  striking  down, 
such  as  they  could  overtake.  Those  in  chains  having  set  down  their  burdens  near 
the  fence  while  the  Christians  were  retiring,  the  people  of  Manilla  lifted  the  loads  on 
to  their  backs,  and,  bringing  them  into  the  town,  took  off  their  irons,  putting  bows  and 
arms  in  their  hands,  with  which  to  fight.  Thus  did  the  foe  come  into  possession  of 
all  the  clothing,  pearls,  and  whatsoever  else  the  Christians  had  beside,  which  was 
what  their  Indians  carried.  Since  the  natives  had  been  at  peace  to  that  place,  some 
of  us,  putting  our  arms  in  the  luggage,  went  without  any;  and  two,  who  were  in  the 
town,  had  their  swords  and  halberds  taken  from  them  and  put  to  use. 

The  governor,  presently  as  he  found  himself  in  the  field,  called  for  a  horse,  and, 
with  some  followers,  returned  and  lanced  two  or  three  of  the  Indians;  the  rest,  going  ^ 
back  into  the  town,  shot  arrows  from  the  palisade.    Those  who  would  venture  on 
their  nimbleness  came  out  a  stone's  throw  from  behind  it,  to  fight,  retiring  from  time 
to  time,  when  they  were  set  upon. 

At  the  time  of  the  affray  there  was  a  friar,  a  clergyman,  a  servant  of  the  governor, 
and  a  female  slave  in  the  town,  who,  having  no  time  in  which  to  get  away,  took  to  a 
house,  and  there  remained  until  after  the  Indians  became  masters  of  the  place.  They 
closed  the  entrance  with  a  lattice  door;  and  there  being  a  sword  among  them,  which 
the  servant  had,  he  put  himself  behind  the  door,  striking  at  the  Indians  that  would 
have  come  in;  while,  on  the  other  side,  stood  the  friar  and  the  priest,  each  with  a 
dub  in  hand,  to  strike  down  the  first  that  should  enter.  The  IndianSj  finding  that 
they  could  not  get  in  by  the  door,  began  to  unnwf  the  house;  at  this  moment  the 
cavalry  were  all  arrived  at  Manilla,  with  the  infantry  that  had  been  on  the  march, 
when  a  difference  of  opinion  arose  as  to  whether  the  Indians  should  be  attacked,  in 
order  to  enter  the  town;  for  the  result  was  held  doubtful,  but  finally  it  was  concluded 
to  make  the  assault. 

158  BUBEAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

So  Boon  as  the  advance  and  the  rear  of  the  force  were  come  up  the  governor  com- 
manded that  all  the  best  armed  should  dismount,  of  which  he  made  four  squadrons 
of  footmen.  The  Indians,  observing  how  he  was  going  on  arranging  his  men,  urged 
the  cacique  to  leave,  telling  him,  as  was  afterwards  made  known  by  some  women 
who  were  taken  in  the  town,  that  as  he  was  but  one  man,  and  could  fight  but  as  one 
only,  there  being  many  chiefs  present  very  skilful  and  experienced  in  matters  of 
war,  any  one  of  whom  was  able  to  command  the  rest,  and  as  things  in  war  were  S^ub- 
ject  to  fortune,  that  it  was  never  certain  which  side  would  overcome  the  otheljpfiey 
wished  him  to  put  his  person  in  safety;  for  if  they  should  conclude  their  lives  there, 
on  which  they  had  resolved  rather  than  surrender,  he  would  remain  to  govern  the 
land;  but  for  all  that  they  said,  he  did  not  wish  to  go,  until,  from  being  continually 
urged,  with  fifteen  or  twenty  of  his  own  people  he  went  out  of  the  town,  taking  with 
him  a  scarlet  cloak  and  other  articles  of  the  Christians'  clothing,  being  whatever  he 
could  carry  and  that  seemed  beet  to  him. 

The  governor,  informed  that  the  Indians  were  leaving  the  town,  commanded  the 
cavalry  to  surround  it;  and  into  each  squadron  of  foot  he  put  a  soldier,  with  a  brand, 
to  set  fire  to  the  houses,  that  the  Indians  might  have  no  shelter.  His  men  being  placed 
in  full  concert,  he  ordered  an  arquebuse  to  be  shot  off;  at  the  signal  the  four  squadrons, 
at  their  proper  points,  commenced  a  furious  onset,  and,  both  sides  severely  suffering 
the  Christians  entered  the  town.  The  friar,  the  priest,  and  the  rest  who  were  with 
them  in  the  house,  were  all  saved,  though  at  the  cost  of  the  lives  of  two  brave  and 
very  able  men  who  went  thither  to  their  rescue.  The  Indians  fought  with  so  great 
spirit  that  they  many  times  drove  our  people  back  out  of  the  town.  The  struggle 
lasted  so  long  that  many  Christians,  w^ary  and  very  thirsty,  went  to  drink  at  a  x>ond 
nejar  by,  tinged  with  the  blood  of  the  killed,  and  returned  to  the  combat.  The  gover- 
nor, witnessing  this,  with  those  who  followed  him  in  the  returning  chaige  of  the  foot- 
men, entered  the  town  on  horseback,  which  gave  opportunity  to  fire  the  dwellings; 
then  breaking  in  upon  the  Indians  and  beating  them  down,  they  fled  out  of  the  place, 
the  cavalry  and  infantry  driving  them  back  through  the  gates,  where,  losing  the  hope 
of  escape,  they  fought  valiantly;  and  the  Christians  getting  among  them  with  cut- 
lasses, they  found  themselves  met  on  all  sides  by  their  strokes,  when  many,  Hnnbing 
headlong  into  the  flaming  houses,  were  smothered,  and  heaped  one  upon  another, 
burned  to  death. 

They  who  perished  there  were  in  all  two  thousand  five  hundred,  a  few  more  or  less; 
of  the  Christians  there  fell  eighteen,  among  whom  was  Don  Carlos,  brother-in-law 
of  the  governor;  one  Juan  de  Gamez,  a  nephew;  Men  Rodriguez,  a  Portuguese;  and 
Juan  Vazquez,  of  Villanueva  de  Barcarota,  men  of  condition  and  courage;  the  rest 
were  infantry.  Of  the  living,  one  hundred  and  fifty  Christians  had  received  seven 
hundred  wounds  from  the  arrows;  and  God  was  pleased  that  they  should  be  healed 
in  little  time  of  very  dangerous  injuries.  Twelve  horses  died,  and  seventy  were 
hurt.  The  clothing  the  Christiana  carried  with  them,  the  ornaments  for  saying  mass, 
and  the  pearls,  were  all  burned  there;  they  having  set  the  fire  themselves,  because 
they  considered  the  loss  less  than  the  injury  they  might  receive  of  the  Indians  from 
within  the  houses,  where  they  had  brought  the  things  together.* 

The  chronicler  adds  that  De  Soto  learned  here  that  Maldonado 
"was  waiting  for  him  in  the  port  of  Ochuse,  six  days'  travel  distant." 
Fearing,  however,  that  the  barrenness  of  his  accomplishment  up  to 
that  time  would  discourage  future  settlements  in  his  now  province, 
he  remained  in  that  place  twenty-eight  days  and  then  moved  on 
toward  the  northwest.     He  says  of  this  land  of  Manilla: 

1  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  i,  pp.  87-97. 


The  country  was  a  rich  soil,  and  well  inhabited;  some  towns  were  very  lai^e,  and 
were  picketed  about.  The  people  were  numerous  everywhere;  the  dwellings  stand- 
ing a  crossbow-shot  or  two  apart.* 

In  1559  a  colony  consisting  of  1,500  persons  left  Mexico  under 
Don  Tristan  de  Lima  and  landed  in  a  port  on  the  north  coast  of 
th^julf  of  Mexico.  If  this  was  in  the  Bay  of  Ichiise  or  Ychuse,  as 
sol(5  say,  it  was  probably  Mobile  Bay,  and  yet  there  are  difficul- 
ties, for  the  environs  of  Mobile  Bay  api>ear  to  have  been  well  popu- 
lated in  early  times,  while  the  explorers  found  few  inhabitants. 
Falling  short  of  provisions,  a  detachment  of  four  companies  of  sol- 
diers was  sent  inland,  and  40  leagues  from  the  port  they  came  upon 
a  village  called  Nanipacna,  which  the  few  Indians  they  met  gave 
them  to  understand  had  been  formerly  a  large  place,  but  it  had 
been  almost  destroyed  by  people  like  themselves.  The  impression 
is  given  that  this  event  had  happened  a  very  short  time  before,  but, 
if  there  was  any  truth  in  the  assertion,  it  could  have  occiuTed  only 
during  De  Soto's  invasion;  and  this  is  probably  the  event  to  which 
reference  was  made,  because  the  distance  of  this  place  from  the  port 
is  about  the  same  as  that  given  by  the  De  Soto  chroniclers  as  the 
distance  of  Mabila  from  the  port  where  Maldonado  was  expecting 
them.*  Another  point  of  resemblance  is  shown  by  the  name,  which 
is  pure  Choctaw,  meaning  ''Hill  top.^'' 

In  Vandera's  enumeration  of  the  provinces  visited  by  Juan  Pardo 
in  1566  and  1567  "Trascaluza"  is  mentioned  as  ''the  last  of  the 
peopled  places  of  Florida '*  and  seven  days'  journey  from  "Cossa.**  * 
It  was  not,  however,  reached  by  that  explorer.  In  the  letter  of  May 
19,  1686,  so  often  quoted,  there  is  a  reference  to  the  tribe,  bay,  and 
river  of  "Mobila''  or  "Mouila. '*  When  it  was  written  the  people 
so  called  were  at  war  with  the  Pensacola.*  A  bare  notice  of  the  Mobile 
occurs  also  in  a  letter  of  1688.* 

After  this  no  more  is  heard  of  the  Mobile  tribes  until  Iberville  estab- 
lished a  post  in  Biloxi  Bay  which  was  to  grow  into  the  great  French 
colony  of  Louisiana.  There  were  then  two  principal  tribes  in  the 
region,  the  Mobile  and  the  Tohome  or  Thomez,  the  former  on  Mobile 
River,  about  2  leagues  below  the  junction  of  the  Alabama  and  the 
Tombigbee,  while  the  main  settlement  of  the  latter  was  about  Mcin- 
tosh's Bluflf,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  latter  stream.^  Penicaut  dis- 
tinguishes a  third  tribe,  already  referred  to,  which  he  calls  Naniaba  and 
also  People  of  the  Forks.*     This  last  name  was  given  to  them  be- 

I  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  i,  p.  98. 

s  See  Riedma  In  nourne's  Do  iSoto,  ii.  |).  21. 

*  Mr.  H.  S.  Halbert  believed  that  Nanipacna  was  at  Gees  Bend  on  the  Alabama  River  and  was  that  town 
afterwards  indicated  afl  an  old  site  of  the  Mobile  Indiaius.    {See  pi.  5.) 

«  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  n,  p.  486. 
» Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  197. 
•Ibid.,  p.  219. 
T  Hamilton,  Col.  Mobile,  p.  1U6. 

•  Margry,  T)4c.,  v,  pp.  425, 427. 

160  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [hull.  78 

cause  they  lived  at  the  junction  of  the  Alabama  and  Tombigbee  Riv- 
ers, the  former  evidently  because  their  settlement  was  on  a  bluff  or 
hill.  It  is  still  retained  in  the  form  Nanna  Hubba  and  in  the  same 
locality.^  Since  Iberville  does  not  mention  this  tribe  and  speaks  of 
encountering  the  Tohome  at  the  very  same  place,'  it  is  probable  that 
they  were  sometimes  considered  a  part  of  the  latter.  ^ 

The  Mobile  are,  of  course,  the  identical  tribe  with  which  De  W» 
had  such  a  sanguinary  encounter.  The  meaning  of  the  name,  prop- 
erly pronounced  Mowil,  is  uncertain;  Mr.  Halbert  suggests  that  it  is 
from  the  Choctaw  moeli,  to  skim,  and  also  to  paddle.  Since  De 
Soto's  time  the  tribe  had  moved  much  nearer  the  sea,  probably  in 
consequence  of  that  encounter  and  as  a  result  of  later  wars  with 
the  Alabama.  On  the  French  map  of  De  Crenay  there  is  a  place 
marked  **Vieux  Mobiliens'*  on  the  south  side  of  the  Alabama, 
apparently  close  to  Pine  Barren  Creek,  between  Wilcox  and  Dallas 
Counties,  Alabama.'  This  was  probably  a  station  occupied  by  the 
Mobile  tribe  between  the  time  of  De  Soto  and  the  period  of  Iberville. 

Nothing  positive  is  known  regarding  the  history  of  the  Tohome 
before  they  appear  in  the  French  narratives.  On  the  De  Crenay 
map  above  alluded  to,  however,  there  is  a  short  affluent  of  the 
Alabama  below  where  Montgomery  now  stands  called  *'  Auke  Thom6, " 
evidently  identical  with  the  creek  now  known  as  Catoma,  the  name  of 
which  is  probably  corrupted  from  Auke  Thom^.  Auke  is  evidently 
oTce,  the  Alabama  word  for  '*  water  *'  or  '^stream'',  and  the  Thom6  is  the 
spelling  for  the  Tohome  tribe  used  on  the  same  map.  The  natural 
conclusion  is  that  the  creek  was  named  for  the  tribe  and  marked  a  site 
which  they  had  formerly  occupied.*  Thus  they,  like  the  Mobile, 
would  appear  to  have  come  from  the  neighborhood  of  the  Alabama 

Iberville  says  that  Tohome  means ''  LittleChief , "  but  he  is  evidently 
mistaken.^  "Little  Chief  would  require  an  entirely  distinct  combi- 
nation in  Choctaw  or  any  related  language;  the  nearest  Choctaw 
word  is  perhaps  tomij  tommi,  or  tombi,  which  signifies  '*to  shine,"  or 
"radiant,''  or  "sunshine,"  but  we  really  know  nothing  about  the 
meaning  of  the  tribal  name. 

In  April,  1700,  Ibei'ville  ascended  Pascagoula  River  to  \Tsit  the 
tribes  upon  it,  and  there  he  learned  that  the  village  of  the  Mobile 
was  three  days'  journey  farther  on  toward  the  northeast  and  that 
they  numbered  300  men.  The  Tohome  were  said  to  l)e  one  day's 
journey  beyond  on  the  same  river  of  the  Mobile  and  they  also  were 
said  to  have  300  men. 

1  Hamilton,  Col.  Mobilo,  p.  107. 
•  Biargry,  D6c.,  rv%  p.  514. 

s  Hamilton,  Vol.  Mobile,  p.  190  and  plate  5;  see  footnote,  page  159. 

<  Ibid.     Mr.  Ilalbcrt  bas  suggested  ihat  Thoini^  may  bo  from  a  Cboetaw  word  referred  to  just  below  and 
may  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  tribe,  but  I  believe  he  is  in  error. 
»  Margry,  Ddc.  iv,  p.  614. 




On  leaving  Pascagoula,  Iberville  selected  two  of  his  men  to  go, 
with  the  chief  of  that  nation  and  his  brother,  to  the  Choctaw,  Tohome, 
and  Mobile,  sending  the  chief  of  each  nation  a  present  and  inviting 
them  to  come  and  enter  into  relations  of  friendship  with  him.^  His 
people  returned  in  May,  having  gone  as  far  as  the  village  of  the  Tohome, 
biy^  they  had  turned  back  there  on  account  of  the  high  waters.^  In 
the  winter  of  1700-1701  Bienville  sent  to  the  Mobile  Indians  for 
com.'  In  January,  1702,  after  Iberville  had  reached  Louisiana  on 
his  third  voyage,  he  sent  Bienville  to  begin  work  upon  a  fort  on 
Mobile  River,  and  soon  afterwards  followed  him  in  person.  This 
fort,  as  Hamilton  informs  us,  was  located  at  what  is  now  known 
as  Twenty-seven  Mile  Bluff.*  On  March  4  he  sent  his  brother  '^to 
visit  many  abandoned  settlements  of  the  savages,  in  the  Islands 
which  are  in  the  neighborhood  of  this  pi  ace. ' '    He  continues  as  follows : 

My  brother  returned  in  the  evening.  He  noted  many  places  formerly  occupied  by 
the  savages,  which  the  war  against  the  Conchaque  and  Alibamons  has  forced  them 
to  abandon.  The  greater  number  of  these  settlements  are  inundated  about  half  a  foot 
when  the  waters  are  high.  These  habitations  are  in  the  islands,  with  which  this  river 
is  full  for  thirteen  leagues.  He  made  a  savage  show  him  the  place  where  their  gods 
are,  of  which  all  the  nations  in  the  neighborhood  tell  so  many  stories,  and  where  the 
MobiUans  come  to  offer  sacrifices.  They  pretend  that  one  can  not  touch  them  without 
dying  immediately;  that  they  are  descended  from  heaven.  It  was  necessary  to  give  a 
gun  to  the  savage  who  showed  the  place  to  them.  He  approached  them  only  stealthily 
and  to  within  ten  paces.  They  found  them  by  searching  on  a  little  rise  in  the  canes, 
near  an  ancient  village  which  was  destroyed,  in  one  of  these  islands.  They  brought 
them  out.  They  are  five  figures:  of  a  man,  a  woman,  a  child,  a  bear,  and  an  owl,  made 
in  plaster  so  as  to  look  like  the  savages  of  this  country.  For  my  part  I  think  that  it  waa 
some  Spaniard  who,  at  the  time  of  Soto  made  in  plaster  the  figures  of  these  savages. 
It  appeared  that  that  had  been  done  a  long  time  ago.  We  have  them  at  the  establish- 
ment; the  savages,  who  see  them  there,  are  surprised  at  our  hardihood  and  that  we  do 
not  die.    I  am  bringing  them  to  France  although  they  are  not  much  of  a  curiosity.^ 

Five  days  later  Iberville  left  to  visit  the  Tohome,  and  he  gives  us 
the  following  account  of  his  trip: 

The  9th  I  left  in  a  felucca  to  go  to  the  Tohom^.  I  spent  the  night  five  leagues 
from  there;  one  finds  the  end  of  the  islands  three  leagues  above  the  post.  From  the 
post  I  have  found  almost  everywhere,  on  both  sides,  abandoned  settlements  of  the 
savages,  where  it  is  only  necessary  to  place  settlers,  who  would  have  only  canes  or 
reeds,  or  roots,  to  cut  in  order  to  sow;  the  river,  above  the  islands,  is  half  a  league 
wide  and  five  to  six  fathoms  deep. 

The  10th  I  spent  the  night  with  the  Tohom^,  whom  I  found  eight  leagues  distant 
from  the  post,  following  the  windings  of  the  river.  The  first  settlements,  called 
[those  of  the]  Mobiliens,  are  six  leagues  from  it.  These  two  nations  arc  established 
along  the  two  banks  of  the  river  and  in  the  blands  and  little  rivers,  separatiKl  by 
families:  somet^Ms  there  are  four  or  five  and  sometimes  as  many  as  twelve  cabins 
together.    They  are  very  industrious,  working  the  earth  very  much.    The  greater 

»  Margry,  I>^.,  rv,  p.  427. 
•  Ibid.,  p.  429. 
•Ibid.,  p.  504. 

148061**— 22 ^11 

4  Uamillon,  Col.  Mobile,  p.  52. 

•  Iberville,  in  liargry,  iv,  pp.  512-613. 

162  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  I  bull.  73 

number  of  their  settlements  are  inundated  during  the  high  waterR  for  from  eight  to 
ten  days.  The  village  of  the  Tohom^,  that  is  to  say  of  the  Little  Chief,  where  there 
are  about  eight  or  ten  cabins  together,  is  at  about  the  latitude  of  31  degrees  22  minuter. 
They  have  communicating  trails  from  one  to  another;  that  place  may  be  six  and  a 
half  leagues  to  the  north  a  quarter  northeast  from  the  post.  Following  the  rising 
grounds  one  comes  easily  to  these  villages;  it  would  be  easy  to  make  wagon  roads; 
one  can  go  there  and  return  at  present  on  horseback.  The  ebb  and  flow  come  afiar 
as  the  Tohom6s  when  the  waters  are  low.  According  to  the  number  of  settlements, 
which  I  have  seen  abandoned  this  river  must  have  been  well  peopled.  These  savages 
speak  the  language  of  the  Bayogoulas,  at  least  there  is  little  difference.  There  are 
in  these  two  nations  350  men.* 

P6nicaut  mentions  the  arrival  of  the  chiefs  of  several  nations  of 
Indians  at  the  Mobile  fort  in  1702  to  sing  the  calumet,  and  among 
them  those  of  **the  Mobiliens,  the  Thomez,  and  the  people  of  the 
Forks  [the  Naniaba]/'*  The  following  further  translation  from 
P6nicaut  contains  some  interesting  information  regarding  the  tribes 
with  which  we  are  dealing: 

At  this  time  five  of  our  Frenchmen  asked  permission  of  M.  de  Bienville  to  go  to 
trade  with  the  Alibamons  in  order  to  have  fowls  or  other  provisions  of  which  they  had 
need.  They  took  the  occasion  to  leave  with  ten  of  these  Alibamons,  who  were  at 
our  fort  of  Mobile  and  who  wished  to  return.  On  the  way  they  stopped  five  leagues 
from  our  fort  in  a  village  where  were  three  different  nations  of  savages  assembled, 
who  held  their  feast  there.  They  are  called  the  Mobiliens,  the  Tomez  and  the  Kama- 
bas;  they  do  not  have  a  temple,  but  they  have  a  cabin  in  which  they  perform  feats 
of  jugglery. 

To  juggle  (jongler)j  in  their  language,  is  a  kind  of  invocation  to  their  great  spirit. 
For  my  part,  and  I  have  seen  them  many  times,  I  think  that  it  is  the  devil  whom 
they  invoke,  since  they  go  out  of  this  cabin  raving  like  those  possessed,  and  then 
they  work  sorceries,  like  causing  to  walk  the  skin  of  an  otter,  dead  for  more  than  two 
years,  and  full  of  straw.  They  work  many  other  sorceries  which  would  appear  incredi- 
ble to  the  reader.  This  is  why  I  do  not  want  to  stop  here.  I  would  not  even  mention 
it  if  I,  as  well  as  many  other  Frenchmen  who  were  present  there  with  me,  had  not 
been  witness  of  it.  Those  who  perform  such  feats,  whether  they  are  magical  or  other- 
wise, are  very  much  esteemed  by  the  other  savages.  They  have  much  confidence 
in  their  prescriptions  for  diseases. 

They  have  a  feast  at  the  beginning  of  September,  in  which  they  assemble  for  a 
custom  like  that  of  the  ancient  I^cedemonians,  it  is  that  on  the  day  of  this  feast 
they  whip  their  children  until  the  blood  comes.  The  entire  village  is  then  assembled 
in  one  grand  open  space.  It  is  necessary  that  all  pass,  boys  and  girls,  old  and  young, 
to  the  youngest  age,  and  when  there  are  some  children  sick,  the  mother  is  whipped 
for  the  child.  Aftei:  that  they  begin  dances,  which  last  all  night.  The  chiefs  and  the 
old  men  make  an  exhortation  to  those  whipped,  telling  them  that  it  is  in  order  to 
teach  them  not  to  fear  the  injuries  which  their  enemies  may  be  able  to  inflict  upon 
them,  and  to  show  themselves  good  warriors,  and  not  to  cry  nor  weep,  even  in  the 
midst  of  the  fire,  supposing  that  they  were  thrown  there  by  their  enemies.' 

P6nicaut  goes  on  to  say  that  four  of  the  five  prospective  traders 
were  treacherously  killed  by  Alabama  Indians  when  close  to  their 

>  Iberville,  in  Margry,  iv,  pp.  51^)14.    For  the  Bayogoulas  see  Bull.  43,  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn..  pp.  274-279. 

>liargry,  v,p.426. 

•  Ptelcwit,  in  Margry,  v,  pp.  427-428. 




town,  one.  barely  escaping  with  his  life,  and  that  this  was  the  cause 
of  a  war  between  the  French  and  that  tribe.* 

La  Harpe,  a  better  authority  than  P^nicaut,  places  this  event  in 
the  year  1703.'  We  learn  from  the  same  explorer  that  in  May, 
1702,  eight  chiefs  of  the  Alabama  had  come  to  Mobile  to  ask  Bien- 
ville whether  or  not  they  should  continue  their  war  with  the  Chicka- 
saw, Tohome  (Tomis),  and  Mobile,  and  that  Bienville  had  advised 
them  to  make  peace.'  October  1  some  of  them  came  down,  sang 
the  calumet,  and  promised  to  make  peace.^  From  this  it  appears 
that  the  alliance  which  P^nicaut  represents  as  existing  between  the 
Alabama  and  the  Mobile  and  Tohome  was  not  of  long  standing. 
The  act  of  treachery  in  killing  four  out  of  five  French  traders  was, 
it  seems,  a  first  act  of  hostility  after  peace  had  been  made  the  year 
before.  The  leader  of  the  traders  was  named  Labrie,  and  the  one 
who  escaped  was  a  Canadian.^  According  to  P^nicaut,  Bienville's 
first  attempt  to  obtain  reparation  for  this  hostile  act  had  to  be 
given  up  on  account  of  the  treachery  of  the  Mobile,  Tohome, 
People  of  the  Forks,  and  other  Indian  allies  who  misled  and  aban- 
doned him  ''because  they  were  friends  and  allies  of  the  Alibamons 
against  whom  we  were  leading  them  to  war."*  La  Harpe  does  not 
mention  this.  Bienville  led  another  party  later  on  with  little  bet- 
ter success.  P6nicaut  places  this  expedition  in  1702,'  La  Harpe  in 
December,  1703,  and  January,  1704."  Two  Tohome  are  mentioned 
by  La  Harpe  as  deputed  along  with  three  Canadians  to  bring  in  the 
Choctaw  chiefs  in  order  to  make  peace  between  them  and  the  Chicka- 
saw, who  had  come  to  Mobile  to  ask  it.  This  was  December  9, 1705.' 
On  the  18th  of  the  same  month  it  is  noted  that  Bienville  "recon- 
ciled the  MobiUan  nation  with  that  of  the  Thomas;  they  were  on 
the  point  of  declaring  war  against  each  other  on  account  of  the 
death  of  a  Mobilian  woman,  killed  by  a  Thom6.''® 

This  is  the  only  mention  of  any  difference  between  these  two  tribes; 
it  is  enough,  however,  to  show  that  there  was  a  clear  distinction 
between  them.  In  January,  1706,  M.  de  Boisbrillant  set  out  against 
the  Alabama  with  60  Canadians  and  12  Indians.  According  to  La 
Harpe  he  returned  February  21  with  2  scalps  and  a  slave.^*^  P6ni- 
caut,  who  places  the  expedition  in  1702,  says  that  he  had  40  men, 
killed  all  the  men  in  6  Alabama  canoes,  and  enslaved  all  of  the 
women  and  children.  He  adds  that  the  Mobilians  begged  the  slaves 
from  M.  de  Bienville,  ^* because  they  were  their  relations,"  that  the 

»  Margry,  DA;.,  v,  pp.  428-429. 

*  La  Harpe,  Jour.  Hist.,  pp.  75-77,  79. 
» Ibid.,  p.  72. 

*  Ibid.,  pp.  7»-74. 

•  Ibid.,  pp.  77,  79. 

•  Margry,  Dte.,  t,  p.  420. 

'Ibid.,  pp.  429-431. 

*La  Harpe,  Jour.  Hist.,  pp.  82-83.    The  accounts 
of  these  two  writers  are  given  on  pp.  194-195. 
»  Ibid.,  p.  94. 
» Ibid.,  p.  96. 



(bull.  73 

request  was  granted;  and  that  because  of  this  action  the  Mobile 
afterwards  joined  the  French  in  all  the  wars  which  they  had  with  the 
Alabama.^  In  view  of  the  hostilities  known  to  have  existed  between 
the  tribes  in  question  when  the  French  first  arrived  in  the  country 
this  last  statement  may  well  be  doubted.  According  to  P^nicaut 
the  Alabama  and  their  allies  marched  against  the  Mobile  in  1708 
with  more  than  4,000  men,  but,  owing  to  the  forethought  of  D'Arta- 
guette,  who  had  advised  his  Indian  allies  to  post  sentinels,  they 
accomplished  no  further  damage  than  the  burning  of  some  cabins.^ 
This  incursion  is  not  mentioned  by  La  Harpe,  but,  as  D'Artaguette 
was  actually  in  command  at  the  time  and  La  Harpe  passes  over  the 
years  1708  and  1709  in  almost  complete  silence,  such  a  raid  is  very 

From  what  has  been  said  above  it  is  apparent  that  the  Mobile  and 
Tohome  tribes  were  originally  distinct,  but  they  must  have  united  in 
rather  early  French  times.  The  last  mention  of  the  latter  in  the 
narrative  of  La  Harpe  is  in  connection  with  the  murder,  in  1715, 
of  the  Englishman,  Hughes,  who  had  come  overland  to  the  Mississippi, 
had  been  captured  there  and  sent  as  a  prisoner  to  Mobile  by  the  French, 
and  had  afterwards  been  liberated  by  Bienville.  He  passed  on  toPen- 
sacola  and  started  inland  toward  the  Alabama  when  he  was  killed  by  a 
Tohome  Indian.'  Bienville,  about  1725,  speaks  of  the  Little  Tohome 
and  the  Big  Tohome,  by  which  he  probably  means  the  Naniaba  and 
the  Tohome  respectively.*  Although  none  of  our  authorities  mentions 
the  fact  in  specific  terms,  and  indeed  the  map  of  De  Crcnay  of  1733 
still  places  the  Tohome  in  their  old  position  on  the  Tombigbee,*  it  is 
evident  from  what  Du  Pratz  says  regarding  them,  that  by  the  third 
decade  in  the  eighteenth  century  they  had  moved  farther  south, 
probably  to  have  the  protection  of  the  new  Mobile  fort  and  partly  to 
be  near  a  trading  post. 

A  little  to  the  north  of  Fort  Louis  is  the  nation  of  the  Thomez,  which  is  as  small  and 
as  serviceable  as  that  of  the  Chatdts;  it  is  said  also  that  they  are  Catholics;  they  are 
friends  to  the  point  of  importunity.® 

Keeping  toward  the  north  along  the  bay,  one  finds  the  nation  of  the  Mobiliens,  near 
the  point  where  the  river  of  Mobile  empties  into  the  bay  of  the  same  name.  The  true 
name  of  this  nation  is  Momill;  from  this  word  the  French  have  made  MohiU^  and  then 
they  have  named  the  river  and  the  bay  Mobile,  and  the  natives  belonging  to  this 
nation  Mobiliens.^ 

The  Mobile  church  registers  do  not  contain  any  references  to  the 
Tohome  tribe,  but  the  Mobile,  or  Mobilians,  are  mentioned  in  several 

»  Margry,  D6c.,  v,  p.  432. 

>Ibid.,  p.  478. 

*  La  Harpe,  Jour.  Uist.,  pp.  118-119. 

«  French  transcriptiozLs,  Lib.  Cong. 

-  Piatt!  •>;  Hamilton,  Col.  Mobile,  p.  1%. 
•  Du  I'ratz,  Hist,  de  la  Ix)uisiaiie,  ii,  p.  213. 
Ubid.,  pp.  2i:3-2H. 

S  WANTON*  1 



plaws,  the  first  date  being  in  1715,  the  last  in  1761.*  The  Tohomc^ 
and  Naniaba  come  to  the  surface  still  later  in  a  French  document 
dated  some  time  before  the  cession  of  Mobile  to  Great  Britain  (1763)' 
and  in  a  list  of  Choctaw  towns  and  chiefs  compiled  by  the  English, 
1771-72."  It  is  probable  that  the  languages  spoken  by  them  were 
so  close  to  Choctaw  that  they  afterwards  passed  as  Choctaw  and, 
mingling  with  the  true  Choctaw,  in  time  forgot  their  own  original 
separateness.  And  this  probability  is  strengthened  by  a  Choctaw 
census  made  by  Regis  du  RouUet,  a  French  officer,  in  1730,  who 
classes  the  Tohome,  Naniaba,  and  some  Indians  ''aux  mobiliens" 
as  ''Choctaw  established  on  the  river  of  Mobile."  * 


On  an  earlier  page  I  have  registered  my  belief  that  the  origin  of  the 
Osochi  is  to  be  sought  in  that  Florida  "province*'  through  which 
De  Soto  passed  shortly  before  reaching  the  Apalachee.  The  name  is 
given  variously  as  U^achile,*  Uzachil,*  Veachile,^  and  Ossachile.' 
Since  the  Timucua  chief  Uriutina  speaks  of  the  U^achile  as  ''of  our 
nation,"  •  while  the  chief  of  U^achile  is  said  to  be  *' kinsman  of  the 
chief  of  Caliquen,''*  it  may  be  inferred  that  the  tribe  then  spoke  a 
Timucua  dialect.*®  If  this  were  really  the  case  it  is  strange  that,  in- 
stead of  retiring  farther  into  Florida  with  the  rest  of  the  Timucua, 
these  people  chode  to  move  northward  entirely  away  from  the  old 
Timucua  country.  Nevertheless,  Spanish  documents  do  inform  us 
of  one  northward  movement  as  an  aftermath  of  the  Timucua  rebellion 
in  1656."  Other  evidence  seeming  to  mark  out  various  steps  in  the 
migration  of  these  people  has  been  adduced  already,"  mention  being 
made  of  *'Tommakees''  near  the  mouth  of  Apalachicola  River  about 
1700  by  Coxe,"  '*  Tomo6ka''  in  the  same  region  by  Lamhatty  in  1707,^* 
and  a  town  or  tribe  near  the  jimction  of  the  Apalachicola  and  Flint 
Rivers  called  "  Apalache  6  Sachile ' '  at  a  considerably  later  date."  The 
6  in  the  last  term  has  been  mistaken  by  the  cartographer  for  the  Span- 
ish connective  6,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  it  belongs  properly 
with  what  follows.  Osochi  is  always  accented  on  the  firet  syllable. 
The  spot  indicated  on  this  map  is  that  at  which  the  Apalachicola 
Indians  settled  after  the  Yamasee  war.     We  must  suppose,   then. 

1  HamUton.  Col.  MobUe,  p.  108. 
s  M Iss.  Prov.  Aroh.,  i,  p.  26. 
s  Lib.  Cong.,  MSB. 

*  French  Transcriptions,  Lib.  Cong. 

•  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  n,  p.  73. 
•Ibid.,i,  p.  41. 

T  Ibid.,  n,  p.  6. 

•  Shlpp's  De  Soto  and  Fla.,  p.  i299. 

*  Bourne,  op.  cit.,  ii,  p.  73. 

"However,  it  is  to  be  noted  that  the  tribes 
southeast  of  Ocilla  River  are  spolcen  of  as  consti- 
tuting the  Yustaga  province,  which  is  sometimes 
distinguished  from  the  Timuaia  pmvince  i)roper. 

i>  See  p.  338. 

»« See  p.  26, 

"  French,  nist.  Colls.  La.,  1850,  p.  Z\k. 

"  Amer.  Anthrop.,  n.  s.  vol.  x,  p.  571. 

»  Hamilton,  Col.  Mobile,  p.  210;  liuidiaz,  La 
Florida,  i,  jllv. 



[bull.  73 

unless  we  have  to  do  with  a  verj^  bad  misprint,  cither  that  the  Osochi 
were  considered  an  Apalachicola  band  or  that  they  were  living  with 
the  Apalachicola  midway  between  their  old  territories  and  the  homes 
of  the  Lower  Creeks.  These  facts  do  not,  of  course,  amount  to 
proof  of  a  connection  between  the  Upachile  and  Osochi,  but  they 
point  in  that  direction. 

Adair,  writing  in  the  latter  half  of  the  eighteenth  century,  men- 
tions the  "Oos6cha^'  as  one  of  those  nations,  remains  of  which  had 
settled  in  the  lower  part  of  the  Muskogee  country.*  On  the  De 
Crenay  map  (1733)  their  name  appears  under  the  very  distorted 
form  Cochoutehy  (or  Cochutchy)  east  of  Flint  River,  between  the 
Sawokli  and  Eufaula,'  but  the  French  census  of  1760  shows  them 
between  the  Yuchi  and  Chiaha'  and  those  of  1738  and  1750  near 
the  Okmulgee.*  In  the  assignment  to  the  traders,  July  3,  1761,  we 
find  ''The  Point  Towns  called  Ouschetaws,  Chehaws  and  Oakmul- 
gees,''  given  to  George  Mackay  and  James  Hewitt  along  with  the 
Hitchiti  town.*  Bertram  spells  the  name  ''Hooseche,"  and  says 
that  they  spoke  the  Muskogee  tongue,  but  this  is  probably  an  error 
even  for  his  time.*  In  1797  their  trader  was  Samuel  Palmer.^ 
Hawkins,  in  1799,  has  the  following  to  say  about  them: 

Oo8e-o(M:he;  is  about  two  miles  below  Uchee,  on  the  right  bank  of  Chat>to-ho-chee ; 
they  formerly  lived  on  Flint  river,  and  settling  here,  they  built  a  hot  house  in  1794 ; 
they  cultivate  with  their  neighbors,  the  Che-au-haus,  below  th^n,  the  land  in  the 

The  statement  regarding  their  origin  tends  to  tie  them  a  little 
more  definitely  to  the  tribe  mentioned  in  the  Spanish  map.  The 
census  of  1832  gives  two  settlements  as  occupied  by  this  tribe,  which 
it  spells  "Oswichee,'^  one  on  Chattahoochee  River  and  one  ''on  the 
waters  of  Opillike  Hatchee  (Opile'ki  ha'tci).'  In  1804  Hawkins 
condemns  the  Osochi  for  a  reactionary  outbreak  which  occurred 
there  when  "we  were  told  they  would  adhere  to  old  times,  they 
preferred  the  old  bow  and  arrow  to  the  gun."^®  After  their  removal 
west  of  the  Mississippi  the  Osochi  were  settled  on  the  north  side  of 
the  Arkansas  some  distance  above  the  present  city  of  Muskogee. 
Later  a  part  of  them  moved  over  close  to  Council  Hill  to  be  near  the 
Hitchiti  and  also,  according  to  another  authority,  on  account  of  the 
Green  Peach  war.  An  old  man  belonging  to  this  group  told  me 
that  his  grandmother  could  speak  Hitchiti,  and  he  believed  that  in 
the  past  more  spoke  Hitchiti  than  Creek.  This  is  also  indicated 
by  the  close  association  of  the  Osochi  and  Chiaha  m  early  days. 

>  Adair,  Hist.  Am.  Inds.,  p.  257. 

*  Plate  5;  Hamilton,  Col.  Mobile,  p.  190. 
»  Miss.  Prov.  Arch.,  I,  p.  96. 

«MS8.,  AyerCoU. 

ft  Oa.  Col.  Docs.,  VIII,  p.  522. 

•  Bartram,  Travels,  p.  462. 

'  Oa.  Hist.  See.  ColLs.,ix,  p.  171. 
•  Ibid.,  m,  p.  03. 

»  Senate  Doc.  512,  23d  Cong.,  Ist  sess.,  pp.  353-356; 
Schoolcraft,  Ind.  Tribes,  iv,  p.  578. 
»•  Oa.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  IX,  p.  438. 


The  two  together  settled  a  tovm  known  as  Hotalgihuyana.*  Their 
familiarity  with  Hitchiti  may  have  been  merely  a  natural  result  of 
long  association  with  Chiaha  and  Apalachicola  Indians.  No  remem- 
brance of  any  language  other  than  Hitchiti  and  Muskogee  is  preserved 
among  them. 


The  Chiaha  were  a  more  prominent  tribe  and  evidently  much 
larger  than  those  last  mentioned.  While  the  significance  of  their 
name  is  unknown  it  recalls  the  Choctaw  chaha,  ''high,"  "height," 
and  this  would  be  in  harmony  with  the  situation  in  which  part  of  the 
tribe  was  first  encountered  northward  near  the  mountains  of  Tennessee. 
There  is  also  a  Cherokee  place  name  which  superficially  resembles 
this,  but  should  not  be  confounded  with  it.  It  is  written  by  Mooney 
Tsiyahi  and  signifies  ''Otter  place."  One  settlement  so  named 
formerly  existed  on  a  branch  of  the  Keowee  River,  near  the  present 
Cheohee,  Oconee  Coimty,  South  Carolina;  another  in  Cades  Cove, 
on  Cove  Creek,  in  Blount  County,  Tennessee;  and  a  third,  still  occu- 
pied, about  Robbinsville,  in  Graham  County,  North  Carolina.' 

As  a  matter  of  fact  we  know  from  later  history  that  there  were  at 
least  two  Chiahas  in  very  early  times — one  as  above  indicated  and 
a  second  among  the  Yamasee.  In  discussing  the  Cusabo  I  have 
already  spoken  of  the  possibility  that  the  Eiawa  of  Ashley  River 
were  a  third  group  of  Chiaha,  and  will  merely  note  the  point  again  in 
passing.'  That  there  were  Chiaha  among  the  Yamasee  is  proved  by  a 
passage  in  the  manuscript  volume  of  proceedings  of  the  board  dealing 
with  the  Indian  trade  of  Carolina.  There  we  find  it  recorded  that  in 
1713  an  agent  of  this  board  among  the  Lower  Creeks  proposed  that  a 
way  be  prepared  that  "  the  Cheehaws  who  were  formerly  belonging  to 
the  Yamassees  and  now  settled  among  the  Creeks  might  return."^ 
This  seems  to  be  confirmed  by  the  presence  of  a  Chehaw  River  in 
South  Carolina  between  the  Edisto  and  Combahee,  though  it  is 
possible  that  that  received  its  name  from  the  Kiawa.  There  is, 
however,  another  line  of  evidence.  In  1566  and  1567  Juan  Pardo 
made  two  expeditions  inland  toward  the  northwest,  and  reached 
among  other  places  in  the  second  of  these  the  Chiaha  whom  De  Soto 
had  formerly  encountered.  Now  Pardo  calls  them  "Chihaque,  que 
tiene  por  otro  nombre  se  llama  Lameco,''^  and  in  another  place 
"Lameco,  que  tiene  por  otro  nombre  Chiaha/'*  while  in  Vandera's 
accoimt  we  read  "Solameco,  y  por  otro  nombre  Chiaha/'^  Gat- 
schet  derives  this  last  from  the  Creek  Stili  miko,  *' Buzzard  chief," 

1  S«e  pp.  170,  409.  '"  Huidiaz,  La  Florida,  n,  p.  471. 

*  MoGney  in  10th  Ann.  Rept.  Bar.  Amer.  Ethn.,  p.  538.  'Ibid.,  p.  472. 
sS«ep.25.  T  Ibid.,  p.  484. 

*  MB.  M  ab0T«,  p.  6ft. 

168  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

but  attention  should  bo  called  to  a  similar  name  recorded  by  tlie 
De  Soto  chroniclers  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  lower  Savannah. 
This  is  the  Talimeco  or  Jalameco  of  Ranjel/  and  the  Talomeco  of 
Garcilasso.'  I  venture  the  suggestion  that  all  of  these  names  are 
intended  for  the  same  word,  Talimico  or  Talimiko,  which  agaui 
was  probably  from  Creek  Tilwa  immiko,  ^'town  its  chief/'  --wa 
being  uniformly  dropped  in  composition.  The  name  would  probably 
be  applied  to  an  important  town.  While  we  do  not  know  definitely  that 
it  was  applied  to  the  Chiaha  amoi^  the  Yamasee,  the  fact  that  a  tribe 
by  that  name  is  mentioned  as  living  in  the  immediate  neighborhood 
may  be  significant.  In  fact  I  am  inclined  to  believe  that  the  Talimeco, 
Jalameco,  or  Talomeco  of  the  chroniclers  of  De  Soto  were  the  south- 
ern band  of  Chiaha.  If  this  were  the  case  the  first  appearance  of 
both  Chiaha  bands  in  history  would  be  in  the  De  Soto  chronicles. 

The  Spaniards  first  learned  of  Talimeco  from  ''the  lady  of 
Cofitachequi/ '  who  speaks  of  it  as  ''my  village,' '*  but  the  ex- 
pression as  quoted  by  Kanjel  hardly  agrees  with  his  later,  state- 
ment to  the  effect  that  "this  Talimeco  was  a  village  holding 
extensive  sway."'  The  relation  which  Cofitachequi  and  Tali- 
meco bore  to  each  other  is  rather  perple^dng,  but,  discounting  the 
tendency  of  the  Spaniards  to  discover  kings,  emperors,  and  ruling 
and  subjugated  provinces,  we  may  guess  that  the  tribes  were  allied 
and  on  terms  of  perfect  equality.  Later  we  find  the  Chiaha  and 
Eawita  maintaining  just  such  an  alliance.     Ranjel  says: 

In  the  moeque,  or  house  of  worship,  of  Talimeco  there  were  breastplatee  like  corse- 
lets and  headpieces  made  of  rawhide,  the  hair  stripped  off;  and  also  very  good  shields. 
This  Talimeco  was  a  village  holding  extensive  sway;  and  this  house  of  worship  was  on 
a  high  mound  and  much  revered.  The  caney,  or  house  of  the  chief,  was  very  large, 
high,  and  broad,  all  decorated  above  and  below  with  very  fine,  handsome  mats,  ar- 
ranged so  skilfully  that  all  these  mats  appeared  to  be  a  single  one;  and,  marvellous 
as  it  seems,  there  was  not  a  cabin  that  was  not  covered  with  mats.  This  people  has 
many  very  fine  fields  and  a  pretty  stream  and  a  hill  covered  with  walniits,  oak  trees, 
pines,  live  oaks,  and  groves  of  liquid  amber,  and  many  cedars.^ 

Garcilasso  is  the  only  other  chronicler  who  has  much  to  say  of 

Talimeco,  or  who  even  mentions  its  name.     He  says: 

Both  sides  of  the  road,  from  the  camp  to  this  town,  were  covered  with  trees,  of  which 
a  part  bore  fruit,  and  it  seemed  as  though  they  promenaded  through  an  orchard,  so 
that  our  men  arrived  with  pleasure  and  without  difficulty  at  Talomeco,  which  they 
found  abandoned  on  account  of  the  pest.  Talomeco  is  a  beautiful  town,  and  quite 
noted,  as  it  was  the  residence  of  the  caciques.  It  is  upon  a  small  eminence  near  the 
river,  and  consists  of  five  hundred  well-built  houses.  That  of  the  chief  is  elevated 
above  the  town,  and  is  seen  from  a  distance.  It  is  also  larger,  stronger,  and  more 
agreeable  than  the  others.  Opposite  this  house  is  the  temple,  whore  are  tlie  coffins 
of  the  lords  of  the  province.     It  is  filled  with  ri(*ho8,  and  built  in  a  magnificent  manner.^ 

>  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  n,  pp.  98, 101.  "*  Boumo,  op.  cit.,  \\.  101. 

•  OarollMSO, in 8hipp,De8otoaad  Florida,  p. 3(12.  « Ibid.,  pp.  101-102. 

swantonI  early  history  OF  THE   CREEK   INDIANS  169 

Garc'ilasso  tlien  dcvot4?^8  an  entire  chapter  to  a  description  of  this 
temple,  which,  though  evidently  exaggerated,  doubtless  is  true  in 
outline.^  It  is  questionable  whether  these  Chiaha  belonged  originally 
to  the  Yamasee  proper  or  were  one  of  the  peoples  of  Guale.  Prob- 
ably the  English  trader  spoke  only  in  a  general  way,  however,  and  we 
are  not  justified  in  drawing  any  other  Uian  a  general  inference  as  to 
the  ancient  location  of  the  tribe.  We  know  nothing  of  the  date  when 
they  settled  among  the  Lower  Creeks,  except  that  it  was  before  the 
year  1715.  We  find  them  among  the  Creek  towns  on  Ocmulgee 
River  on  some  of  the  early  mapsi  such  as  the  Moll  map  of  1720  and  a 
map  in  Homann's  atlas  of  date  1759,  the  information  contained  in 
which  evidently  antedates  the  Yamasee  war  (see  also  pi.  3). 

In  1715,  however,  nearly  all  of  the  Lower  Creeks  moved  over  to  the 
Chattahoochee,  the  Chiaha  among  them.  On  later  maps  the  Chiaha 
appear  on  Chattahoochee  River,  sometimes  under  the  name  *'  Achitia," 
between  the  Okmulgee  on  the  north  and  a  part  of  the  Yuchi  known  as 
the  Hoglogees  on  the  south.  They  seem  to  have  been  numerous,  and 
Adair  mentions  ''Cha-hah  "  among  his  six  principal  Creek  towns.'  In 
1761  the  "Chehaws, "  Osochi,  and  Okmulgee,  called  collectively  "point 
towns, "  were  assigned  to  the  traders  George  Mackay  and  James  Hewitt, 
along  with  the  Hitchiti.'  Bartram  states  that  he  crossed  the  Chat- 
t;iihoochee  "at  the  point  towns  Chehaw  and  Usseta  (Kasihta). 
"These  towns,"  he  adds,  "almost  join  each  other,  yet  speak  two 
languages,  as  radically  different  perhaps  as  the  Muscogulge  and 

Hawkins  (1799)  has  the  following  description: 

Che-au-hau,  called  by  the  traders  Che-hawe,  \a  just  below,  and  adjoining  Oose-oo-che, 
on  a  flat  of  good  land.  Below  the  town  the  river  winds  round  east,  then  west,  making 
a  neck  or  point  of  one  thousand  acres  of  canebrake,  very  fertile,  but  low,  and  sub- 
ject to  be  overflowed;  the  land  back  of  this  is  level  for  nearly  three  miles,  with  red, 
post,  and  white  oak,  hickory,  then  pine  forest. 

These  people  have  villages  on  the  waters  of  Flint  River;  there  they  have  fine  stocks 
of  cattle,  horses,  and  hogs,  and  they  raise  com,  rice,  and  potatoes  in  great  plenty. 

The  following  are  the  villages  of  this  town : 

1st.  Au-muc-cul-le  (pour  upon  me)  is  on  a  creek  of  that  name,  which  joins  on  the 
right  side  of  Flint  River,  forty-five  miles  below  Timothy  Barnard's.  It  is  sixty  feet 
wide,  and  the  main  branch  of  Kitch-o-f oo-ne,  which  it  joins  three  miles  from  the  river; 
the  village  is  nine  miles  up  the  creek ;'  the  land  is  poor  and  flat,  with  limestone  springs 
in  the  neighborhood;  the  swamp  is  cypress  in  hammocks,  with  some  water  oak  and 
hickory;  the  pine  land  is  poor  with  ponds  and  wire  grass;  they  have  sixty  gun  men  in 
the  village;  it  is  in  some  places  well  fenced;  they  have  cattle,  hogs,  and  horses,  and  a 
fine  range  for  them,  and  raise  com,  rice,  and  potatoes  in  great  plenty. 

»  Oardlasso,  in  Shipp,  De  Soto,  and  Florida,  pp.  3«i2-3<W. 

•  Adair,  Hist.  Am.  Ind<t., p.  257. 

•  Oa.  Cd.  Docs.,  vni,  p.  522. 
i  Bartnin,  Travels,  p.  456. 

•  ElMwhere  be  says  '15  miles  up  the  creek,  "—ria.  172. 


2d.  0-tel-le-who-yau-nau  (hurricane  town)  Ib  six  miles  below  Kitch-o-foo-ne,  on 
the  right  bank  of  Flint  River,  with  pine  barren  on  both  sides;'  they  have  twenty 
families  in  the  village,  which  is  fenced;  and  they  have  hogs,  cattle,  and  horses;  they 
plant  the  small  margins  near  the  mouth  of  a  little  creek.  This  village  is  generally 
named  as  belonging  to  Che-au-hau,  but  they  are  mixed  with  Oose-oo-ches ' 

In  notes  taken  in  1797  the  same  writer  mentions  a  small  Chiaha 
settlement  on  Flint  River,  3  miles  below  *' Large  Creek/'  and  9  miles 
above  Hotalgihuyana.' 

Another  Chiaha  settlement  is  referred  to  in  the  following  terms: 

Che-au-hoo-che  (little  che-au-hau)  is  one  mile  and  a  half  west  from  Hit-che-tee,  in 
the  pine  forest,  near  Au-he-gee;  a  fine  little  creek,  called  at  its  junction  with  the 
river,  Hit-che-tee;  they  begin  to  fence  and  have  lately  built  a  square.^ 

When  the  Creeks  were  removed  to  Oklahoma  the  Chiaha  estab- 
lished themselves  in  the  extreme  northeastern  comer  of  the  new 
Creek  territory,  where  they  made  a  square  ground  on  Adams  Creek. 
This  was  later  given  up,  but  it  was  restored  for  a  period  after  the 
Civil  War.  It  is  now  altogether  abandoned,  and  the  Chiaha  them- 
selves are  rapidly  losing  their  identity  in  the  mass  of  the  population. 
It  is  said  that  most  of  the  true  Chiaha  are  gone  and  that  those  that 
are  now  so  called  have  been  brought  in  from  outside — by  marriage 
presumably.  Even  before  the  Creek  war  many  Chiaha  had  gone  to 
Florida,  and  afterwards  the  numbers  there  were  very  greatly  aug- 
mented. At  the  present  day  there  is  a  square  ground  in  the  northern 
part  of  the  old  Seminole  Nation  named  Chiaha,  but  the  different 
elements  among  the  Seminole  have  fused  so  completely  that  in 
only  a  few  cases  can  they  be  separated.  The  name  is  little  more 
than  a  convenient  term,  a  historical  vestige  applied  after  all  sub- 
stance has  departed. 

We  have  still  to  say  a  word  regarding  the  Chiaha  whom  De  Soto 
found  in  the  mountains — those  to  whom  the  name  was  first  applied. 
This  seems  to  have  been  a  powerful  nation  by  itself  in  his  time,  for 
he  learned  of  it  while  still  at  Cofitachequi.  The  Fidalgo  of  Elvas 

The  natives  [of  Cofitachequi]  were  asked  if  they  had  knowledge  of  any  great  lord 
further  on,  to  which  they  answered,  that  twelve  days'  travel  thence  was  a  province 
called  Chiaha,  subject  to  a  chief  of  (^o^a.* 

The  statement  regarding  subjection  may  be  taken  to  indicate  some 
kind  of  alliance,  nothing  more.     De  Soto  reached  this  place  June 

1  In  not«8  taken  two  years  earlier  Hawkins  mentions  two  towns  of  this  name,  or  rather  two  town  sites 
7  miles  apart  on  Flint  River,  and  clearly  indicates  that  the  people  had  occupied  them  in  succession.— 
Oa.  Hist.  See.  Colls.,  ix,  p.  173. 

>  Hawkins,  Sketch,  in  Oa.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  lu,  pt.  i,  pp.  63-64:  ix,  p.  172.  The  second  of  these  branches 
loQg  maintained  an  independent  existence.  It  is  mentioned  by  the  Spanish  officer,  Manuel  Garcia  in 
1800  (copy  of  Diary  in  Newberry  Lib.,  Aver  Coll.),  and  by  Young  (see  p.  409). 

s  Oa.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  IX,  p.  173. 

« Ibid.,  m,  p.  64. 

fr  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  i,  p.  68. 


5,  1540,  and  left  it  on  the  28th.  Ranjel  mentions  the  rather  interest- 
ing fact  that  here  the  explorers  first  encountered  fenced  villages.* 
In  1566  Juan  Pardo  penetrated  from  the  fort  at  Santa  Elena  as  far 
north  as  the  Cheraw  country  at  the  head  of  Broad  River  and  built  a 
fort  there,  which  he  named  Fort  San  Juan.  He  returned  to  Santa 
Elena  the  same  year,  leaving  a  sergeant  named  Moyano  in  charge.' 
In  1567  Moyano,  acting  in  accordance  with  instructions,  set  out 
from  Fort  San  Juan  and  marched  westward  until  he  came  to  Chiaha, 
where  he  built  another  fort  and  awaited  Pardo.  Pardo  left  Fort 
San  Felipe  at  Santa  Elena  September  1 ,  reached  Chiaha,  and  passed 
beyond  it  into  the  coimtry  of  the  Upper  Creeks;  but,  hearing  that  a 
great  army  of  Indians  was  assembling  to  oppose  him,  he  returned 
to  Chiaha,  strengthened  the  fort  which  Moyano  had  built,  and, 
leaving  a  garrison  there  consisting  of  a  corporal  and  30  soldiers, 
returned  to  Santa  Elena. 

Vandera,  in  his  enimieration  of  the  places  which  Pardo  had  visited, 
speaks  of  Chiaha  as  ^'a  rich  and  extensive  country,  a  broad  land, 
surroimded  by  beautiful  rivers.  All  around  this  place  there  are,  at 
distances  of  one,  two,  and  three  leagues,  more  or  less,  many  smaller 
places  all  surrounded  by  rivers.  Tliere  are  leagues  and  leagues  of 
plenty  (bendicion),  with  such  great  quantities  of  fine  grapes  and 
many  medlar-trees;  in  short,  a  country  for  angels."^ 

Pardo  also  left  a  garrison,  consisting  of  a  corporal  and  12  soldiers, 
at  a  place  called  Cauchi.  These  posts,  along  with  the  one  among 
the  Cheraw,  lasted  for  a  time  but  were  ultimately  destroyed  by  the 
people  among  whom  they  had  been  placed.*  This  is  the  last  we 
hear  of  a  Chiaha  so  far  to  the  north.  When  the  veil  of  obscurity 
which  covered  these  regions  for  more  than  a  hundred  years  after 
this  time  is  again  lifted  they  are  foimd  only  in  the  south  on  the 
Ocmulgee  and  Chattahoochee.  Now,  since,  according  to  the  testi- 
mony of  the  English  trader  already  quoted,  the  ChifJia  among  the 
Lower  Creeks  had  come  from  the  Yamasee,  are  we  to  suppose  that 
these  northern  Chiaha  had  in  the  interval  first  joined  the  Yamasee 
and  then  moved  back  to  the  Ocmulgee  and  Chattahoochee,  or  did 
they  join  the  Chiaha  whom  I  have  indicated  as  probably  already 
existing  among  the  Yamasee  after  they  had  retired  westward  ?  On 
this  point  our  information  is  almost  entirely  wanting.  There  are, 
however,  a  few  indications '  that  there  may  have  been  during  all 
this  period  a  body  of  Chiaha  among  the  Upper  Creeks  separate 
from  those  whose  history  we  have  already  traced,  in  which  case  we 
must  assume  that  they  did  not  miite  with  their  relatives  before 

1  Bourae,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  n,  p.  IQ». 

>  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  n,  pp.  465-473, 477-480. 

a  Vtndera  in  Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  n,  pp.  484-485 

<  IWd.;  also  Lowery,  Span.  Settl.,  n,  pp.  274-276,  2S4-286,  294-297. 

172  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN    ETHNOI.OOY  [nrLi.  73 

they  emigrated  west  of  the  \fissLssij)pi,  if  at  all.  One  of  these  iiidi- 
catioiis  is  the  name  ''Chiaha*'  applied  by  Coxe  to  the  Tallapoosa 
River/  another  the  name  of  a  creek  in  Talladega  County,  Alabama, 
Chehawhaw  Creek,  known  to  have  borne  it  as  far  back  as  the 
end  of  the  eighteenth  century,'  and  a  third  the  enumeration  of 
two  bodies  of  Upper  Creek  Indians  in  the  census  of  1832  under  names 
which  appear  to  be  intended  to  represent  the  name  of  this  tribe.' 
One  of  these  is  given  as  *'Cheha>v''  with  126  people  and  the  other  as 
"Chearhaw''  with  306.  This  is  greater  than  the  combined  population 
of  the  Chiaha  and  Hotalgihuyana  to\^Tis  among  the  Lower  Creeks, 
and  it  is  difficult  to  see  how  they  could  have  persisted  as  a  distinct 
people  for  such  a  long  period  without  separate  notice.  While  there 
are  no  Upper  Creek  Chiaha  no%v  there  seems  to  be  a  tradition  of  such 
a  body  as  having  existed  in  former  times;  and  if  so,  we  may  consider 
it  almost  certain  that  they  were  descendants  of  those  whom  De  Soto 
and  Pardo  encountered  at  the  very  da^^^l  of  American  history. 


Hitchiti  among  the  Creeks  was  considered  the  head  or  ''mother" 
of  a  group  of  Lower  Creek  towns  which  spoke  closely  related 
languages  distinct  from  Muskogee.  This  group  included  the  Sawokli, 
Okmulgee,  Oconee,  Apalachicola,  and  probably  the  Chiaha,  with 
their  branches,  and  all  of  these  people  called  themselves  Atcik-Jid'ia, 
words  said  by  Gatschet  to  signify  ''white  heap  (of  ashes).''*  If 
this  interpretation  could  be  relied  upon  we  might  suppose  that  the 
name  referred  to  the  ash  heap  near  each  square  groimd,  but  it  is 
doubtful.  '  Gatschet  states  that  the  name  Hitchiti  was  derived  from 
a  creek  of  the  name  which  flows  into  the  Chattahoochee,  and  explains 
it  by  the  Creek  word  dhi'tcita, "  to  look  up  (the  stream).'*  *  This  in- 
terpretation would  be  entitled  to  considerable  respect,  since  it  prob- 
ably came  from  Judge  G.  W.  Stidham,  a  very  intelligent  Hitchiti, 
from  whom  Gatschet  obtained  much  of  his  information  regarding 
this  people,  were  it  not  that  history  shows  that  the  name  belonged  to 
the  tribe  before  it  settled  upon  the  Chattahoochee.  In  the  follow- 
ing origin  myth,  related  to  the  writer  by  Jackson  Lewis,  another 
meaning  is  assigned  to  it,  but  it  is  probably  an  ex  post  facto  explana- 
tion. It  is  more  likely  that  there  was  some  connection  with  the 
general  term  AtciJc-hd'ta, 

1  Coxe,  Carolana,  map. 

*  Hawkins's  Viatory  MS.,  Lib.  Cong. 

'  Senate  Dop.  512, 23d  Cong.,  1st.  sess.,  pp.  26i-265, 307-309;  these  "  Upper  Cheehaws"  are  also  mentioned 
in  a  volume  of  treaties  between  the  U.  S.  A.  and  the  Several  Imlian  Tribes  from  177S  to  is37,  pp.  ft't-flO, 
and,  according  to  a  letter  dated  June  17, 1796,  tlieir  chiefs  took  part  in  a  meeting  at  Coleraine  (MS.,  lib. 
Cong. ),  though  there  b  some  reason  to  tliink  that  part  of  them  were  Natchez. 

*  Gatschet,  Creek  Mig.  Leg.,  i,  p.  77. 


Tlio  origin  of  the  Hitchiti  is  given  in  various  ways,  but  this  is  what  I  have  heard 
rc^;arding  them.  The  true  name  of  these  people  was  A^tcik  ha^'ta.  They  claim  that 
they  came  to  some  place  where  the  sea  was  narrow  and  frozen  over.  Crossing  upon  the 
ice  they  traveled  from  place  to  place  toward  the  east  until  they  reached  the  Atlantic 
Ocean.  They  traveled  to  see  from  where  the  sun  came.  Now  they  found  themselves 
blocked  by  the  ocean  and,  being  tired,  they  lingered  along  the  coast  for  some  days. 
The  women  and  children  went  down  on  the  beach  to  gather  shells  and  other  things 
that  were  beautiful  to  look  at.  They  were  shown  to  the  old  men  who  said, ' 'These  are 
pretty  things,  and  we  are  tired  and  cannot  proceed  farther  on  account  of  the  ocean, 
which  has  intercepted  us.  We  will  stop  and  rest  here. ''  They  took  the  beautiful 
shells,  pebbles,  etc.,  which  the  women  and  children  had  brought  up  and  made  rattles, 
and  the  old  men  said,  ''Inasmuch  as  we  cannot  go  farther  we  will  try  to  find  some  way 
of  enjoying  ourselves  and  stop  where  we  now  are. ''  They  amused  themselves,  using 
those  rattles  as  they  did  so,  and  while  they  were  there  on  the  shore  with  them  people 
came  across  the  water  to  visit  them.  These  were  the  white  people,  and  the  Indians 
treated  them  hospitably,  and  at  that  time  they  were  on  very  friendly  terms  with  each 
other.  The  white  people  disappeared,  however,  and  when  they  did  so  they  left  a  keg 
of  something  which  we  now  know  was  whisky.  A  cup  was  left  with  this,  and  the 
Indians  began  pouring  whisky  into  this  cup  and  smelling  of  it,  all  being  much  pleased 
with  the  odor.  Some  went  so  far  as  to  drink  a  little.  They  became  intoxicated  and 
began  to  reel  and  stagger  around  and  butt  each  other  with  their  heads.  Then  the 
white  people  came  back  and  the  Indians  began  trading  peltries,  etc.,  for  things 
which  the  white  people  had. 

Then  the  Muskogees,  who  claim  to  have  emerged  from  the  navel  of  the  earth  some- 
where out  west  near  the  Rocky  Mountains,  came  to  the  place  where  the  Hitchiti  were 
living.  The  Muskogee  were  very  warlike,  and  the  Hitchiti  concluded  it  would  be 
best  to  make  friends  with  them  and  become  a  part  of  them.  Ever  since  they  have 
been  together  as  one  people.  Hitdti  is  the  Muskogee  word  meaning  "to  see, ''  and 
was  given  to  them  because  they  went  to  see  from  whence  the  sun  came.  So  their 
name  was  changed  from  A^tdk-ha^ta.  The  two  people  became  allied  somewhere 
in  Florida. 

Gatschet  says  that  some  Hitchiti  Indians  claimed  that  their  an- 
cestors had  fallen  from  the  sky.  Chicote  and  Judge  Stidham,  how- 
ever, told  him  the  following  story: 

Their  ancestors  first  appeared  in  the  country  by  coming  out  of  a  canebrake  or  reed 
thicket  near  the  seacoast.  They  sunned  and  dried  their  children  during  four  days, 
then  set  out;  arrived  at  a  lake  and  stopped  there.  Some  thought  it  was  the  sea,  but  it 
was  a  lake.  They  set  out  again,  traveled  up  a  stream  and  settled  there  for  a  per- 

The  origin  on  the  seacoast  and  the  migration  upstream  suggest 
that  this  last  myth  may  have  belonged  to  the  SawokU. 

At  one  time  the  Hitchiti  were  probably  the  most  important  tribe  in 
southern  Georgia  and  their  language  the  prevailing  speech  in  that 
region  from  the  Chattahoochee  River  to  the  Atlantic  Ocean.  Never- 
theless the  true  Muskogee  entered  at  such  an  early  period  that  we 
can  not  say  we  have  historical  knowle(lo:o  of  a  time  wlien  the  Hitchiti 
were  its  sole  inhabitants. 

*  Gatschet,  Creek  Miji,  Leg.,  i,  pp.  77-7.S. 

174  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

The  first  appearance  of  the  Hitchiti  tribe  in  written  history  is  in  the 
De  Soto  chronicles,  under  the  name  Ocute^  or  Ocuti.*  That  the  Ocute 
were  identical  with  the  later  Hitchiti  is  strongly  indicated,  if  not 
proved,  by  the  following  line  of  argument.  The  name  Ocute  appears 
in  a  few  of  the  earlier  Spanish  authorities  only,  but  much  later  there 
is  mention  of  a  Lower  Creek  tribe,  called  on  the  De  Crenay  map 
Aequitfi,'  and  in  the  French  census  of  1760,  Aeykite.*  There  is  every 
reason  to  believe  that  we  have  here  the  Ocute  of  De  Soto;  certainly 
no  name  recorded  from  the  region  approximates  it  as  closely.  Now, 
the  De  Crenay  map  was  drawn  in  1733,  shortly  after  the  Yamasee 
war,  and  the  data  it  contains  would  apply  to  the  period  immediately 
following  that  war.  Although  apparently  located  on  the  Flint,  the 
position  of  A^uit6  is  farther  downstream  than  any  of  the  other 
Creek  towns  on  the  map.  Turning  to  the  English  maps  of  the  same 
epoch  we  find  that,  with  the  exception  of  the  Apalachicola,  who 
were  for  a  time  at  the  jimction  of  the  Chattahoochee  and  Flint, 
Hitchiti  was  at  that  period  the  southernmost  town  of  all.  This  by 
itself  is  not  conclusive,  because  the  arrangement  of  towns  on  this 
particular  part  of  the  De  Crenay  map  (pi.  5)  seems  unreliable.  Turn- 
ing to  the  census  of  1760,  however,  we  find  the  Lower  Creek  towns 
laid  out  in  regular  order  from  north  to  south,  the  distance  of  each 
from  Fort  Toulouse  being  marked  in  leagues.  Now,  when  we  com- 
pare this  list  with  the  later  arrangement  of  towns  exhibited  by  the 
Early  map  of  1818*  (pi.  9)  we  obtain  the  following  result: 


Kaouita» Cowetau. 

Cowetau  Tal-la-has-eee. 

Kachetas KuH^etau. 

OuyoutchJs Uchee. 

OuchoutchJs Osachees. 

Tchiahas Che-au-choo-chee. 

AeykJte Hitch-e-tee. 

Apalatchikolis Pal-la-choo-chee. 

Okonis Oconee. 


Choothlo Sau-woo-ga-loo-chee. 

Ohoothlotchy Sau-woo-ga-loo-chee.  » 

Youfalas Eu-ta-lau  (properly  Eu-fa-lau). 


Oeyakbe Oke-te-yo-con-ne. 

The  correspondences  between  the  two,  it  will  be  noted,  are  very 
marked.     They  become  still  closer  when  we  supplement  the  E^irly 

1  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  i.  p.  56;  ii,  p.  90.  •  In  this  I  have  omitted  the  Okfuslcec  settlements 

*  Ibid.,  n»  p.  11.  higher  up  the  stream,  which  are  not  considered  by 
>  Plate  5;  Hamilton,  Col.  Mobile,  p.  190.  the  French  enumerators. 

*  Miss.  Prov.  Arch.,  i,  p.  96. 


map  with  other  authorities.  Che-au-choo-chee  is  laid  down  on  the 
Early  map  just  opposite  Hitchiti  town,  but  for  some  reason  or  other 
the  town  of  Chiaha  itself  was  overlooked,  and  Hawkins  describes  it 
exactly  where  the  French  census  places  it,  just  below  Osochi  (Ouchou- 
tchis).  Instead  of  the  first  Sau-woo-ga-loo-chee  he  also  has  Sau-woo- 
ge-lo,  for  which  Choothlo  is  certainly  intended.  Tchoualas  is  also 
probably  intended  for  Sawokli  or  Sawoklo,  and  in  position  it  cor- 
responds to  a  town  called  Kawaigi,  said  to  be  a  Sawokli  offshoot. 
Oeyakbe  means  *' water  (or  river)  fork"  in  Muskogee  and  Oke-te-yo- 
con-ne,  ^'  zigzag  stream  land,''  in  Hitchiti.  The  same  town  is  probably 
intended  by  them.  In  only  three  cases,  Chaouakl6,  Omolquet,  and 
Tchoualas,  does  the  census  of  1760  contain  names  not  represented 
on  the  Early  map,  and  in  only  one  case,  Cowetau  Tal-la-has-see,  does 
the  Early  map  contain  a  name  not  represented  in  the  census  of 
1760.  As  this  last  was  an  out  village  of  Cowetau  its  omission  is 
readily  explained.  Aeykite,  like  Hitch-e-tee,  is  placed  between 
Chiaha  and  Apalachicola,  and  with  the  exception  of  Che-au-choo-chee, 
which  was  of  course  only  an  outsettlement  of  Chiaha,  and  the  Westo 
town,  which  disappeared  at  an  early  date,  no  town  is  laid  down  on 
any  other  map  known  to  me  between  the  two  aforesaid  places.  In 
fact,  the  distance  between  them  is  not  great.  If  Aeykite  is  not 
identical  with  Hitch-e-tee  we  must  not  only  assume  a  distinct  town 
of  the  name  not  otherwise  explained,  but  we  must  assume  that 
Hitchiti  is  the  only  important  town  omitted  from  the  French  census, 
a  rather  imlikely  happening.  To  the  writer  the  conclusion  seems 
quite  overwhelming  that  Aeykite  refers  to  the  Hitchiti  town,  and  if 
that  be  the  case  Ocute  probably  does  also.  The  latest  use  of  this 
particular  term  seems  to  be  by  Manuel  Garcia  (1800)  when  it  appears 
in  the  form  '^Oakjote.''*  The  Spanish  census  of  1738  has  an  inter- 
mediate form  ^'Ayjichiti.''* 

Assuming,  then,  that  Ocute  and  Aeykite  are  synonyms  for  Hitchiti, 
we  wUl  now  proceed  to  trace  the  history  of  this  tribe. 

Elvas  says: 

The  governor  [De  Soto]  set  out  [from  Acheee]  on  the  first  day  of  April  [1540]  and 
advanced  through  the  country  of  the  chief,  along  up  a  river,  the  shores  of  which  were 
very  xx)pulou8.  On  the  fourth  he  went  through  the  town  of  Altamaca,  and  on  the 
tenth  arrived  at  Ocute.' 

And  elsewhere  he  adds: 

The  land  of  Ocute  is  more  strong  and  fertile  than  the  re^t,  the  forest  more  open, 
and  it  has  very  good  fields  along  the  margins  of  the  rivers.^ 

Ran]  el  says  that,  after  passing  Altamaha  they  met  a  chief  named 
^amumo,  who,  along  with  others,  was  a  subject  of  '^a  great  chief 

»  Copy  of  MS.  In  Ayer  CoU.,  Newberry  Lib.  » Ibid.,  p.  230. 

>  BoiinM,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  i,  p.  56. 


whose  name  waa  Ocute."  The  chief  of  Ocute  furnished  bearers 
and  provisions  to  the  Spaniards,  though  apparently  not  without 
protest,  and  the  latter  set  up  a  wooden  cross  in  his  village  as  an 
entering  wedge  to  conversion.*  Ocute  would  seem  to  have  been  the 
province  called  Cofa  by  Garcilasso,  which  he  describes  as  ''suitable  for 
cattle,  very  productive  in  corn,  and  very  delightful."' 

Our  next  glimpse  of  Ocute  is  in  the  testimony  given  by  Caspar 
de  Salas  with  respect  to  his  expedition  from  St.  Augustine  to  Tama 
in  the  year  1596. 

The  greater  part  of  this  testimony  will  be  introduced  in  discussing 
the  Tamali  tribe.     After  leaving  Tama  the  narrative  continues: 

At  one  day's  journey  from  Tama  they  came  upon  the  village  of  Ocute,  where  they 
were  very  well  received  by  its  cacique,  who  made  them  many  presents,  the  women 
bringing  their  shawls,  which  he  calls  aprons,  which  look  like  painted  leather.'  Some 
of  them  say  that  they  have  been  in  New  Spain  and  have  or  are  imitating  their  dress. 
As  they  wished  to  go  on  farther,  the  cacique  of  Ocute  tried  very  earnestly  to  dissuade 
them  from  it,  weeping  over  it  with  them,  as  he  said  that  if  they  went  any  farther 
inland  the  Indians  there  would  kill  them,  because  a  long  time  ago,  which  must  have 
been  when  Soto  passed  there,  taking  many  people  on  horseback,  they  killed  many  of 
them;  how  much  more  would  they  kill  them  who  were  but  few?  This  is  the  reason 
why  they  did  not  go  ahead,  but  returned  from  there.  They  likewise  heard  the 
Indians  of  that  village  as  well  as  the  Salchiches  say  that  at  foiu*  days*  journey  from 
there,  and  after  passing  a  very  high  mountain  where,  when  the  sun  rose,  there  seemed 
to  be  a  big  fire,  on  the  farther  side  of  it  lived  people  who  wore  their  hair  clipped  (cut), 
and  that  the  pine  trees  were  cut  down  with  hatchets,  and  that  it  seems  to  the  witness 
that  such  signs  can  only  apply  to  Spaniards.  He  [the  witness]  says  that  this  country 
[Tama,  etc.]  seems  to  him  to  be  very  rich,  or  at  least  sufficiently  so  to  produce  any 
kind  of  grain,  even  if  it  be  wheat,  and  has  many  meadows  and  pastures  for  cattle,  and 
its  rivers  have  sweet  water  in  places,  and  that  it  seems  to  him  that  if  there  were  any- 
body who  knew  how  to  find  and  wash  gold  in  those  rivers  it  could  surely  be  found. ^ 

The  first  appearance  of  the  Hitchiti  under  the  name  by  which  we 
know  them  best  is  after  South  Carolina  had  been  settled,  when  it 
occurs  in  documents  as  that  of  a  Ix)wer  Creek  town,  and  on  the 
maps  of  that  period  it  is  laid  down  on  Ocmulgee  River  below  the 
town  of  the  Coweta.  From  the  MitcheD  map  this  site  is  identifiable 
as  the  ''Ocmulgee  old  fields''  on  the  site  of  the  present  Macon,  which 
is  in  agreement  with  a  legend  reported  by  Gatschet  to  the  eflFect  that 
the  Hitchiti  were  '*the  first  to  settle  at  the  site  of  Okmulgee  town,  an 
ancient  capital  of  the  confederacy."  * 

William  Bartram  thus  describes  the  Ocmulgee  old  fields  as  they 
appeared  in  his  time: 

»  Bourne,  op.  cit.,  pp.  90-91. 

<  (iarcilaaso  in  Shipp,  l>e  Soto  an<l  FlorMa.  p.  'M\. 

3  Tie  says  carpeta,  which  in  Spanish  is  a  table  ('.)\  it.  a  portfolio,  or  any  U^athor  case. 

<  Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  Hist.,  pp.  Ul-U").     Tran'-lated  by  Mrs.  F.  Bandolier. 
i  Gatschet,  Creek  Mig.  I^.,  i,  p.  7s. 


About  seventy  or  eighty  milee  above  the  confluence  of  the  Oakmulge  and  Ocone, 
the  trading  path,  from  Augusta  to  the  Creek  Nation,  crosses  these  fine  rivers,  which 
are  there  forty  miles  apart.  On  the  east  bank  of  the  Oakmulge  this  trading  road  runs 
nearly  two  miles  through  ancient  Indian  fields,  which  are  called  the  Oakmulge  fields; 
they  are  the  rich  low  lands  of  the  river.  On  the  heights  of  these  low  lands  are  yet 
viflible  monuments,  or  traces,  of  an  ancient  town,  such  as  artificial  mounds  or  terraces, 
squares  and  banks,  encircling  considerable  areas.  Their  old  fields  and  planting  land 
extended  up  and  down  the  river,  fifteen  or  twenty  miles  from  this  site.' 

As  Bartrani  states  that  the  Creeks  had  stopped  here  after  their  im- 
migration from  the  west,  the  Hitchiti  may  not  have  been  in  occupancy 
always.  On  the  other  hand,  Bartram  may  have  inferred  a  Creek 
occupancy  from  the  tradition  that  the  confederacy  had  there  been 
founded,  but  this  may  really  have  had  reference  to  a  compact  of 
some  kind  between  the  Hitchiti  and  the  invading  Creeks,  irrespective 
of  the  land  actually  held  by  each  tribe. 

After  the  Yamasee  war  the  Hitchiti  moved  across  to  Chattahoochee 
River  with  most  of  the  other  Ijower  Creeks,  first  to  a  point  low  down  on 
that  river,  later  higher  up  between  the  Chiaha  and  Apalachicola.' 
In  1761  they  were  assigned  to  the  traders,  George  Mackay  and  James 
Hewitt,  along  with  the  Point  towns.'  Their  name  occurs  in  the 
lists  of  both  Swan  and  Bartram.*  In  1797  the  trader  there  was 
William  Grey.*  Hawkins  (1790)  gives  the  following  description  of 
the  Hitchiti  town  and  its  branch  viDages: 

Hit-che-tee  is  on  the  left  bank  of  Chat-to-ho-che,  four  milee  below  Che-au-hau; 
they  have  a  narrow  strip  of  good  land  bordering  on  the  river,  and  back  of  this  it  rises 
into  high,  poor  land ,  which  spreads  off  flat.  In  approaching  the  town  on  this  side  there 
is  no  rise,  but  a  great  descent  to  the  town  fiat;  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  the  land 
is  level  and  extends  out  for  two  miles;  is  of  thin  quality;  the  growth  is  post  oak,  hick- 
ory, and  pine,  all  small;  then  pine  barren  and  ponds. 

The  appearance  about  this  town  indicates  much  poverty  and  indolence;  they  have 
no  fences;  they  have  spread  out  iiato  villages,  and  have  the  character  of  being  honest 
and  industrious;  they  are  attentive  to  the  rights  of  their  white  neighbors,  and  no 
charge  of  horse  stealing  from  the  frontiers  has  been  substantiated  against  them.  The 
villages  are: 

1st.  Hit-che-too-che  (Little  Hit-che-tee),  a  small  village  of  industrious  people,  set- 
tled on  both  sides  of  Flint  River,  below  Kit-cho-foo-ne;  they  have  good  fences,  cattle, 
horses,  and  hogs,  in  a  fine  range,  and  are  attentive  to  them. 

2d.  Tut-tal-lo-see  (fowl),  on  a  creek  of  that  name,  twenty  miles  west  from  Ilit-che- 
too-che.  This  is  a  fine  creek  on  a  bed  of  limestone;  it  is  a  branch  of  Kitch-o-foo-ne; 
the  land  bordering  on  the  creek,  and  for  eight  or  nine  miles* in  the  direction  towards 
Hit-che-too-che,  is  level,  rich,  and  fine  for  cultivation,  with  post  and  black  oak. 
hickory,  dogwood  and  pine.  The  villagers  have  good  worm  fences,  appear  indus- 
trious, and  have  large  stocks  of  cattle,  some  hogs  and  horses;  they  appear  decent  and 

1  Bartram,  Travels,  pp.  52-53.  *  Schoolcraft,  Ind.  Tribes,  v,  p.  262;  Bartram, 

s  See  p.  174.  Travels,  p.  462. 

•  Ga.  Col.  Docs.,  vra,  p.  522.  '  Ga.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  ix,  p.  171. 

•  The  Lib.  of  Cong.  MS.  has  "six  or  eight." 

1480U1*'— 22 12 

178  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

orderly,  and  are  desirous  of  preserving  a  friendly  intercourse  with  their  neighbors; 
they  have  this  year,  1799,  built  a  square.* 

Manuel  Garcia  calls  this  latter  village ' '  Totolosehache. '  *'  According 
to  an  anonymous  writer  quoted  by  Gatsohet  there  were,  about  1820, 
six  '*Fowl  towns,''  Cahalli  hatchi,  old  Tallahassi,  Atap'halgi,  Allik 
hadshi,  Eetatulga,  and  Mikasuki.*  Most  of  these  will  be  referred  to 
again  when  we  come  to  speak  of  Seminole  towns.*  The  census  of 
1832  mentions  a  Hitchiti  village  called  Hihaje. 

After  their  removal  to  the  west  the  Hitchiti  were  placed  in  about  the 
center  of  the  Creek  Nation,  near  what  is  now  Hitchita  station,  and 
their  descendants  have  remained  there  and  about  Okmulgee  up  to 
the  present  time.  A  portion  migrated  to  Florida  and  after  the 
removal  maintained  a  square  groimd  for  a  time  in  the  northern 
part  of  the  Seminole  Nation,  Oklahoma.  Some  persons  in  this 
neighborhood  still  preserve  the  language. 


This  tribe  also  belonged  to  the  Hitchiti  group.  The  name  refers 
to  the  bubbling  up  of  water  in  a  spring,  and  in  Creek  it  is  called 
Oiki  14ko,  and  Oikewali,  signifying  much  the  same  thing.  The 
designation  is  said  to  have  come  originally  from  a  large  spring  in 
Georgia.  One  of  my  informants  thought  that  this  was  near  Fort 
Mitchell,  but  probably  it  was  the  same  spring  from  which  the  Ocmul- 
gee  River  got  its  name,  and  this  would  be  the  famous  '*  Indian  Spring" 
in  Butts  County,  Georgia.  As  early  maps  consulted  by  me  do  not 
show  a  town  of  the  name  on  Ocmulgee  River,  and  as  the  site  of 
the  Ocmulgee  old  fields  was  occupied  by  Hitchiti,  I  believe  the 
Okmulgee  were  a  branch  of  the  Hitchiti,  which  perhaps  left  the 
town  on  the  Ocmulgee  before  the  main  body  of  the  people  and 
made  an  independent  settlement  on  Chattahoochee  River.  There 
their  nearest  neighbors  were  the  Chiaha  and  Osochi,  and  the  three 
together  constituted  what  were  sometimes  known  as  'Hhe  point 
towns''  from  a  point  of  land  made  by  the  river  at  that  place. 
Bartram  does  not  give  the  tribe  separate  mention,  perhaps  because 
he  reckoned  them  as  part  of  the  Chiaha  or  Osochi.  Tribe  French 
enimieration  of  1750  records  them  as  "  Oemoulkfi,"*  the  French  census 
of  about  1760  as  ''Omolquet,"®  and  the  Georgia  census  of  1761  gives 
them  as  one  of  **the  point  towns.'*'  Hawkins  omits  them  from  his 
sketch,  but  mentions  them  in  his  notes  taken  in  1797,  where  he  says: 

>  Hawkins'  Sketch,  in  Oa.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  m,  pt.  1,  pp.  64-^.    Hitchiti  were  also  on  Chickasawhatcbee 
Creek,— Hawkins,  in  Ga.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  ix,  p.  174. 
«  Ayer.  Coll.,  Newberry  Lib. 

*  Misc.  Coll.,  Ala.  Hist.  Soc.,  i,  p.  413. 

*  See  pp.  406-412. 
»lfSS.,  Ayer  Coll. 

I  Mi88.  Prov.  Arch.,  l,  p.  96. 
'  Oa.  Col.  Docs.,  vm,  p.  £22. 




Ocmulgee  Village,  7  miles  [below  Hotalgihuyana].  There  is  a  few  families,  the 
remains  of  the  Ocmulgee  people  who  formerly  resided  at  the  Ocmulgee  fields  on 
Ocmulgee  River;  lands  poor,  pine  barren  on  both  sides;  the  swamp  equally  poor  and 
sandy;  the  growth  dwarf  scrub  brush,  evergreens,  among  which  is  the  Gassine.'*' 

The  mouth  of  Kmchafoonee  creek  was  8  miles  below. 

Manuel  Garcia  mentions  their  chief  as  one  of  several  Lower  Creek 
chiefs  with  whom  he  had  a  conference  in  the  year  1800.  He  spells 
the  name  '^Okomulgue."*  Morse  (1822)  includes  them  in  a  list 
of  towns  copied  from  a  manuscript  by  Papt.  Young.  They  were 
then  located  east  of  Flint  River,  near  the  Hotalgihuyana,  and 
numbered  220.  ^  They  are  wanting  from  the  census  rolls  of  1832, 
but  perhaps  formed  one  of  the  two  Osochi  towns  mentioned,  each 
of  which  is  given  a  very  large  population.  On  their  removal  west 
of  the  Mississippi  they  settled  in  the  northeastern  comer  of  the  new 
Creek  territory,  near  the  Chiaha.  They  were  among  the  first  to 
give  up  their  old  square  groimd  and  to  adopt  white  manners  and 
customs.  Probably  in  consequence  of  this  progress  they  furnished 
three  chiefs  to  the  Creek  Nation — Joe  Ferryman,  Legus  Ferryman, 
and  Pleasant  Porter — and  a  number  of  leading  men  besides. 


In  addition  to  two  groups  of  Muskhogean  people  bearing  this  name^ 
it  should  be  noticed  that  it  was  popularly  applied  by  the  whites  to  a 
Cherokee  town,  properly  called  Ukwtl'ntl.  (or  Ukwtl'nl),'  but  the 
similarity  may  be  merely  a  coincidence.  Of  the  two  Creek  groups 
mentioned  one  seems  to  be  associated  exclusively  with  the  Florida 
tribes,  while  the  second,  when  we  first  hear  of  it,  was  on  the  Georgia 
river  which  still  bears  its  name.  The  first  reference  to  either 
appears  to  be  in  a  report  of  the  Timucua  missionary,  Pareja,  dated 
1602.  He  mentions  the  *'Ocony, "  three  days'  journey  from  San 
Pedro,  among  a  number  of  tribes  among  which  there  were  Chris- 
tians or  which  desired  missionaries.'  In  a  letter  dated  April  8,  1 608, 
Ibarra  speaks  of  *'  the  chief  of  Ocone  which  marches  on  the  province 
of  Tama. ''•  This  might  apply  to  either  Oconee  division.  The  mis- 
sion lists  of  1655  contain  a  station  called  Santiago  de  Ocone,  de- 
scribed as  an  island  and  said  to  be  30  leagues  from  St.  Auj^stine. 
As  it  was  certainly  not  southward  of  the  colonial  capital  it  would 
seem  to  have  been  near  the  coast  to  the  north,  according  to  the  dis- 
tance given,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Jekyl  Island.  At  the  very  same 
time  there  was  another  Oconee  mission  among  the  Apalachee  Indians 
called  San  Francisco  de  Apalache  in  tlie  list  of  1655;  it  is  given  in  the 

1  Ga.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  IX,  p.  173. 

"  Copy  MS.  in  Ayer  Coll.,  Newberry  Lib. 

*  Mone,  Rept.  on  Ind.  All.,  p.  364. 

♦See  p.  112. 

*  I9th  Ann.  Rept.  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn.,  p.  641. 

•Low«ry,  IfSS. 

180  BUREAU   OF   AMEIUl'AX   KTIIXOLOCY  [bull.  T.J 

list  of  1680  as  San  Francisco  deOconi.*    This  group  probably  remained 
with  the  rest  of  the  Apalachee  towns  and  followed  their  fortunes. 

The  main  body  of  the  Oconee  was  located,  when  first  known  to 
Englishmen,  on  Oconee  River,  about  4  miles  south  of  the  present  Mil- 
ledgeville,  Georgia,  just  below  what  was  called  the  Rock  Landing. 
In  a  letter,  dated  March  11, 1695,  Gov.  Laureano  de  Torres  Ayala  tells 
of  an  expedition  consisting  of  400  Indians  and  7  Spaniards  sent 
against  the  *'Cauetta,  Oconi,  Cassista,  and  Tiquipache"  in  retaliation 
for  attacks  made  upon  the  Spanish  Indians.  About  60  persons  were 
captured  in  one  of  these  towns,  but  the  others  were  found  abandoned.' 
On  the  Lamhatty  map  they  appear  immediately  west  of  a  river  which 
seems  to  be  the  Flint,  but  the  topography  of  this  map  is  not  to  be 
relied  on.  In  the  text  accompanying,  the  name 'is  given  as  "Oppo- 
nys. '' '  Almost  all  that  is  known  of  later  Oconee  history  is  contained 
in  the  following  extract  from  Bartram: 

Our  encampment  was  fixed  on  the  site  of  the  old  Ocone  town,  which,  about  sixty 
years  ago,  was  evacuated  by  the  Indians,  who,  finding  their  situation  disagreeable 
from  its  vicinity  to  the  white  people,  left  it,  moving  upwards  into  the  Nation  or 
Upper  Creeks,^  and  there  built  a  town;  but  that  situation  not  suiting  their  roving 
disposition,  they  grew  sickly  and  tired  of  it,  and  resolved  to  seek  an  habitation  more 
agreeable  to  their  minds.  They  all  arose,  directing  their  migration  southeastward 
towards  the  seacoast;  and  in  the  course  of  their  journey,  obser\dng  the  delightful 
appearance  of  the  extensive  plains  of  Alachua  and  the  fertile  hills  environing  it,  they 
sat  down  and  built  a  town  on  the  banks  of  a  spacious  and  beautiful  lake,  at  a  small 
distance  from  the  plains,  naming  this  new  town  Cuscowilla;  this  situation  pleased  them, 
the  vast  deserts,  forests,  lake,  and  savannas  around  affording  abundant  range  of  the 
best  hunting  ground  for  bear  and  deer,  their  favourite  game.  But  although  this  situa- 
tion was  healthy  and  delightful  to  the  utmost  degree,  affording  them  variety  and 
plenty  of  every  desirable  thing  in  their  estimation,  yet  troubles  and  afflictions  found 
them  out.  This  territory,  to  the  promontory  of  Florida,  was  then  claimed  by  the 
Tomocas,  Utinas,  Caloosas,  Yamases,  and  other  remnant  tribes  of  the  ancient  Floridians, 
and  the  more  Northern  refugees,  driven  away  by  the  Carolinians,  now  in  alliance  and 
under  the  protection  of  the  Spaniards,  who,  assisting  them,  attacked  the  new  settle- 
ment and  for  many  years  were  very  troublesome;  but  the  Alachuas  or  Ocones  being 
strengthened  by  other  emigrants  and  fugitive  bands  from  the  Upper  Creeks  [i.  e.,  the 
Greeks  proper],  with  whom  they  were  confederated,  and  who  gradually  established 
other  towns  in  this  low  country,  stretching  a  line  of  settlements  across  the  isthmus, 
extending  from  the  Alatamaha  to  the  bay  of  Apalache;  these  uniting  were  at  length 
able  to  face  their  enemies  and  even  attack  them  in  their  own  settlements;  and  in  the 
end,  with  the  assistance  of  the  Upper  Creeks,  their  uncles,  vanquished  their  enemies 
and  destroyed  them,  and  then  fell  upon  the  Spanish  settlements,  which  also  they 
entirely  broke  up.* 

We  know  that  the  removal  of  this  tribe  from  the  Oconee  River  took 
place,  like  so  many  other  removals  in  the  region,  just  after  the  Ya- 

>  s«6  p.  no. 

*  Serrano  y  Sanz,  Doc.  HL<(t.,  p.  225. 

*  Am.  Anlhrop.,  n.  s.  vol.  x,  p.  671. 

*  Dartram  calls  all  of  the  Creeks,  Upper  Creeks,  and  the  Seminole  uf  Florida,  Lower  Cn>eks. 

*  Bartnun,  Travels,  pp.  378-379. 




masco  outbreak  of  1715,  and  the  movement  into  Florida  about  1750.^ 
Their  chief  during  most  of  this  period  was  known  to  the  whites  as 
^*  The  Cowkeeper. "  Although  Bartram  represents  the  tribe  as  having 
gone  m  a  body,  we  know  that  part  of  them  remained  on  the  Chatta- 
hoochee much  later,  for  they  appear  in  the  assignments  to  traders 
for  1761,2  and  in  Hawkinses  Sketch  of  1799,^  while  Bartram  himself 
includes  the  town  in  his  Ust  as  one  of  those  on  the  Apalachicola  or 
Chattahoochee  River.*  The  list  of  towns  given  in  1761  includes  a 
big  and  a  little  Oconee  town,  the  two  having  together  50  hunters. 
Their  trader  was  William  Fraaer.*  Hawkins  describes  their  town  as 

0-co-nee  is  six  miles  below  PS-la-chooc-le,  on  the  left  bank  of  Chat-to-ho-che.  It  is 
a  small  town,  the  remains  of  the  settlers  of  0-co-nee;  they  formerly  lived  just  below 
the  rock  landing,  and  gave  name  to  that  river;  they  are  increasing  in  industry,  making 
fences,  attending  to  stock,  and  have  some  level  land  moderately  rich;  they  have  a  few 
hogs,  cattle,  and  horses.^ 

They  are  not  represented  in  the  census  of  1832,  so  we  must  sup- 
pose either  that  they  had  all  gone  to  Florida  by  that  time  or  that 
they  had  imited  with  some  other  people.  Bartram's  narrative  gives, 
not  merely  the  history  of  the  Oconee,  but  a  good  accoimt  also  of  the 
beginnings  of  the  Seminole  as  distinct  from  the  Creeks.  When  we 
come  to  a  discussion  of  Seminole  history  we  shall  find  that  the 
Oconee  played  a  most  important  part  in  it,  in  fact  that  the  history 
of  the  Seminole  is  to  a  considerable  extent  a  continuation  of  the 
history  of  the  Oconee. 


It  is  in  the  highest  degree  probable  that  this  town  is  identical  with 
the  Toa,  Otoa,  or  Toalli  of  the  De  Soto  chroniclers,  the  -Hi  of  the 
last  form  representing  presumably  the  Hitchiti  plural  -all.  Be  that  as 
it  may,  there  can  be  little  question  regarding  the  identity  of  Tamati 
¥dth  the  town  of  Tama,  which  appears  in  Spanish  documents  of  the 
end  of  the  same  century  and  the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth.*  In 
1598  Mendez  de  Can^,  governor  of  Florida,  writes  that  he  plans  to 
establish  a  post  at  a  place  *' which  is  called  Tama,  where  I  have 
word  there  are  mines  and  stones,  and  it  is  a  very  fertile  land 
abounding  in  food  and  fruits,  many  like  those  of  Spain."  It 
was  said  to  be  40  leagues  from  St.  Augustine. •  In  a  later  letter, 
dated  February,  1600,  is  given  the  testimony  of  a  soldier  named 
Caspar  de  Salas,  who  had  visited  this  town  in  the  year  1596.  He 
undertook  this  expedition  in  company  with  the  Franciscan  fathers, 
Pedro  Fernandez  de  Chosas  and  Francisco  de  Vcras.     He  found  the 

'Oa.  Col.  Docs.,  ym,  p.  £22. 
>  Oft.  Hist.  8oc.  CoUs.,  m,  p.  65. 

i  Bartram,  Travels,  p.  462. 

•  See  p.  12. 

•  Serrano  y  Sans,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  136. 


town  to  be  farther  off  than  the  governor  had  supposed — *' about  50 
leagues,  little  more  or  less/'  from  St.  Augustine.  They  reached  it 
from  Guale — that  is,  from  St.  Catherines  Island.  De  Salas  states 

It  took  them  eight  days  to  go  from  Guale  to  Tama,  and  seven  of  those  eight  days 
led  through  deserted  land,  which  was  very  poor,  and  on  arriving  at  Tama  they  found 
abundance  of  food,  like  com,  beans,  and  much  venison  and  turkeys  ^  and  other  fowl, 
and  a  great  abundance  of  fish,  as,  for  instance  sturgeon,  which  they  call  "sollo  real'* 
in  Spain;  and  likewise  much  fruit,  as  big  grapes  of  as  nice  a  taste  as  in  Spain,  and^ 
white  plums  like  the  ''siruelademonje, "  and  cherries  and  watermelons^  and  other 

That  all  around  the  said  village  of  Tama  and  neighbouring  territory  there  is  very 
good  brown  soil,  which,  when  it  rains,  clings  to  one's  feet  like  marl.  There  are  in 
certain  regions  many  barren  hills  where  he  saw  many  kinds  of  minerals.  In  several 
of  these  parts  he  and  the  two  monks  gathered  of  those  stones  those  which  seemed  to 
them  to  contain  metals  and  which  were  on  the  surface,  because  they  did  not  have 
anything  with  which  they  could  dig,  and  that  he,  the  said  witness,  brought  some  of 
them,  pulverised,  to  the  governor  and  another  part  to  a  jeweler  who  at  that  time 
lived  in  the  city,  but  who  died  in  those  days  past,  and  that  he  made  assays  of  them 
and  told  this  witness  that  where  those  had  been  found  there  existed  silver  for  they 
were  the  slags  and  scum  of  such  a  mine,  and  if  they  should  find  the  vein  of  this  mineral 
it  would  certainly  prove  to  be  a  rich  mine.  About  all  this  the  said  governor  would 
certainly  be  better  informed,  for  he,  too,  was  told  about  it  and  made  the  experiment 
with  the  said  jeweler.  And  near  those  mines  grew  an  herb  which  is  highly  treasured 
by  the  Indians  as  a  medicinal  plant  and  to  heal  wounds,  and  they  call  it  "guitamo 
real."  On  those  same  hills  and  on  the  banks  of  big  streams  they  gathered  many 
crystalisations  and  even  fine  crystals.^ 

Ocute  was  one  day's  journey  beyond  this  place.  On  their  return 
they  took  a  more  southerly  route,  better  and  not  so  devoid  of  human 
habitation,  since  they  were  only  two  days  away  from  settlements. 
They  came  first  to  places  called  Yufera  and  Cascangue,  and  finally 
reached  the  coast  at  the  island  of  San  Pedro  (Cumberland  Island).* 

In  1606  the  chief  of  Tama  was  among  those  who  met  Governor 
Ibarra  at  Sapelo,  which  we  many  assume  to  have  been  the  most 
convenient  place  on  the  coast  for  him  to  present  himself/  The 
name,  sometimes  spelled  Thama,  appears  frequently  from  this  time 
on,  applied  to  a  province  of  somewhat  indefinite  extent  in  southern 
Georgia,  and  one  for  which  missionaries  were  needed.  No  earnest 
attempt  at  its  conversion  took  place,  however,  until  late  in  the 
seventeenth  century.  In  the  mission  lists  of  1680  a  station  known 
as  Nuestra  SefLora  de  la  Candelaria  de  la  Tama  appears  among  those 

1  Gallinas  de  papada. 

•  The  watermelon  was  introduced  from  Africa:  perliaps  these  were  n»ally  pumpkins.    The  word  used 

Is  "sandias." 

•  Serrano  y  Sant,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  144.    Translated  by  Mrs,  F.  Handelier. 

•  Ibid.,  p.  146. 

•  Ibid.,  p.  184. 

8  wanton] 



in  the  Provincia  de  Apalache,  and  it  is  called  a  "new  conversion/'^ 
The  missionary  effort  was  probably  instrumental  in  bringing  this 
tribe  nearer  the  Apalachee,  and  such  an  inference  is  confirmed  by  a 
letter  of  1717  in  which  reference  is  made  to  *'a  Christian  Indian 
named  Augustin,  of  the  nation  Tama  of  Apalache."'  On  the  De 
Crenay  map  of  1733  the  name  appears  as  Tamatl6,  and  the  tribe 
is  located  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Chattahoochee  River  below  all 
of  the  other  Creek  towns  on  that  stream.'  This  position  is  con- 
firmed from  Spanish  sources,  particularly  from  one  document  in 
which  the  order  of  Lower  Creek  towns  from  south  to  north  is  given 
as  ^'Tamaxle,  Chalaquilicha,  Yufala;  Sabacola,  Ocone,  Apalachicalo, 
Ocomulque,  Osuche,  Chiaja,  Casista,  Caveta."*  A  Spanish  enumera- 
tion of  Creek  towns  made  in  1738  gives  two  towns  of  this  name, 
"Tamaxle  el  Viejo,"  the  southernmost  of  all  Lower  Creek  towns, 
and  '*  Tamaxle  nuevo, ''  apparently  the  northernmost.'  The  enumera- 
tion of  1760  places  them  between  the  Hitchiti  and  the  Oconee.* 
Hawkins  enumerates  them  as  one  of  those  tribes  out  of  which  the 
Seminole  Nation  had  been  formed. •  Since  all  of  the  others  men- 
tioned by  him  were  still  represented  among  the  Lower  Creeks  it  is 
probable  that  this  tribe  had  emigrated  in  its  entirety.  It  is  wanting  in 
the  lists  of  Bartram  and  Swan,  and  from  the  census  of  1832,  but  appears 
in  that  contained  in  Morse's  Report  to  the  Secretary  of  War  (1822), 
and  also  in  the  diary  of  Manuel  Garcia  (1800),  where  it  is  given 
as  a  Lower  Creek  town.  It  was  then  on  the  Apalachicola  River, 
7  miles  above  the  Ocheese.'^  It  so  appears  on  the  Melish  map  of 
1818-19,  where  it  is  called  ''Tomathlee-Seminole ''  (pi.  8).  These  are 
the  last  references  to  it,  and  it  was  probably  swallowed  up  in  the 
Mikasuki  band  of  Seminole. 

It  should  be  observed  that  the  name  of  this  tribe,  or  a  name  very 
similar,  appears  twice  far  to  the  north  in  the  Cherokee  country. 
One  town  bearing  it  was  *'  on  Valley  River,  a  few  miles  above  Murphy, 
about  the  present  Tomatola,  in  Cherokee  County,  North  Carolina." 
The  other  was  *'on  Little  Tennessee  River,  about  Tomotley  ford,  a 
few  miles  above  Tellico  River,  in  Monroe  County,  Tennessee." 
Mooney,  from  whom  these  quotations  are  made,  adds  that  the  name 
does  not  appear  to  be  Cherokee.'  This  fact  should  be  considered  in 
connection  with  a  similar  north  and  south  division  of  the  Tuskegee, 
Koasati,  and  Yuchi.  Gatschet  states  definitely  that  one  of  these 
Cherokee  towns  was  settled  by  Creek  Tamali  Indians,®  but  this 
appears  to  have  been  merely  a  guess  on  his  part. 

1  See  pp.  no,  323. 

2  Serrano  y  Sane,  Doc.  Hist.,  p.  228. 

>  Plate  5;  also  HamiltoD,  Col.  MobUe,  p.  19U. 

*  Copy  of  MS.  in  Ayer  Coll.,  Newberry  Lib. 

•  Ibid.  Seep.  143. 

•  Ga.  Uist.  Soc.  CoUs.,  m,  p.  26. 

'  Morse,  Rept.  to  Sec.  of  War,  1822,  p.  304. 

•  19th  Ann.  Rept.  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn.,  p.  .'v34. 

•  Ala.  Hist.  Soc.,  Misc.  Colls.,  i,  p.  410. 

184  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  7.-? 

The  name  Taniali  suggests  the  Hitcliiti  form  of  the  name  of  a 
Creek  clan,  the  Timilgi,  Hitchiti  Timali,  and  it  is  possible  that 
there  is  historical  meaning  in  this  resemblance,  but  there  is  just 
enough  difference  between  the  pronunciations  of  the  two  to  render 
it  doubtful. 


In  1673  the  Virginia  pioneer  Abraham  Wood  sent  two  white  men, 
James  Needham  and  Gabriel  Arthur,  the  latter  probably  an  indentured 
servant,  in  company  with  eight  Indians,  to  explore  western  Virginia 
up  to  and  beyond  the  moimtains.  They  were  turned  back  at  first ''  by 
misfortune  and  unwillingness  of  ye  Indians  before  the  mountaines 
that  they  should  discover  beyond  them*';  but  May  17  they  were 
sent  out  again,  and  on  Jime  25  they  met  some  ^'Tomahitans'*  on 
their  way  from  the  mountains  to  the  Occaneechi,  a  Siouan  tribe. 
Some  of  these  came  to  see  Wood,  and  meanwhile  the  rest  returned  to 
their  own  country,  along  with  the  two  white  men  and  one  Appo- 
matox  Indian.     From  this  point  the  narrative  proceeds  as  follows: 

They  jornied  nine  days  from  Occhonechee  to  Sitteree:  west  and  by  south,  past  nine 
rivers  and  creeks  which  all  end  in  this  side  ye  mountaines  and  emty  themselves  into 
ye  east  sea.  Sitteree  being  the  last  towne  of  inhabitance  and  not  any  path  further 
untill  they  came  within  two  days  jomey  of  ye  Tomahitans;  they  travell  from  thence  up 
the  mountaines  upon  ye  sun  setting  all  ye  way,  and  in  fouredayesgettto  yetoppe, 
some  times  leading  thaire  horses  sometimes  rideing.  Ye  ridge  upon  ye  topp  is  not 
above  two  himdred  paces  over;  ye  decent  better  than  on  this  side,  in  halfe  a  day  they 
came  to  ye  foot,  and  then  levell  ground  all  ye  way,  many  slashes  upon  ye  heads  of 
small  runns.  The  slashes  are  full  of  very  great  canes  and  ye  water  runes  to  ye  north 
west.  They  pass  five  rivers  and  about  two  himdred  paces  over  ye  fifth  being  ye 
middle  most  halfe  a  mile  broad  all  sandy  bottoms,  with  peble  stones,  all  foardable 
and  all  empties  themselves  north  west,  when  they  travell  upon  ye  plaines,  from  ye 
mountaines  they  goe  downe,  for  severall  dayes  they  see  straged  hilles  on  theire  right 
hand,  as  they  judge  two  days  joumy  from  them,  by  this  time  they  have  lost  all  theire 
horses  but  one;  not  so  much  by  ye  badness  of  the  way  as  by  hard  travell.  not  haveing 
time  to  feed,  when  they  lost  sight  of  those  hilles  they  see  a  fogg  or  smoke  like  a  cloud 
from  whence  raine  falls  for  severall  days  on  their  right  hand  as  they  travell  still  towards 
the  sun  setting  great  store  of  game,  all  along  as  turkes,  deere,  elkes,  beare,  woolfe  and 
other  vermin  very  tame,  at  ye  end  of  fiftteen  dayes  from  Sitteree  they  arive  at  ye 
Tomahitans  river,  being  ye  6Ui  river  from  ye  mountains,  this  river  att  ye  Tomahitans 
towne  seemes  to  run  more  westerly  than  ye  other  five.  This  river  they  past  in  can- 
nooe  ye  town  being  seated  in  ye  other  side  about  foure  hundred  paces  broad  above 
ye  town,  within  sight,  ye  horses  they  had  left  waded  only  a  small  channell  swam,  they 
were  very  kindly  entertained  by  them,  even  to  addoration  in  their  cerrimoniee  of 
courtesies  and  a  stake  was  sett  up  in  ye  middle  of  ye  towne  to  fasten  ye  horse  to,  and 
aboundance  of  come  and  all  manner  of  pulse  with  fish,  flesh  and  beares  oyle  for  ye 
horse  to  feed  upon  and  a  scaffold  sett  up  before  day  for  my  two  men  and  Appomat- 
tocke  Indian  that  theire  people  might  stand  and  gaze  at  them  and  not  offend  them 
by  theire  throng.    This  towne  is  seated  on  ye  river  side,  haveing  ye  clefts  of  ye  river 


oil  ye  one  side  being  very  high  for  its  defence,  the  other  three  sides  trees  of  two  foot 
over,  pitched  on  end,  twelve  foot  high,  and  on  ye  topps  scafolds  placed  with  parrapits 
to  defend  the  walls  and  offend  theire  enemies  which  men  stand  on  to  fight,  many 
nations  of  Indians  inhabitt  downe  this  river,  which  runes  west  upon  ye  salts  which 
they  are  att  waare  withe  and  to  that  end  keepe  one  hundred  and  fifty  cannoes  un- 
der ye  command  of  theire  forte,  ye  leaste  of  them  will  carry  twenty  men,  and  made 
sharpe  at  both  ends  like  a  wherry  ior  swiftness,  this  forte  is  foure  square;  300:  paces 
over  and  ye  houses  sett  in  streets,  many  homes  like  bulls  homes  lye  upon  theire  dung- 
hills, store  of  fish  they  have,  one  sorte  they  have  like  unto  stoche-fish  cured  after 
that  manner.  Eight  dayes  jomy  down  this  river  lives  a  white  people  which  have 
long  beardes  and  whiskers  and  weares  clothing,  and  on  some  of  ye  other  rivers  lives  a 
hairey  people,  not  many  yeares  since  ye  Tomahittans  sent  twenty  men  laden  with 
beavor  to  ye  white  people,  they  killed  tenn  of  them  and  put  ye  other  tenn  in  irons, 
two  of  which  tenn  escaped  and  one  of  them  came  with  one  of  my  men  to  my  plantation 
as  you  will  understand  after  a  small  time  of  rest  one  of  my  men  returnee  with  his  horse, 
ye  Appomatock  Indian  and  12  Tomahittans,  eight  men  and  foure  women,  one  of  those 
eight  is  hee  which  hath  been  a  prisoner  with  ye  white  people,  my  other  man  remainee 
with  them  untill  ye  next  retume  to  leame  ye  language,  the  10th  of  September  my 
man  with  his  horse  and  ye  twelve  Indians  arrived  at  my  house  praise  bee  to  God,  ye 
Tbmahitans  have  about  sixty  gunnes,  not  such  locks  as  oures  bee,  the  steeles  are  long 
and  channelld  where  ye  flints  strike,  ye  prisoner  relates  that  ye  white  people  have  a 
bell  which  is  six  foot  over  which  they  ring  morning  and  evening  and  att  that  time  a 
great  number  of  people  congregate  togather  and  talkes  he  knowes  not  what,  they 
have  many  blacks  among  them,  oysters  and  many  other  shell-fish,  many  swine  and 
cattle.  Theire  building  is  brick,  the  Tomahittans  began  theire  jomy  ye  20th  of 
September  intending,  God  blessing  him,  at  ye  spring  of  ye  next  yeare  to  retume  with 
his  companion  att  which  time  God  spareing  me  life  I  hope  to  give  you  and  some  other 
friends  better  satisfaction.* 

The  greater  part  of  the  information  contained  in  this  report  is 
from  Needham.  Not  long  afterwards  Needham  was  killed  by  an 
Occaneechi  Indian.  Arthur,  however,  was  among  the  Tomahitans. 
He  escaped  the  fate  of  his  companion  and  after  several  rather 
remarkable  adventures,  if  we  may  trust  his  own  statements,  he 
returned  to  the  home  of  his  employer  in  safety  and  communicated  to 
him  an  account  of  all  that  had  happened.  Wood  informs  us  that  a 
complete  statement  of  everything  Arthur  told  him  would  be  too  long 
to  record,  therefore  he  sets  down  only  the  principal  points.  The 
account  runs  thus: 

Ye  Tomahittans  hasten  home  as  fast  as  they  can  to  tell  ye  newes  [regarding  the  mur- 
der of  Needham].  ye  King  or  chife  man  not  being  att  home,  some  of  ye  Tomahittans 
which  were  great  lovers  of  ye  Occheneechees  went  to  put  Indian  Johns  command 
in  speedy  execution  and  tied  Gabriell  Arther  to  a  stake  and  laid  heaps  of  combustil)le 
canes  a  bout  him  to  bume  him,  but  before  ye  fire  was  put  too  ye  King  came  into  ye 
towne  with  a  gunn  upon  his  shoulder  and  heareing  of  ye  uprore  for  some  was  with  it 
and  some  a  gainst  it.  ye  King  ran  with  great  speed  to  ye  place,  and  said  who  is  that 
that  is  goeing  to  put  fire  to  ye  English  man.  a  Weesock  borne  started  up  with  a  fire 
brand  in  his  hand  said  that  am  1.  Ye  King  forthwith  cockt  his  gunn  and  shot  ye 
wesock  dead,  and  ran  to  Gabriell  and  with  his  knife  cutt  ye  thongs  that  tide  him  and 
had  him  goe  to  his  hou;^  and  said  lett  me  see  who  dares  touch  him  and  all  ye  wesock 

I  Alvord  and  Bidgood,  First  Exploratioos  Trans- Allegheny  Region,  pp.  213-214. 

186  •     BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

children  they  take  are  brought  up  with  them  as  ye  laneearyes  are  a  luougBt  ye  Turkeys, 
this  king  came  to  my  house  upon  ye  21th  of  June  as  you  will  heare  in  ye  foll(»wing  di£(- 

Now  after  ye  tumult  was  over  they  make  preparation  for  to  manage  ye  warr  for  that 
is  ye  course  of  theire  liveing  to  forage  robb  and  spoyle  other  nations  and  the  king 
commands  Gabriell  Arther  to  goe  along  with  a  party  that  went  to  robb  ye  Spanyarrd. 
promising  him  that  in  ye  next  spring  hee  him  selfe  would  carry  him  home  to  his  master, 
Crabriell  must  now  bee  obedient  to  theire  commands,  in  ye  deploreable  condition 
hee  was  in  was  put  in  armes,  gun,  tomahauke,  and  taigett  and  soe  marched  a  way  with 
ye  company,  beeing  about  fifty,  they  travelled  eight  days  west  and  by  south  as  he 
guest  and  came  to  a  town  of  negroes,  spatious  and  great,  but  all  wooden  buildings. 
Heare  they  could  not  take  any  thing  without  being  spied.  The  next  day  they 
marched  along  by  ye  side  of  a  great  carte  path,  and  about  five  or  six  miles  as  he  judgeth 
came  within  sight  of  the  Spanish  town,  walld  about  with  brick  and  all  brick  buildings 
within.  There  he  saw  ye  steeple  where  in  hung  ye  bell  which  Mr.  Needham  gives 
relation  of  and  harde  it  ring  in  ye  eveing.  heare  they  diist  not  stay  but  drew  of  and 
ye  next  morning  layd  an  ambush  in  a  convenient  place  neare  ye  cart  path  before  men- 
tioned and  there  lay  allmost  seven  dayes  to  steale  for  theire  sustenance.  Ye  7th  day  a 
Spanniard  in  a  gentille  habitt,  accoutered  with  gunn,  sword  and  pistoU.  one  of  ye 
Tomahittans  espieing  him  att  a  distance  crept  up  to  ye  path  side  and  shot  him  to 
death .  In  his  pockett  were  two  pieces  of  gold  and  a  small  gold  chain,  which  ye  Toma- 
hittans gave  to  Crabriell,  but  hee  unfortunately  lost  it  in  his  venturing  as  you  shall 
heare  by  ye  sequell .  Here  they  hasted  to  ye  negro  town  where  they  had  ye  advantage 
to  meett  with  a  lone  negro.  After  him  runs  one  of  the  Tomahittans  with  a  dart  in  his 
hand,  made  with  a  pice  of  ye  blaide  of  Needhams  sworde,  and  threw  it  after  ye  negro, 
struck  him  thrugh  betwine  his  shoulders  soe  hee  fell  downe  dead.  They  tooke  from 
him  some  toys,  which  hung  i,n  his  eares,  and  bracelets  about  his  neck  and  soe  returned 
as  expeditiously  as  they  could  to  theire  owne  homes. 

They  rested  but  a  short  time  before  another  party  was  commanded  out  a  gaine  and 
Gabrielle  Arther  was  commanded  out  a  gaine,  and  this  was  to  Porte  Royall.  Here 
hee  refused  to  goe  saying  those  were  English  men  and  he  would  not  fight  a  gainst 
his  own  nation,  he  had  rather  be  killd.  The  King  tould  him  they  intended  noe  hurt 
to  ye  English  men,  for  he  had  promised  Needham  att  his  first  coming  to  him  that 
he  would  never  doe  violence  a  gainst  any  English  more  but  theire  business  was  to 
cut  off  a  town  of  Indians  which  lived  neare  ye  English.  I  but  said  Gabriell  what  if 
any  English  be  att  that  towne,  a  trading,  ye  King  sware  by  ye  fire  which  they  adore 
as  theire  god  they  would  not  hurt  them  soe  they  marched  a  way  over  ye  mountains 
and  came  uxx)n  ye  head  of  Portt  Royall  River  in  six  days.  There  they  made  per- 
riaugers  of  bark  and  soe  past  down  ye  streame  with  much  swiftness,  next  coming  to  a 
convenient  place  of  landing  they  went  on  shore  and  marched  to  ye  eastward  of  ye 
south,  one  whole  day  and  parte  of  ye  night.  At  lengeth  they  brought  him  to  ye 
sight  of  an  English  house,  and  Gabriell  with  some  of  the  Indians  crept  up  to  ye  houne 
side  and  lisening  what  they  said,  they  being  talkeing  with  in  ye  house,  Gabriell 
hard  one  say,  pox  take  such  a  master  that  will  not  alow  a  servant  a  bit  of  meat  to  eate 
upon  Christmas  day,  by  that  meanes  Gabriell  knew  what  time  of  ye  yeare  it  was,  soe 
they  drew  of  secretly  and  hasten  to  ye  Indian  town,  which  was  not  above  six  miles 
thence,  about  breake  of  day  stole  upon  ye  towne.  Ye  first  house  Gabriell  came 
too  there  was  an  English  man.  Hee  hard  him  say  Lord  have  mercy  upon  mee.  Ga- 
briell said  to  him  runn  for  thy  life.  Said  hee  which  way  shall  I  nm.  Crabriell  re- 
ployed,  which  way  thou  wilt  they  will  not  meddle  with  thee.  Soe  hee  rann  and  ye 
Tomahittans  opened  and  let  him  pas  fleare  there  they  got  ye  English  mans  snapsack 
with  beades,  knives  and  other  petty  truck,  in  it.  They  made  a  very  great  slaughter 
upon  the  Indians  and  a  bout  sun  riseing  they  hard  many  great  guns  fired  off  amongst 


the  English.  Then  they  hastened  a  way  with  what  speed  they  could  and  in  lees 
than  fonrteene  dayes  arived  att  ye  Tomahittns  with  theire  plunder. 

Now  ye  king  must  goe  to  give  ye  monetons  a  visit  which  were  his  frends,  mony 
signifing  water  and  ton  great  in  theire  language.  Gabriel!  must  goe  along  with  him 
They  gett  forth  with  sixty  men  and  travelled  tenn  days  due  north  and  then  arived 
at  ye  monyton  towne  sittuated  upon  a  very  great  river  att  which  place  ye  tide  ebbs 
and  flowes.  Gabriell  sworn  in  ye  river  severall  times,  being  fresh  water,  this  is  a 
great  towne  and  a  great  number  of  Indians  belong  unto  it,  and  in  ye  same  river  Mr. 
Batt  and  Fallam  were  upon  the  head  of  it  as  you  read  in  one  of  my  first  jomalls.  This 
river  runes  north  west  and  out  of  ye  westerly  side  of  it  goeth  another  very  great  river 
about  a  days  journey  lower  where  the  inhabitance  are  an  inumarable  company  of 
Indians,  as  the  monytons  told  my  man  which  is  twenty  dayes  journey  from  one  end 
to  ye  other  of  ye  inhabitance,  and  all  these  are  at  warr  with  the  Tomahitans.  when 
they  had  taken  theire  leave  of  ye  monytons  they  marched  three  days  out  of  thire  way 
to  give  a  clap  to  some  of  that  great  nation,  where  they  fell  on  with  great  courage  and 
were  as  couragiously  repullsed  by  theire  enimise. 

And  heare  Gabriell  received  shott  with  two  arrows,  one  of  them  in  his  thigh,  which 
stopt  his  runing  and  soe  was  taken  prisoner,  for  Indian  vallour  consists  most  in  theire 
heelee  for  he  that  can  run  best  is  accounted  ye  beet  man.  These  Indians  thought  this 
Gabrill  to  be  noe  Tomahittan  by  ye  length  of  his  haire,  for  ye  Tomahittans  keepe 
theire  haire  close  cut  to  ye  end  an  enime  may  not  take  an  advantage  to  lay  hold  of 
them  by  it.  They  tooke  Gabriell  and  scowered  his  skin  with  water  and  ashes,  and 
when  they  perceived  his  skin  to  be  white  they  made  very  much  of  him  and  admire 
att  his  knife  gunn  and  hatchett  they  tooke  with  him.  They  gave  those  thing  to  him 
a  gaine.  He  made  signes  to  them  the  gun  was  ye  Tomahittons  which  he  had  a  disire 
to  take  with  him,  but  ye  knife  and  hatchet  he  gave  to  ye  king,  they  not  knowing 
ye  use  of  gunns,  the  king  receved  it  with  great  shewes  of  thankfullness  for  they  had 
not  any  manner  of  iron  instrument  that  hee  saw  amongst  them  whilst  he  was  there 
they  brought  in  a  fatt  bevof  which  they  had  newly  killd  and  went  to  swrynge  it. 
Gabriell  made  signes  to  them  that  those  skins  were  good  a  mongst  the  white  people 
toward  the  sim  riseing.  they  would  know  by  signes  how  many  such  skins  they  would 
take  for  such  a  knife.  He  told  them  foure  and  eight  for  such  a  hattchett  and  made 
signes  that  if  they  would  lett  him  return,  he  would  bring  many  things  amongst  them, 
they  seemed  to  rejoyce  att  it  and  carried  him  to  a  path  that  carried  to  ye  Tomahittans 
gave  him  Rokahamony  for  his  journey  and  soe  they  departed,  to  be  short,  when  he 
came  to  ye  Tomahittans  ye  king  had  one  short  voyage  more  before  hee  could  bring 
in  Grabriell  and  that  was  downe  ye  river,  they  live  upon  in  perriougers  to  kill  hoggs, 
beares  and  stuigion  which  they  did  incontinent  by  five  dayes  and  nights.  They 
went  down  ye  river  and  came  to  ye  mouth  of  ye  salts  where  they  could  not  see  land 
but  the  water  not  above  three  foot  deepe  hard  sand.  By  this  meanes  wee  know  this 
is  not  ye  river  ye  Spanyards  live  upon  as  Mr.  Needham  did  thinke.  Here  they  killed 
many  swine,  stuigin  and  beavers  and  barbicued  them,  soe  returned  and  were  fifteen 
dayes  runing  up  a  gainst  ye  streame  but  noe  mountainous  land  to  bee  seene  but  all 

Arthur  was  then  sent  back  to  Virginia  by  the  Tamahita  chief; 
and  he  reached  Wood^s  house  June  18,  1674. 

This  narrative  leaves  a  great  deal  to  be  desired,  and  the  rehability 
of  much  of  that  reported  by  Arthur  is  not  beyond  question,  but  the 
existence  of  a  tribe  of  the  name  and  its  approximate  location  is 
established.     The  narrative   is  also  of   interest  as  containing  the 

1  Alvord  and  Bldgood,  op.  cit.,  pp.  2l»-223. 



[BULL.  73 

only  specific  information  of  any  sort  regarding  their  manners  and 

For  some  years  after  the  period  of  this  narrative  we  hear  not  a 
word  regarding  the  tribe,  and  when  they  reappear  it  is  on  the  De 
Crenay  map  as  ^'Tamaitaux/'  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Chattahoo- 
chee above  the  Chiaha  and  nearly  opposite  a  part  of  the  Sawokli.* 
A  little  later  Adair  enumerates  the  ''Ta-m&-tah^'  among  those  tribes 
which  the  Muskogee  had  induced  to  incorporate  with  them.^  They 
appear  among  other  Lower  Creek  towns  in  the  enumeration  of  1750, 
placed  between  the  northern  Sawokli  town  and  the  Kasihta.^  On 
one  of  the  D'Anville  maps  of  early  date  we  find  "Tamaita**  laid 
down  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Coosa  not  far  above  its  jimction  with 
the  Tallapoosa.  The  Koasati  town  was  just  below.  In  the  list  of 
Creek  towns  given  in  1761  in  connection  with  the  assignment  of 
traderships  we  find  this  entry:  ''27  Coosawtee  including  Tomhe- 
taws."  The  hunters  of  the  two  numbered  125  and  they  were  located 
"close  to  the  French  barracks''  where  was  the  Koasati  town  from 
very  early  times.*  Thus  it  appears  that  sonie  at  least  of  the  Tama- 
hita  had  moved  over  among  the  Upper  Creeks  sometime  between 
1733  and  1761  or  perhaps  earlier.  Bernard  Romans,  on  January  17, 
1772,  when  descending  the  Tombigbee  River,  mentions  passing  the 
'*Tomeehettee  bluff,  where  formerly  a  tribe  of  that  nation  resided,"* 
and  Hamilton  identifies  this  bluff  with  Mcintosh's  Bluff,  a  former 
location  of  the  Tohome  tribe.'  It  is  probable  that  some  Tamahita 
moved  over  to  this  river  at  the  same  time  as  the  Koasati  and  Okchai, 
a  little  before  Romans's  time,  and  afterwards  returned  with  them  to 
the  upper  Alabama. 

Memory  of  them  remained  long  among  the  Lower  Creeks,  since  an 
aged  informant  of  the  writer,  a  Hitchiti  Indian,  born  in  the  old  coun- 
try, claimed  to  be  descended  from  them.  According  to  him  there  was 
a  tradition  that  the  Tamahita  burned  a  little  trading  post  belonging 
to  the  English,  whereupon  the  English  called  upon  their  Creek  allies 
to  punish  the  aggressors.  The  Tamahita  were  much  more  numerous 
than  their  opponents,  but  were  not  very  warlike,  and  were  driven 
south  to  the  very  point  of  Florida,  where  they  escaped  in  boats  to 
some  islands.  This  tradition  appears  to  be  the  result  of  an  erroneous 
identification  of  the  Tamahita  with  the  Timucua.  There  is  no  evi- 
dence that  the  Creeks  had  a  war  with  the  former  people. 

After  the  above  account  had  been  prepared  some  material  came 
under  the  eye  of  the  writer  tending  to  the  conclusion  that  Tamahita 
must  be  added  to  that  already  long  list  of  terms  under  which  the 

1  See  plate  5;  HAmilton,  Col.  Ifoblle,  p.  190. 

*  Adair,  Hist.  Am.  Inds.,  p.  257. 

•  lfS.,AyerCoU. 

« Oa.  Col.  Docs.,  vm,  p.  524. 

»  Romans,  Nat.  Hist.  K.  and  W.  Fla.,  p.  332. 

« Hamilton,  op.  cit.,  p.  106.    See  pp.  100-166. 


Yuchi  tribes  appear  in  history.  In  view  of  the  akeady  formidable 
number  of  these  Yuchi  identifications — ^Hogologe,  Tahogale,  Chiska, 
Westo,  Rickohockan — he  would  have  preferred  some  other  out- 
come, but  we  must  be  guided  by  facts  and  these  facts  point  in  one 
and  the  same  direction. 

The  first  significant  circmnstance  is  that,  with  one  or  two  easily 
explained  exceptions,  wherever  the  name  Tamahita  or  any  of  its 
synonyms  is  used  none  of  the  other  terms  bestowed  upon  the  Yuchi 
occurs.  This  is  true  of  the  De  Crenay  map  (pi.  5),  of  the  French 
census  of  1750,*  and  of  the  list  of  tribes  incorporated  into  the  Creek 
confederacy  given  by  Adair.'  The  only  exceptions  are  where  dif- 
ferent bands  might  be  under  consideration.  Thus  in  the  census  of 
1761  ^'Tomhetaws''  are  mentioned  in  connection  with  the  Koasati 
Uving  near  the  junction  of  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosa  Rivers,  Ala- 
bama, while  the  Yuchi  among  the  Lower  Creeks  and  those  which 
had  formerly  been  on  the  Choctawhatchee  are  entered  under  their 
proper  names.'  Romans,  too,  speaks  of  a  town  of  ^^Euchas^' 
among  the  Lower  Creeks  and  in  a  different  part  of  his  work  of  a 
former  tribe  called  *'Tomeehetee"  which  gave  its  name  to  a  bluff 
on  the  Tombigbee  River.*  These  exceptions,  however,  are  not  of 
much  consequence. 

In  the  second  place  the  names  of  almost  all  of  the  other  important 
Creek  tribal  subdivisions  do  occiu*  alongside  of  the  Tamahita.  On  the 
De  Crenay  map  and  in  the  French  census  of  1750  this  tribe  is  located 
among  the  Lower  Creeks,  alongside  of  the  Coweta,  Kasihta,  Apa- 
lachicola,  Sawokli,  Osochi,  Eufaula,  Okmulgee,  Oconee,  Hitchiti, 
Chiaha,  and  Tamali.*  Adair  gives  them  as  one  of  a  nmnber  of  *  'broken 
tribes"  said  to  have  been  incorporated  with  the  Creeks  proper,  and 
he  seems  to  have  been  familiar  only  with  those  living  among  the  Upper 
Creeks,  for  the  others  mentioned  in  connection  with  them  were  all 
settled  here,  viz,  Tuskegee,  Okchai,  Pakana,  Witumpka,  Shawnee, 
Natchez,  and  Koasati.  As  incorporated  tribes  among  the  Lower 
Creeks  he  notes  the  Osochi,  Oconee,  and  Sawokli.  In  other  places 
where  Tamahita  are  mentioned  among  the  Upper  Creeks  we  find, 
in  addition  to  the  above,  the  Okchaiutci,  Kan- teat i  (Alabama), 
people  of  Coosa  Old  Town,  and  Muklasa,  while  the  Tawasa  are  given 
in  the  census  of  1750  and  on  the  De  Crenay  map  of  1733  as  entirely 

Taking  the  Lower  Creek  towns  by  themselves  we  find  all  of  the 
towns  accounted  for  except  the  Yuchi  towns  and  two  or  three  which 
were  located  upon  Chattahoochee  River  for  a  very  brief  period. 
These  last  were  a  Shawnee  town,  Tuskegee,  Kolomi,  Atasi,  and  por- 

1 ICS.  in  Ayer  ColL,  Newberry  Lib.  «  Romans,  E.  and  W.  Fla.,  pp.  280, 332. 

*  Hist.  Am.  Inds.,  p.  257.  •  Loc.  cit. 

s  Ga.  CoL  Docs.,  vm,  pp.  522-524. 


haps  Koaledji.  The  first  two,  however,  occur  independently  in  Adair's 
list,  and  the  others  are  well-known  Muskogee  divisions  which  appear 
alongside  of  the  Tamahita  among  the  Upper  Creeks.  The  Yamasee 
were  also  here  for  very  brief  periods  but  at  a  point  much  farther  down 
the  river  than  that  where  the  Tamahita  are  placed. 

Thirdly,  Yuchi  are  known  to  have  lived  at  or  in  the  neighborhood 
of  most  of  the  places  assigned  to  the  Tamahita.  The  topography 
of  the  De  Crenay  map  is  too  xmcertain  to  enable  us  to  base  any  conclu- 
sions upon  it,  but  in  the  census  of  1750  the  Tamahita  are  given  at 
approximately  the  same  distance  from  Fort  Toulouse  as  Coweta  and 
Kasihta,  and  3  leagues  nearer  than  Chiaha,  very  close  to  the  position 
which  the  (unnamed)  Yuchi  then  occupied.  As  we  shall  see  when  we 
come  to  discuss  the  Yuchi  as  a  whole,  there  was  at  least'  one  band  of 
Indians  belonging  to  this  tribe. among  the  Upper  Creeks,  remnants 
apparently  of  the  Choctawhatchee  band.  The  Tamahita  which 
figure  in  this  section  of  the  Creek  coimtry  may,  therefore,  have  been 
a  part  of  these.  I  believe,  however,  that  there  was  a  second  band  of 
Yuchi  here,  which  had  had  a  somewhat  different  history.  When  we 
come  to  discuss  the  Yuchi  Indians  we  shall  find  that  a  section  of 
these  people,  called  generally  Hogologe  or  Hog  Logee,  accompanied 
the  Apalachicola  Indians  and  part  of  the  Shawnee  to  the  Chatta- 
hoochee River  about  171ft.  The  Apalachicola  were  satisfied  with  this 
location,  but  some  time  later  the  Shawnee  migrated  to  the  Talla- 
poosa, and  I  think  it  probable  that  at  least  a  part  of  the  Hogologe 
Yuchi  went  with  them.  We  know  that  relations  between  these  two 
tribes  must  have  been  intimate  for  Bartram  was  led  to  believe  that 
the  Yuchi  spoke  "the  Savanna  or  Savanuca  tongue,'^  and  Speck 
testifies  to  cordial  imderstandings  between  them  extending  down  to 
the  present  time.^  But  Hawkins  gives  us  something  more  definite. 
In  a  diary  which  he  kept  diu4ng  his  travels  through  the  Creek  Nation 
in  1796  he  states,  under  date  of  Monday,  December  19,  when  he  was 
following  the  course  of  the  Tallapoosa  River  toward  its  mouth  and 
along  its  southern  shore,  ''half  a  mile  [beyond  a  large  spring  by  the 
river  bank  is]  the  Uchee  village,  a  remnant  of  those  settled  on  the 
Chattahoochee;  half  a  mile  farther  pass  a  Shawne  village."^  In  his 
Sketch,  representing  conditions  a  few  years  later,  he  says,  in  the 
course  of  his  description  of  the  same  Shawnee  village,  ''Some  Uchees 
have  settled  with  them,*'  and  there  is  every  reason  to  beheve  that  they 
were  the  Yuchi  who  had  formerly  occupied  a  town  of  their  own  half  a 
mile  away.' 

Last  of  all,  we  must  not  lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  the  origin  of  the 
Tamahita,  like  that  of  the  Yuchi,  may  be  traced  far  north  to  the 

I  Bartram,  Travels,  p.  387;  Spei^k,  Anth.  Pub.,         «  Ga.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  ix,  p.  41. 
U.  of  Pa.  Mus.,  I,  p.  11.  *  See  p.  320;  also  plate  8. 


Tennessee  moxintains.  It  seems  rather  improbable  that  a  tribe  from 
such  a  distant  coimtry  could  have  settled  among  the  Creeks  and, 
after  hving  in  closest  intimacy  with  them  for  so  many  years,  have 
passed  entirely  out  of  existence  without  any  further  hint  of  their 
affiliations  or  any  more  information  regarding  them.  And  the  fact 
that  they  and  the  Yuchi  share  so  many  points  in  common  and  appear 
in  the  same  places,  though  practically  never  side  by  side,  must  be 
added  to  this  as  constituting  strong  circumstantial  evidence  that 
they  were  indeed  one  and  the  same  people. 


Next  to  the  Muskogee  themselves  the  most  conspicuous  Upper 
Creek  tribe  were  the  Alabama,  or  Albamo.  As  shown  by  their  lan- 
guage and  indicated  by  some  of  their  traditions  they  were  connected 
more  nearly  with  the  Choctaw  and  Chickasaw  than  with  the  Creeks. 
Stiggins  declares  that  the  Choctaw,  Chickasaw,  Hitchiti,  and  Koasati 
languages  were  mutually  intelligible,^  and  this  was  true  at  least  of 
Choctaw,  Chickasaw,  and  Koasati. 

According  to  the  older  traditions  the  Alabama  had  come  from  the 
west,  or  perhaps,  rather  from  the  southwest,  to  their  historic  seats, 
but  these  traditions  do  not  carry  them  to  a  great  distance.  Adair, 
referring  to  the  seven  distinct  dialects  reported  as  spoken  near  Fort 
Toulouse,  said  that  the  people  claimed  to  have  come  from  South 

The  following  account  of  their  origin  was  obtained  originally  from 
Se-ko-pe-chi  ("Perseverance''),  who  is  described  as  **  one  of  the  oldest 
Creeks,  ...  in  their  new  location  west  of  the  Mississippi,"  about 
the  year  1847,  and  was  published  by  Schoolcraft: ' 

The  origin  of  the  Alabama  Indians  as  handed  down  by  oral  tradition,  is  that  they 
sprangoutof  the  ground,  between  the  Cahawba  and  Alabama  Rivers.  .  .  .  The  earliest 
migration  recollected,  as  handed  down  by  oral  tradition,  is  that  they  emigrated  from 
the  Cahawba  and  Alabama  Rivers  to  the  junction  of  the  Tuscaloosa  [Tombigbee  ?]  and 
Coo83L  [Alabama  ?]  Rivers.*  Their  numbers  at  that  period  were  not  known.  The 
extent  of  the  territory  occupied  at  that  time  was  indefinite.  At  the  point  formed 
by  the  junction  of  the  Tuscaloosa  and  Coosa  Rivers  the  tribe  sojoumetl  for  the  space 
of  two  years,  after  which  their  location  was  at  the  junction  of  the  Coosa  and  Alabama 
Rivers,  on  the  west  side  of  what  was  subsequently  the  site  of  Fort  Jackson.  It  is 
supposed  that  at  this  time  they  numbered  fifty  effective  men.  They  claimed  the 
country  from  Fort  Jackson  to  New  Orleans  for  their  hunting-grounds.  .    .    . 

They  are  of  the  opinion  that  the  Great  Spirit  brought  them  from  the  ground,  and 
that  they  are  of  right  possessors  of  this  soil. 

1  stiggins,  MS. 

«  Adair,  Hist.  Am.  Inds.,  pp.  267-268. 

*  Ind.  Tribes,  i,  pp.  26(^267. 

*  The  name  Coosa  was  once  extended  over  the  Alabama  as  well  as  the  stream  which  now  bears  the  name; 
there  is  some  reason  to  think  that  the  Tombigbee  may  occasionally  have  been  called  the  Tuscaloosa.  At 
any  rate  tliis  canstructioD  would  reconcile  the  present  tradition  with  the  one  following. 


From  Ward  Coachman,  an  old  Alabama  Indian  in  Oklahoma,  Dr. 
Gatschet  obtained  the  following: 

.  Old  Alabama  men  used  to  say  that  the  Alabama  came  out  of  the  ground  near  the 
Alabama  River  a  little  up  stream  from  its  junction  with  the  Tombigbee,  close  to 
Holsifa  (Choctaw  Bluff).  After  they  had  come  out  an  owl  hooted.  They  were 
scared  and  most  of  them  went  back  into  the  ground.  That  is  why  the  Alabama  are 
few  in  number.  The  Alabama  towns  are  Tawasa,  Pawokti,  Oktcaiyutci,  Atauga, 
Hatcafa^ski  (River  Point,  at  the  junction  of  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosa),  and  Wetumka. 

From  one  of  the  oldest  women  among  the  Alabama  living  in 
Texas  I  obtained  a  long  origin  myth  in  which  the  tribe  is  represented 
as  having  come  across  the  Atlantic,  but  this  is  evidently  mixed  up 
with  the  story  of  the  discovery  of  America  by  the  white  people  and 
is  of  little  value  in  restoring  the  old  tradition.  The  relationship 
recognized  between  the  Alabama  and  Koasati  is  illustrated  by  the 
following  story,  said  to  have  been  told  by  an  old  Indian  now  dead : 

The  Alabama  and  Koasati  came  out  of  the  earth  on  opposite  sides  of  the  root  of  a  cer- 
tain tree  and  settled  there  in  two  bodies.  Consequently  these  differed  somewhat 
in  speech,  though  they  always  kept  near  each  other.  At  first  they  came  out  of  the 
earth  only  during  the  night  time,  going  down  again  when  day  came.  Presently  a 
white  man  came  to  the  place,  saw  the  tracks,  and  wanted  to  find  the  people.  He 
went  there  several  times,  but  could  discover  none  of  them  above  ground.  By  and  by 
he  decided  upon  a  ruse,  so  he  left  a  barrel  of  whisky  near  the  place  where  he  saw  the 
footsteps.  When  the  Indians  came  out  again  to  play  they  saw  the  barrel,  and  were 
curious  about  it,  but  at  first  no  one  would  touch  it.  Finally,  however,  one  man 
tasted  of  its  contents,  and  presently  he  began  to  feel  good  and  to  sing  and  dance  about. 
Then  the  others  drank  also  and  became  so  drunk  that  the  white  man  was  able  to  catch 
them.    Afterward  the  Indians  remained  on  the  surface  of  the  earth. 

The  tradition  of  a  downstream  origin  may  have  been  due  to  the 
former  residence  of  the  Tawasa  Alabama  near  Mobile.  This  has 
certainly  given  its  entire  tone  to  the  story  which  Stiggins  relates.* 

Finally,  mention  may  be  made  of  Milfort's  extravagant  Creek 
migration  legend  in  which  the  Creek  Indians  proper  are  represented 
as  having  pursued  the  Alabama  from  the  western  prairies  near  Red 
River  across  the  Missouri,  Mississippi,  and  Ohio  in  succession  imtil 
they  reached  their  later  home  in  central  Alabama. 

After  De  Soto  and  his  companions  had  left  the  Chickasaw,  by 
whom  they  had  been  severely  handled,  they  reached  a  small  village 
called  Limamu'  by  Ranjel  and  Alimamu'  by  Elvas.  This  was  on 
April  26,  1541.  Biedma  says  nothing  of  the  village,  but  states  that 
they  set  out  toward  the  northwest  for  a  province  called  AUbamo.* 

On  Thursday  they  came  to  a  plain  where  was  a  stockaded  fort 
defended  by  many  Indians.  According  to  Biedma  the  Indians  had 
built  this  stockade  across  the  trail  the  Spaniards  were  to  take  merely 

1  See  p.  140.  >  Ibid.,  i,  p.  108. 

'Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  n,  p.  136.  ^id.,  n,  p.  24. 


to  try  their  strength,  though  having  nothing  whatever  to  defend.  * 
It  is  evident  that  no  women  or  children  were  there,  but  it  is  most 
likely  that  the  place  was  a  stockaded  town  from  which  the  non- 
combatants  had  been  removed  in  anticipation  of  the  arrival  of  the 
Spaniards.  Elvas  gives  quite  a  lively  picture  of  this  fort  and  the 
Indians  within.     He  says: 

Many  were  armed,  walkiiig  upon  it,  with  their  bodies,  legs,  and  arms  painted  and 
ochred,  red,  black,  white,  yellow,  and  vermilion  in  stripes,  so  that  they  appeared  to 
have  on  stockings  and  doublet.  Some  wore  feathers  and  others  horns  on  the  head; 
the  face  blackened,  and  the  eyes  encircled  with  vermilion,  to  heighten  their  fierce 
aspect.  So  soon  as  they  saw  the  Christians  draw  nigh  they  beat  drums,  and,  with 
loud  yells,  in  great  fury  came  forth  to  meet  them.' 

After  a  sharp  engagement  the  Spaniards  drove  these  Indians 
from  their  position  with  considerable  loss,  but  were  prevented  from 
following  up  their  success  by  an  unf ordable  river  behind  the  stockade, 
across  which  the  greater  part  of  the  Indians  escaped.  Garcilasso, 
who,  as  usual,  passes  this  entire  affair  under  a  magnifying  glass, 
calls  the  fort  ''Fort  Alibamo,"'  but  it  so  happens  that  not  one  of  the 
three  standard  authorities  applies  this  term  to  it.  Two  of  them,  as 
we  have  seen,  give  the  name  to  a  small  village  in  which  they  had 
camped  two  days  earlier.  Nevertheless  Biedma's  reference  to  a 
''Province  of  Alibamo^'  seems  to  indicate  that  the  Spaniards  were 
actually  in  a  region  occupied  by  Alabama  Indians,  although  we  do 
not  know  whether  the  entire  tribe  was  present  or  only  one  section 
of  it.  It  has  been  supposed  by  some  that  the  Ulibahali  mentioned 
before  the  great  Mobile  encounter  were  the  later  Alabama  or  con- 
stituted an  Alabama  town,  but  while  it  is  true  that  the  name  bears 
some  resemblance  to  that  of  a  possible  Alabama  town,  the  Alabama 
word  for  village  being  ola,  it  is  quite  certain  that  we  must  seek  in 
it  the  name  of  a  true  Muskogee  town.* 

After  1541  the  Alabama  disappear  entirely  from  sight  until 
the  French  settlement  of  Louisiana,  when  we  find  them  located  in 
their  well-known  later  historic  seats  on  the  upper  course  of  the 
river  which  bears  their  name.  The  first  notice  of  them  occurs  in 
March,  1702,  after  the  foundation  of  the  first  Mobile  fort  had  been 
begun,  where  they  appear  together  with  the  Conchaque — by  which 
is  evidently  meant  the  Muskogee — as  enemies  of  the  Mobile  tribes 
whom  they  had  caused  to  abandon  many  of  their  former  settle- 
ments. P6nicaut  says  that  Iberville  sent  messengers  from  Mobile 
to  the  Choctaw  and  Alabama,  and  that  their  chiefs  came  to  him  to 
sing   the  calumet  of  peace  along  with  the  chiefs  of  the  Mobile;^ 

*  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  u,  p.  24.  *  See  p.  254. 

*  Ibid.,  I,  pp.  10&-100.  *Margry,  Dte.,  v,  p.  425. 
>  Garcilasso,  in  Shipp,  De  Soto  and  Fla.,  pp.  401-403. 

148061 '—22 13 



[BULL.  73 

but  he  is  perhaps  in  error  in  placing  the  visit  of  the  chiefs  before 
Iberville^s  return,  as  Iberville  himself  says  nothing  regarding  it, 
while  La  Harpe  states  that  eight  honored  chiefs  of  the  Alabama  came 
to  the  Mobile  fort  May  12,  fifteen  days  after  Iberville's  departure. 
These  eight  chiefs.  La  Harpe  informs  us,  *  ^  came  to  ask  M.  de  Bienville 
whether  they  should  continue  the  war  against  the  Chicachas,  the 
Tomds,  and  the  Mobiliens.  He  counseled  them  to  make  peace, 
gave  them  some  presents,  and  so  determined  them  to  carry  out  what 
they  had  promised."^  In  the  report  which  he  drew  up  after  his 
return  to  France  from  this  expedition  Iberville  speaks  of  these  Indians 
as  follows: 

The  Conchaques  and  Alibamons  have  their  first  villages  thirty-five  or  forty  leagues 
northeast,  a  quarter  east  from  the  Tohom^,  on  the  banks  of  a  river  which  falls  into 
the  Mobile  five  leagues  above  the  fort,  toward  the  east.  These  two  \illage8  may 
consist  of  four  himdred  families;  the  greater  part  have  guns,  are  friends  of  the  English 
and  will  be  shortly  oiu^.^ 

In  May,  1703,  the  English  induced  the  Alabama  to  declare  against 
the  French,  and  the  latter,  deceived  by  the  promise  that  they  would 
find  plenty  of  com  among  them,  sent  into  their  country  a  man 
named  Labrie  with  four  Canadians.  When  within  two  days  journey 
of  the  Alabama  village  12  Indians  came  to  meet  them  bringing  a 
peace  calumet.  That  night,  however,  they  killed  all  of  the  French- 
men but  one  named  Charles,  who  escaped,  although  with  a  broken 
arm,  and  carried  the  news  to  Mobile.^*  According  to  P6nicaut, 
Bienville  inmiediately  undertook  to  avenge  this  injury,  but  was 
deserted  by  his  Mobile  and  other  allies  who  were  secretly  in  sympathy 
with  his  enemies.  This  obliged  him  to  return  without  having  accom- 
plished anything.*  Such  an  expedition  may  have  been  undertaken, 
but  from  other  information  relative  to  the  relations  between  the 
Mobile  tribes  and  theAlabama  an  understanding  between  thetwoseems 
rather  improbable.  According  to  La  Harpe  it  was  not  until  De- 
cember 22,  1703,  that  Bienville  set  out  to  punish  the  injury  that  had 
been  received.*  This  P^nicaut  represents  as  immediately  following 
the  abortive  attempt  just  related.'     La  Harpe  says: 

He  left  [Fort  Louis  de  la  Mobile]  with  forty  soldiers  and  Canadians  in  seven  piro- 
gues. January  3, 1704,  he  discovered  the  fire  of  a  party  of  the  enemy.  A  little  after- 
ward, having  discovered  ten  pirogues,  he  took  counsel  of  MM.  de  Tonty  and,de  Saint- 
Denis,  who  were  of  the  opinion,  contrary  to  hia  own,  that  they  should  wait  until 
night  in  order  to  attack  them.  These  Alibamons  were  camped  on  a  height  difficult 
of  access.  The  night  waa  very  dark,  and  they  took  a  trail  filleil  Mrith  brambles  and 
vines,  almost  impracticable.  The  enemy  ported  in  this  place  to  the  niunber  of 
twelve,  hearing  the  noise,  fired  a  volley  from  their  guns  thn)ugh  the  bushes;  they 
killed  two  Frenchmen  and  wounded  another;  but  thoy  soon  took  to  llight  in  order 

>  La  Harpe,  Jour.  Hist.,  p.  72. 

« Margry,  D^.,  iv,  p.  594. 

*  La  Harpe,  Jour.  Hist.,  pp.  76-77. 

•  Margry,  D^c,  v,  p.  429. 

•  La  Harpe,  Jour.  Hist.,  p.  82. 

•  Margry,  DAj.,  v,  pp.  429^31. 




to  join  their  party,  which  was  hunting  in  the  neighborhood  of  this  place.  M.  de 
Bienville  had  their  canoes  loaded  with  meat  and  com  upset.  He  then  returned  to 
the  fort  on  the  llth  of  the  same  month.' 

P6nicaut'8  account  of  the  affair  is  as  follows: 

After  we  had  returned  [from  the  previous  abortive  expedition  which  he  describes] 
M.  de  Bienville  had  prepared  some  days  afteneard  ten  canoes,  and  as  soon  as  they 
were  ready  he  had  us  embark  to  the  number  of  fifty  Frenchmen  with  our  officers,  of 
which  he  was  first  in  rank,  and  we  left  secretly  at  night  in  order  to  conceal  our  move- 
ment from  the  savages.  At  the  end  of  some  days  of  travel,  when  we  were  within  ten 
leagues  of  the  village  of  the  Alibamons,  very  near  the  place  where  the  four  Frenchmen 
had  been  killed,  we  saw  a  fire.  There  was  on  the  river  within  two  gunshots  from  this 
fire  fourteen  canoes  of  these  Alibamons,  who  were  hunting,  accompanied  by  their 
families.  We  went  down  again  a  quarter  of  a  league  because  it  was  too  light;  we 
remained  half  a  league  from  the  savages  the  rest  of  the  day,  in  a  place  where  our 
canoes  were  concealed  behind  a  height  of  land.  We  sent  six  men  up  on  this  height  in 
order  to  reconnoiter  the  place  where  their  cabins  were,  which  we  discovered  easily 
from  there.  It  was  necessary  to  ascend  the  river  to  a  point  above  in  order  to  land 
opposite.  When  we  perceived  that  their  fire  was  almost  out,  and  they  were  believed 
to  be  asleep,  M.  de  Bienville  had  us  advance.  After  having  passed  a  little  height, 
we  went  down  into  a  wood,  where  there  was  a  very  bad  trail.  When  we  were  near 
the  cabins  where  the  savages  were  asleep,  one  of  our  Frenchmen  stepped  on  a  dry 
cane,  which  made  a  noise  in  breaking.  One  of  the  savages  who  was  not  yet  asleep 
began  to  cry  out  in  their  language,  '  'Who  goes  there? "  which  obliged  us  to  keep 
silence.  The  savage,  after  some  time,  hearing  no  more  noise,  lay  down.  We  then 
advanced,  but  the  savages,  hearing  us  march,  rising  uttered  the  death  cry  and  fired 
a  volley,  which  killed  one  of  our  people.  Immediately  their  old  people,  their  women, 
and  their  children  fled.  Only  those  bearing  arms  retired  last,  letting  go  at  us  many 
volleys.  On  our  side  we  did  not  know  whether  we  had  killed  a  single  one,  because 
we  did  not  know  in  the  night  where  we  were  shooting.  The  savages  having  retired ,  we 
remained  in  their  cabins  until  daybreak;  we  burned  them  before  leaving  them  in 
order  to  return  to  the  river,  where  we  found  their  canoes,  which  we  took,  along  with 
the  merchandises  which  were  in  them,  to  our  fort  of  Mobile.^ 

La  Harpe  notes  that  on  March  14,  1704,  following,  20  Chickasaw 
brought  to  Mobile  5  Alabama  scalps  and  received  guns,  powder, 
and  ball  in  exchange.'  November  18,  20  Choctaw  brought  in  3 
more  scalps  of  the  same  people/  January  21,  1706,  many  Choctaw 
chiefs  came  bringing  9  more  Alabama  scalps."  February  21,  M.  de 
Boisbiillant  led  a  party  of  60  Canadians  and  12  Indians  against  the 
Alabama.  He  surprised  a  hunting  party  of  Alabama  and,  according 
to  P6nicaut,  killed  all  of  the  men  and  carried  away  all  of  the  women 
and  children.*  La  Harpe  says  that  he  brought  back  2  scalps  and 
1  slave.^  The  same  year  it  was  learned  that  the  Alabama  and 
Chickasaw  together,  incited  by  an  English  trader,  had  been  instrumen- 
tal in  forcing  the  Tunica  to  abandon  their  former  homes  on  the  lower 

>  La  Harpe,  Joar.  Hist.,  pp.  82-83. 
«  Margry,  D^.  v,  pp.  42{M31. 

>  La  Harpe,  Jour.  Hist.,  p.  83. 
« Ibid.,  p.  86. 

» Ibid.,  p.  95. 

•Margry,  D^.,  v,  pp.  431-432. 

7  La  Harpe,  Jour.  Hist.,  p.  96. 


According  to  P6nicauty  M.  de  Chateaugu6  led  an  expedition 
against  the  Alabama  about  this  timei  encountered  a  war  party  of 
that  nation  on  its  way  to  attack  the  Choctaw,  and  kiUed  15  of  them.' 
He  places  this  among  the  events  of  the  year  1703,  but  it  must  have 
been  either  in  1705  or  1706.  The  Alabama  probably  took  part  in 
the  English  expedition  against  the  Apalachee  in  1703,  already  related, 
and  in  those  against  the  Apalachicola  in  1706  and  1707.'  In  Novem- 
ber, 1707,  they  and  the  Creeks  together  invested  Pensacola,led  by  13 
Englishmen,  but  they  were  obliged  to  withdraw.'  Under  date  of  1708 
P6nicaut  mentions  an  expedition  imder  M.  de  Chateaugu^,  consisting 
of  60  Frenchmen  and  60  Mobile  Indians,  against  Alabama  hunting  in 
the  neighborhood,  in  which  they  kiUed  30,  wounded  7,  and  carried  9 
away  prisoners.*  The  same  year  he  relates  an  adventure  on  the  part 
of  two  Frenchmen  who  were  captured  by  Indians  of  this  tribe,  but 
being  left  with  only  two  guards  were  able  to  kill  them  and  escape  to 
Mobile.^  The  Alabama  and  their  allies  marched  against  the  Mobile 
"with  4,000  men,"  but  only  succeeded  in  bumixig  some  cabins.*  In 
1709  P6mcaut  speaks  of  an  encounter  between  15  Choctaw  and 
50  Alabama,  to  the  advantage  of  the  former — ^who  tell  the  story.^ 
In  March,  1712,  La  Harpe  notes  that  Bienville  ''placated  the  Aii- 
bamons,  Alibikas,  and  other  nations  of  Carolina,  and  reconciled  them 
with  those  who  were  allied  to  us;  the  peace  was  general  among  the 
savages." ' 

In  1714  English  influence  was  so  strong  that  it  even  extended 
over  most  of  the  Choctaw,  but  the  next  year  the  Yamasee  war  broke 
out  and  proved  to  be  a  general  anti-English  movement  among  south- 
em  Indians.  Bienville  seized  this  opportxmity  to  renew  his  alliance 
with  the  Alabama  and  other  tribes,  and  it  was  at  about  the  same 
period  that  he  established  a  post  in  the  midst  of  the  Alabama,  which 
was  known  officially  as  Fort  Toulouse,  but  colloquially  as  the  Alabama 
Fort.  Later  the  Tawasa  came  from  Mobile  Bay  and  settled  near 
their  relatives.  P^nicaut  mentions  the  Alabama  among  those  tribes 
which  came  to  *'sing  the  calumet"  before  M.  de  TEpinay  in  1717,' 
but  from  the  time  of  the  founding  of  Fort  Toulouse  until  the  end 
of  French  domination  we  hear  very  little  about  these  people  from 
the  French.  Peace  continued  to  subsist  between  them,  and  the 
greater  part  of  the  tribe  was  evidently  devoted  to  the  French  interest. 
In  the  early  Carolina  documents  there  are  few  references  to  them,  the 
general  name  Tallapoosa  being  used  for  them  and  their  Creek  neigh- 
bors on  Tallapoosa  River.     It  is  curious  that  the  name  Alabama  does 

» Margry,  D^.,  v,  p.  435.  •  ibid. .  p.  478. 

« See  pp.  121-123, 130.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  483. 

*  La  Harpe,  Jour.  Hist.,  pp.  103-101.  >  La  Uarpe,  op.  dt.,  p.  110. 

*  Margry,  op.  dt.,  pp.  478-479.  <  Margry,  op.  dt.,  p.  547. 
ft  Ibid.,  pp.  479-481. 


not  occur  in  the  list  of  Creek  towns  in  the  census  of  1761,  but  part  of 
them  may  be  included  in  the  following:  ''Welonkees  including  red 
Ground,  70  himters,"  the  name  of  the  principal  Alabama  town 
being  *'  Red  Ground  "  in  Hawkinses  time.^  Another  part  of  them  are, 
however,  represented  by  the  "Little  Oakchoys,  assigned  to  Wm. 
Trewin. "  ^  The  enimieration  of  1750  seems  to  give  Red  Ground  in  the 
distorted  form  "  Canachequi. ''  ■  In  1777  Bartram  visited  a  town  which 
he  calls  "Alabama"  situated  at  the  junction  of  the  Coosa  and 
Tallapoosa  Rivers,  but  this  seems  really  to  have  been  Tuskegee.'* 
Hawkins  enimierates  four  settlements  which  he  believed  to  be  the 
ancient  Alabama,  but  in  fact  only  the  first  of  these  appears  to  have 
consisted  of  true  Alabama,  the  others  being  probably  made  up  of 
later  additions,  which  have  already  been  considered  (pp.  137-141). 
Following  is  his  description  of  these  four  places : 

1st.  E-cun-chSte;  from  E-<nm-nS,  earthy  and  ch&te,  red.  A  small  village  on  the 
left  bank  of  Alabama,  which  has  its  fields  on  the  right  side,  in  the  cane  swamp;  they 
are  a  poor  people,  without  stock,  are  idle  and  indolent,  and  seldon  make  bread  enough, 
but  have  fine  melons  in  great  abundance  in  their  season.  The  land  back  from  the 
settlement  is  of  thin  quality,  oak,  hickory,  pine  and  ponds.  Back  of  this,  hills,  or 
waving.  Here  the  soil  is  of  good  quality  for  cultivation;  that  of  thin  quality  extends 
nearly  a  mile. 

2d.  Too-woB-sau,  is  three  miles  below  £-cun-chfi-te,  on  the  same  side  of  the  river; 
a  small  village  on  a  high  bluff,  the  land  is  good  about,  and  back  of  the  village;  they 
have  some  lots  fenced  with  cane,  and  some  with  rails,  for  potatoes  and  ground  nuts; 
the  com  is  cultivated  on  the  right  side  of  the  river,  on  rich  cane  swamps;  these  people 
have  a  few  hogs,  but  no  other  stock. 

3d.  Pau-woc-te;  a  small  village  two  miles  below  Too-was-sau,'  on  a  high  bluff,  the 
same  side  of  the  river;  the  land  is  level  and  rich  for  five  miles  back;  but  none  of  it 
is  cultivated  around  their  houses;  their  fields  are  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  on 
rich  cane  swamp;  they  have  a  few  hogs  and  horses,  but  no  cattle;  they  had,  formerly, 
the  largest  and  best  breed  of  hogs  in  the  nation,  but  have  lost  them  by  carelessness 
or  inattention.* 

4th.  At*tau-gee;  a  small  village  four  miles  below  Pau-woc-te,  spread  out  for  two 
miles  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river;  they  have  fields  on  both  sides,  but  their  chief 
dependence  is  on  the  left  side;  the  land  on  the  left  side  is  rich;  on  the  right  side  the 
pine  forest  extends  down  to  At-tau-gee  Creek;  below  this  creek  the  land  is  rich. 

These  people  have  very  little  intercourse  with  white  people;  although  they  are 
hospitable,  and  offer  freely  any  thing  they  have,  to  those  who  visit  them.  They 
have  this  singular  custom,  as  soon  as  a  white  person  has  eaten  of  any  dish  and  left  it, 
the  remains  are  thrown  away,  and  every  thing  used  by  the  guest  immediately  washed. 

They  have  some  hogs,  horses,  and  cattle,  in  a  very  fine  range,  perhaps  the  beet  on 
the  river;  the  land  to  the  east  as  far  as  Ko-e-ne-cuh,  and  except  the  plains  (Hi-yuc- 

>  Ga.  Col.  Docs.,  vm,  p.  524. 
« Ibid.,  p.  324. 

*  MS.,  Ayer  CoU. 

4  Bartram,  Travels,  pp.  445,  401. 

»  Also  given  as  7  miles  below  the  junction  of  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosa.— Hawkins  in  Coll.  Oa.  Hist.  Soc., 
IX,  p.  170. 

*  In  1797  Hawkins  states  that  the  trader  here  was  "Charles  Weatherford,  a  man  of  infamous  character, 
a  dealer  in  stolen  horses;  condemned  and  reprie\ed  the  28th  of  May."— Coll.  Ga.  Hist.  Soc.,  ix,  p.  170; 
the  last  clause,  after  "  but,"  is  wanting  in  the  Lib.  of  Cong.  MS. 


pul-gee),  ifl  well  watered,  with  much  canebrake,  a  very  desirable  country.  On  th«^ 
west  or  right  side,  the  good  land  extends  about  five  miles,  and  on  all  the  creeks  l)elow 
At-tau-gee,  it  is  good;  some  of  the  trees  are  laige  poplar,  red  oak,  and  hickory,  walnut 
on  the  margins  of  the  creeks,  and  pea-vine  in  the  valleys 

These  four  villages  have,  in  all,  about  eighty  gunmen;  they  do  not  conform  to  the 
customs  of  the  Creeks,  and  the  Creek  law  for  the  punishment  of  adultery  is  not  known 
to  them.* 

At  an  earlier  period  the  Alabama  had  a  town  still  farther  down- 
stream which  appears  in  many  maps  under  the  name  Nitahauritz, 
interpreted  by  Mr.  H.  S.  Halbert  to  mean  *'Bear  Fort/' 

Hawkins  mentions  the  fact  that  already  a  body  of  Koasati  had 
gone  beyond  the  Mississippi.'  He  does  not  say  the  same  of  the 
Alabama,  yet  we  know  that  that  tribe  had  also  begmi  to  split  up.  In 
describing  the  Koasati  an  account  of  one  of  these  migrations  will 
be  given.  From  the  papers  of  the  British  Indian  agent,  John  Stuart, 
we  learn  that  as  early  as  1778  bands  of  Kan- tea ti  and  Tawasa  had 
moved  into  northern  Florida,'  and  after  the  Creek-American  war 
their  numbers  were  swollen  very  considerably.  They  did  not,  how- 
ever, long  maintain  a  distinct  existence.  The  movement  toward  the 
west  was  of  much  more  importance.  It  appears  that  the  long  asso- 
ciation of  these  Indians  with  the  French,  due  to  the  presence  of  a 
French  post  among  them,  had  bred  an  attachment  to  that  nation 
among  the  Alabama  equally  with  the  tribes  about  Mobile  Bay,  and 
part  of  them  also  decided  to  move  across  into  Louisiana  after  the 
peace  of  1763.  A  further  inducement  was  the  almost  virgin  hunting 
ground  to  be  found  in  parts  of  that  colony.  That  the  first  emigra- 
tion occurred  about  the  date  indicated  (1763)*  is  proved  by  Sibley, 
writing  in  1806,  who  has  the  following  to  say  of  the  Alabama  in  the 
State  of  Louisiana  in  his  time: 

AUibamis,  are  likewise  from  West  Florida,  off  AUibami  River,  and  came  to  Red  River 
about  the  same  time  of  the  Boluxas  and  Appalaches.  Part  of  them  have  lived  on 
Red  River,  about  sixteen  miles  above  the  Bayau  Rapide,  till  last  year,  when  most 
of  this  party,  of  about  thirty  men,  went  up  Red  River,  and  have  settled  themselves 
near  the  Caddoques,  where,  I  am  informed,  they  last  year  made  a  good  crop  of  com. 
The  Caddos  are  friendly  to  them,  and  have  no  objection  to  their  settling  there.  They 
speak  the  Creek  and  Chactaw  languages,  and  Mobilian;  most  of  them  French,  and 
some  of  them  English. 

There  is  another  party  of  them,  whose  village  is  on  a  small  creek,  in  Appelousa 
district,  about  thirty  miles  northwest  from  the  church  of  Appelousa.  They  consist 
of  about  forty  men.  They  have  lived  at  the  same  place  ever  since  they  came  from 
Florida;  are  said  to  be  increasing  a  little  in  numbers,  for  a  few  years  past.  They 
raise  corn,  have  horses,  hogs,  and  cattle,  and  are  harmless,  quiet  people.^ 

1  Oa.  Hist.  Soc. Colls.,  m,  pp.  36-37.    Bossu's  account  shows  clearly  that  the  last  statement  is  erroneous. 
'Seep.  204. 

*  Cx>py  of  MS. ,  Lib.  Cong. 

*  It  may  have  been  a  few  years  later,  for  John  Stuart,  the  British  Indian  agent ,  writer,  Deceml)er  2, 1766, 
that  some  of  these  Indians  had  expressed  a  dnsin*  to  settle  on  the  hanks  of  the  Mississippi.— Knglish  Iran* 
scriptlons,  Lib.  Cong. 

» Sibley  in  Annals  of  Congress,  9th  Cong. ,  2d  ses.s. ,  1085  (1806-7). 


In  August,  1777,  William  Bartram  visited  an  Alabama  village  on 
the  Mississippi  2  miles  above  the  Manchac.  He  describes  it  as 
'^delightfully  situated  on  several  swelling  green  hiUs,  gradually 
ascending  from  the  verge  of  the  river.''  ^  A  friend  accompanying 
him  purchased  some  native  baskets  and  pottery  from  the  inhabit- 
ants. In  1784  Hutchins  foimd  them  in  about  the  same  place.' 
It  will  be  noticed  that  Sibley  does  not  mention  a  previous  sojourn 
of  either  of  the  parties  of  Alabama  described  by  him  on  the  Mis- 
sissippi River,  and  we  are  in  the  dark  as  to  whether  they  had  sepa- 
rated after  coming  into  Louisiana  or  before.  If  they  came  sepa^ 
rately  it  would  seem  most  likely  that  the  Opelousas  band  was  the 
one  settled  on  the  Mississippi.  This  at  any  rate  was  in  accordance 
with  the  belief  of  John  Scott,  the  late  chief  of  the  Alabama  now  residing 
in  Texas  and  the  oldest  person  among  them.  He  informed  the  writer 
in  1912  that  the  name  of  the  old  Alabama  town  on  the  Mississippi 
River  was  Aktcabeh&le.  From  there  thev  moved  to  *'  Mikiwi'l ''  close 
to  Opelousas,  and  from  there  to  the  Sabine  River,  where  they  formed 
a  new  town  which  received  no  special  name.  There  was  an  Alabama 
village  in  Texas  called  Fenced-in- village  a  short  distance  west  by  south 
of  a  mill  and  former  post  oflBce  called  Mobile,  Tyler  County,  Texas. 
Next  they  settled  in  what  is  now  Tyler  County,  Texas,  at  a  town 
which  they  called  Tak'o'sha-o'la  ('Teach-tree  Town").  This  was 
about  2  miles  due  north  of  Chester  or  20  miles  north  of  Woodville, 
Texas.  Their  next  town  was  3  miles  from  Peach-tree  Town  and 
contained  a  ''big  house"  (i'  sa  tcuba)  and  a  dance  ground,  but  was 
imnamed.  After  a  time  the  Alabama  chief  decided  to  move  to 
Pat'ala^ka  (said  to  mean  ''Cane  place")  where  the  Biloxi  and  Pasca- 
goula  lived,  and  some  other  Indians  went  with  him.  Part,  however, 
returned  to  Louisiana,  where  they  remained  three  years.  At  the  end 
of  that  time  they  came  back  to  Texas  and  formed  a  village  which  took 
its  name  from  a  white  man,  Jim  Barclay.  They  moved  from  there  to 
the  village  which  they  now  occupy,  which  is  called  Big  Sandy  village 
from  the  name  of  a  creek,  although  it  took  some  time  for  the  families 
scattered  about  in  Texas  to  come  in. 

According  to  some  white  informants  the  Alabama  settled  on  Red 
River,  moved  to  Big  Sandy  village,  and  perhaps  both  parties  finally 
united  there.  A  few  families,  however,  still  remain  in  Calcasieu  and 
St.  Landry  Parishes,  Ix)uisiana.  The  language  of  all  of  the  Texas  Ala- 
bama is  practically  uniform,  but  the  speech  of  some  of  the  Tapasola 
clan  is  said  to  vary  a  little  from  the  normal. 

The  Alabama  who  had  remained  in  their  old  country  took  a  promi- 
nent part  in  the  Creek  war.  Indeed  Stiggins  says  that  *'  they  did  more 
murder  and  other  mischief  in  the  time  of  their  hostilities  in  the  year 

iBaitram,  Travels,  p.  427.  *  Hutchins,  Narr.,  p.  44. 

200  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [boll.  78 

1813  than  all  the  other  tribes  together/'*  After  the  treaty  of  Fort 
Jackson^  in  1814,  by  which  all  of  the  old  Alabama  land  was  ceded  to 
the  whites,  the  same  writer  says  that  part  of  them  settled  above  the 
mouth  of  Cubahatche  in  a  town  called  Towassee,  while  the  rest  moved 
to  a  place  on  Coosa  River  above  Wetumpka.  He  states  that  the  town 
belonging  to  this  latter  division  was  Otciapofa,  but  he  is  evidently 
mistaken,  because  Otciapofa  has  been  pure  Creek  as  far  back  as  we 
have  any  knowledge  of  it.'  Perhaps  the  Coosa  settlement  was  that 
called  Autauga  in  the  census  of  1832,  or  it  may  have  contained  the 
Okchaiutci  Indians,  whose  history  will  be  given  presently.  I  have 
suggested  elsewhere  that  the  names  of  these  towns  seem  to  show  the 
part  of  the  tribe  which  remained  with  the  Creeks  to  have  been  the 
Tawasa.  Speaking  of  the  Alabama  Indians  in  his  time  Stiggins  says 
that,  while  their  chiefs  were  admitted  to  the  national  coimcils  on  the 
same  terms  as  the  others,  they  seldom  associated  with  the  Creeks 
otherwise.  After  their  removal  the  Alabama  settled  near  the  Cana- 
dian, but  some  years  later  went  still  farther  west  and  located  about 
the  present  town  of  Weleetka,  Okla.  A  small  station  on  the  St. 
Louis-San  Francisco  Railroad  just  south  of  Weleetka  bears  their 
name.  While  a  few  of  these  Indians  retain  their  old  language  it  is 
rapidly  giving  place  to  Creek  and  English.  They  have  the  distinction 
of  being  the  only  non-Muskogee  tribe  incorporated  with  the  Creeks, 
exclusive  of  the  Yuchi,  which  stiU  maintains  a  square  ground. 

As  already  noted,  one  Alabama  town  received  the  name,  Okchai- 
utci, ''Little  Okchai,"  which  suggests  relationship  with  the  Okchai 
people,  but  the  origin  of  this  the  Indians  explain  as  follows:  At  one 
time  the  Alabama  (probably  only  part  of  the  tribe)  had  no  square 
ground  and  asked  the  Okchai  to  take  them  into  theirs.  The  Okchai 
said,  "All  right;  you  can  seat  yourself  on  the  other  side  of  my  four 
backsticks  and  I  will  protect  you.''  They  did  so,  and  for  some  time 
afterwards  the  two  tribes  busked  together  and  played  on  the  same 
side  in  ball  games.  Later  on,  however,  a  dispute  arose  in  connec- 
tion with  one  of  these  games  and  the  Alabama  separated,  associating 
themselves  with  the  Tukabahchee  and  hence  with  the  opposite  fire 
clan.  Afterwards  those  Alabama  formed  a  town  which  they  called 
Okchaiutci,  and  to  this  day  Okchaiutci  is  one  of  the  names  given  the 
Alabama  Indians  in  set  speeches  at  the  time  of  the  busk.  According 
to  my  informant,  himself  an  Okchai  Indian,  the  date  of  this  separa- 
tion was  as  late  as  1872-73,  but  he  must  be  much  in  error  since  we 
find  Okchaiutci  in  existence  long  before  the  removal  to  Oklahoma. 

Okchaiutci  appears  first,  apparently,  in  the  census  list  of  1750, 
though  the  diminutive  ending  is  not  used.     In  1761  the  trader  located 

I  StigglDS,  ics. 

*  still  they  may  have  oocupied  the  site  of  Otciapofa  for  a  time.    This  place  and  Little  Tulsa  were  so 
dose  together  that  they  were  often  conlbaDded. 




there  was  William  Trewin.*  It  is  not  separately  mentioned  by  Bar- 
tram  nor  certainly  by  Swan,  but  is  probably  intended  by  the  town 
which  he  calls  "Wacksoyochees.'^  *  Hawkins  gives  the  following 
description:  * 

Hook-choie-oo-che,  a  pretty  little  compact  town,  between  0-che-au-po-fau  and 
TuB-kee-gee,  on  the  left  bank  of  Gooeau;  the  houaes  join  those  of  Tus-kee-gee;  the  land 
around  the  town  is  a  high,  poor  level,  with  high-land  ponds;  the  com  fields  are  on  the 
left  side  of  Tallapoosa,  on  rich  low  grounds,  on  a  point  called  Sam-bul-loh,  and  below 
the  mouth  of  the  creek  of  that  name  which  joins  on  the  right  side  of  the  river. 

They  have  a  good  stock  of  hogs,  and  a  few  cattle  and  horses;  they  formerly  lived  on 
the  right  bank  of  Cooeau,  just  above  their  present  site,  and  removed  lately,  on  account 
of  the  war  with  the  Ghickasaws.  Their  stock  ranges  on  that  side  of  the  river ;  they  have 
fenced  all  the  small  fields  about  their  houses,  where  they  raise  their  peas  and  potatoes; 
their  fields  at  Sam-bul-loh,  are  under  a  good  fence;  this  was  made  by  Mrs.  Durantf  the 
oldest  sister  of  the  late  Greneral  McGUlivray,  for  her  own  convenience.' 

This  town  does  not  appear  in  the  census  list  of  1832,  unless  it  is  one 
of  the  two  Fishpond  towns  there  given,  ''Fish  Pond''  and  ''ThoU  thlo 
coe. "  After  the  removal  to  Oklahoma  it  is  said  to  have  maintained 
its  separate  square  for  a  short  time,  and,  as  has  been  said,  its  name 
is  retained  as  a  busk  designation  of  all  the  Alabama. 


The  Koasati  Indians,  as  shown  by  their  language,  are  closely 
related  to  the  Alabama.  There  were  at  one  time  two  branches  of 
this  tribe — one  close  to  the  Alabama,  near  what  is  now  Coosada 
station,  Elmore  County,  Ala.,  the  other  on  the  Tennessee  River 
north  of  Langston,  Jackson  County.  These  latter  appear  but  a  few 
times  in  history,  and  the  name  was  considerably  garbled  by  early 
writers.  There  is  reason  to  believe,  however,  that  it  has  the  honor 
of  an  appearance  in  the  De  Soto  chronicles,  as  the  Coste  of  Ranjel,^ 
the  Coste  or  Acoste  of  Elvas,*  the  Costehe  of  Biedma,*  and  the 
Acosta  of  Garcilasso.^  The  omission  of  the  vowel  between  s  and  t 
is  the  only  difficult  feature  in  this  identification.  It  is  evident  also 
that  it  was  at  a  somewhat  different  point  on  the  river  from  that 
above  indicated,  since  it  was  on  an  island.  The  form  Costehe,  used 
also  by  Pardo,  tends  to  confirm  our  identification,  since  it  appears 
to  contain  the  Koasati  and  Alabama  suffix  -Aa  indicating  collec- 
tivity. Ranjel  gives  the  following  account  of  the  experience  of  the 
explorers  among  these  '^Costehe:" 

On  Thursday  [July  1, 1540]  the  chief  of  Coste  came  out  to  receive  them  in  peace,  and 
he  took  the  Christians  to  sleep  in  a  village  of  his;  and  he  was  offended  because  some 
soldiers  provisioned  themselves  from,  or,  rather,  robbed  him  of,  some  barbacoas  of  com 

t  Ga.  Col.  I>0C8.,  Yin,  p.  S24. 

s  Schoolcraft,  Ind.  Tribes,  v,  p.  262. 

>  Oa.  Hist.  Soc.  CoUs.,  m,  p.  37. 

*  BourxM,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  n,  p.  109. 

»  Ibid.,  I,  p.  78. 

*  Ibid.,  n,  p.  15. 

7  Oarcilasso  in  Sbipp,  De  Soto  and  Fla.,  p.  373. 



against  his  will.  The  next  day,  Thursday,  *  on  the  road  leading  toward  the  principal 
village  of  Goste,  he  stole  away  and  gave  the  Spaniards  the  slip  and  armed  his  people. 
Friday,  the  2d  of  July,  the  governor  arrived  at  Coste.  This  village  was  on  an 
island  in  the  river,  which  there  flows  large,  swift,  and  hard  to  enter.  And  the  Chris- 
tians crossed  the  first  branch  with  no  small  venture,  and  the  governor  entered  into 
the  village  careless  and  unarmed,  with  some  followers  unarmed.  And  when  the 
soldiers,  as  they  were  used  to  do,  began  to  climb  upon  the  barbacoas,  in  an  instant  the 
Indians  began  to  take  up  clubs  and  seize  their  bows  and  arrows  and  to  go  to  the  open 

The  governor  commanded  that  all  should  be  patient  and  endure  for  the  evident 
peril  in  which  they  were,  and  that  no  one  should  put  his  hand  on  his  arms;  and  he 
b^an  to  rate  his  soldiers  and,  dissembling,  to  give  them  some  blows  with  a  cudgel;  and 
he  cajoled  the  chief,  and  said  to  him  that  he  did  not  wish  the  Christians  to  make  him 
any  trouble;  and  they  would  like  to  go  out  to  the  open  part  of  the  island  to  encamp. 
And  the  chief  and  his  men  went  with  him;  and  when  they  were  at  some  distance  from 
the  village  in  an  open  place,  the  governor  ordered  his  soldiers  to  lay  hands  on  the 
chief  and  ten  or  twelve  of  the  principal  Indians,  and  to  put  them  in  chains  and  collars; 
and  he  threatened  them,  and  said  that  he  would  bum  them  all  because  they  had  laid 
hands  on  the  Christians.  From  this  place,  Coste,  the  governor  sent  two  soldiers  to 
view  the  province  of  Chisca,  which  was  reputed  very  rich,  toward  the  north,  and  they 
brought  good  news.  There  in  Coste  they  found  in  the  trunk  of  a  tree  as  good  honey 
and  even  better  than  could  be  had  in  Spain.  In  that  river  were  found  some  muscles 
that  they  gathered  to  eat,  and  some  pearls.  And  they  were  the  first  these  Christians 
saw  in  fresh  water,  although  they  are  to  be  found  in  many  parts  of  this  land.' 

In  one  of  the  accounts  of  Juan  Pardons  expedition  of  1567  we  are 
told  that  he  turned  back  because  he  learned  that  the  Indians  of 
Carrosa,  Costehe,  Chisca,  and  Cosa  had  united  against  him.^  This 
is  the  last  mention  of  such  a  tribe  by  the  Spaniards,  and  what  we 
hear  of  the  northern  body  of  Koasati  at  a  later  period  is  little  enough. 
We  merely  know  that  there  was  a  Koasati  village  on  the  Tennessee 
River  in  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  century.  The  ''Cochali" 
of  Coxe  is  probably  a  misprint  for  the  name  of  this  town.  They 
were  said  to  live  on  an  island  in  the  river  just  like  the  Costehe,*  and 
SauvoUe,  who  derived  his  information  from  a  Canadian  who  had 
ascended  the  Tennessee  in  the  summer  of  1701  with  four  companions, 
says  that  ''the  Cassoty  and  the  Casquinonpa  are  on  an  island,  which 
the  river  forms,  at  the  two  extremities  of  which  are  situated  these 
two  nations."*  They  also  gave  their  name  to  the  Tennessee  River. 
In  the  map  reproduced  in  plate  3  we  find  ''Cusatees  50  in  2  villages" 
laid  down  on  a  big  island  in  the  ^'Cusatees"  or  *'Thegalegos  River/' 
just  below  the  *'Tohogalegas"  (Yuchi),  and  between  the  two  a 
French  fort.  According  to  Mr.  O.  D.  Street,  Coosada  was  the  name 
of  a  mixed  settlement  of  Creeks  and  Cherokees  established  about 
1784  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Tennessee  ''at  what  is  now  called 

» Probably  Friday. 

*  Bonrae,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  ii,  pp.  100-  111. 
>  Ruidias,  La  Florida,  n,  pp.  271-272. 

4  French,  Hist.  Colls.  La.,  1850,  p.  230. 

*  MS.  In  Lib.  La.  Hist.  Soc.,  Louisiane,  rorrespondence  <i&i^rale,  pp.  403-404.  Mr.  W.  E.  Myer,  the 
well-known  student  of  Tennessee  archeol(^y,  thinks  that  this  was  Long  Island. 




Larkin's  Landing  in  Jackson  County."^  Either  this  was  a  new 
settlement  by  the  people  we  are  considering  or  1784  marks  .the  date 
when  Cherokee  came  to  live  there.  The  former  alternative  may 
very  well  have  been  the  true  one,  because  the  earlier  settlement 
appears  not  to  have  been  on  the  mainland.  We  do  not  know  whether 
these  Koasati  were  finally  absorbed  into  the  Cherokee  or  whether  they 

The  southern  Koasati  settlement  seems  to  be  mentioned  first 
in  the  enumeration  of  1750,  where  the  name  is  spelled  ''Couchati/' 
and  in  the  census  of  1760  where  it  appears  as  ''Conchatys.*'^  It 
occm-s  often  on  maps,  however,  and  in  approximately  the  same  place. 
The  first  allusion  to  the  tribe  in  literature  is  probably  by  Adair,  who 
speaks  of ''  two  great  towns  of  the  Koo-a-sah-te"  as  having  joined  the 
Creek  Confederacy.*  In  the  list  of  towns  made  out  in  1761  in  order  to 
assign  them  to  traders  ''Coosawtee  including  Tomhetaws''  is  enumer- 
ated as  having  125  hunters,  but  is  not  assigned  to  anyone  on  account 
of  its  proximity  to  the  French  fort.*  Shortly  after  this  list  was  made 
out  occurred  the  cession  of  Mobile  to  England  and  the  movement  of 
so  many  Indian  tribes  across  the  Mississippi.  This  occasioned  the 
Koasati  removal  thus  referred  to  by  Adair: 

Soon  after  West-Florida  was  ceded  to  Great  Britain,  two  warlike  towns  of  the  Koo. 
a-sah  te  Indians  removed  from  near  the  late  dangerous  Alabama  French  garrison  to 
the  Choktah  country  about  twenty-five  miles  below  Tombikbe — a  strong  wooden 
fortress,  situated  on  the  western  side  of  a  high  and  firm  bank,  overlooking  a  narrow 
deep  point  of  the  river  of  Mobille,  and  distant  from  that  capital  one  hundred  leagues. 
The  discerning  old  war  chieftain  of  this  remnant  perceived  that  the  proud  Muskohge, 
instead  of  reforming  their  conduct  towards  us,  by  our  mild  remonstrances,  grew  only 
more  impudent  by  our  lenity;  therefore  being  afraid  of  sharing  the  justly  deserved  iaXe 
of  the  others,  he  wisely  withdrew  to  this  situation;  as  the  French  could  not  possibly 
supply  them,  in  case  we  had  exerted  ourselves,  either  in  defence  to  our  properties  or  in 
revenge  of  the  blood  they  had  shed.  But  they  were  soon  forced  to  return  to  their  for- 
mer place  of  abode,  on  account  of  the  partiality  of  some  of  them  to  their  former  con- 
federates; which  proved  lucky  in  its  consequences,  to  the  traders,  and  our  southern 
colonies:  for,  when  three  hundred  vrarriors  of  the  Muskohge  were  on  their  way  to  the 
Choktah  to  join  them  in  a  war  against  us,  two  Kooas&hte  horsemen,  as  allies,  were 
allowed  to  pass  through  their  ambuscade  in  the  evening,  and  they  gave  notice  of 
the  impending  danger.  These  Kooas&hte  Indians  annually  sanctify  the  mulberries 
by  a  public  oblation,  before  which  they  are  not  to  be  eaten;  which,  they  say,  is  accord- 
ing to  their  ancient  law.' 

They  were  accompanied  in  this  movement  by  some  Alabama  of 
Okchaiutci,  and  apparently  by  the  Tamahita.  In  1 77 1  Romans  passed 
their  deserted  fields  on  the  Tombigbee,  which  he  places  3  miles  below 
the  mouth  of  Sucamochee  River.'  Not  many  years  later  the  lure  of 
the  west  moved  them  again  and  a  portion  migrated  into  Louisiana. 

1  Pub.  Ala.  Hist.  Soc.,  i,  p.  417. 

«  MS.,  Ayer  Lib.;  Miss.  Prov.  Arch,  i,  p.  94. 

s  Adair,  Hist.  Am.  Inds.,  p.  257. 

*  Ga.  Col.  Docs.,  vm,  p.  524. 

t>  Adair,  Hist.  Am.  Inds.,  p.  267. 

c  Komans,  Nat.  Hist.  oiE.&W.  Fla.,  pp.  326-327. 

204  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  f bull.  73 

Sibley  would  place  this  event  about  1795,'  and  this  agrees  well  with 
Hawkins's  statement  that  they  had  left  shortly  before  his  time. 
Stiggins  is  still  more  specific.     He  says: 

About  the  year  seventeen  hundred  and  ninety-three  there  was  an  old  Cowasaada 
chieftain  that  was  called  Red  Shoes,  who  was  violently  opposed  to  their  makeing  war 
on  the  Chickasaws,  and  as  it  was  determined  on  contrary  to  his  will  he  resolved  to  quit 
the  nation,  so  he  and  a  mulatto  man  who  redded  with  the  Alabamas  named  Billy 
Ashe  headed  a  party  of  about  twenty  fomilies,  part  Cowasadas  and  the  rest  Alabamas, 
and  removed  to  the  Red  River  and  tried  a  settlement  about  sixty  miles  up  £rom  its 
mouth,  but  on  trial  they  were  so  annoyed  and  infested  by  a  small  red  ant  that  were  so 
very  numerous  in  that  country,  that  they  foimd  it  hardly  possible  to  put  any  thing 
beyond  their  reach  or  destruction,  so  after  living  there  a  few  years  they  removed 
finally  from  thence  to  the  province  of  Texas,  on  the  river  Trinity,  a  few  miles  from 
the  mouth  of  said  river,  where  they  now  live.' 

Hawkins  thus  describes  the  town  occupied  by  those  of  the  tribe 
who  remained  in  their  old  territory  as  it  existed  in  1799: 

Goo-sau-dee  is  a  compact  little  town  situated  three  miles  below  the  confluence  of 
Goosau  and  Tallapoosa,  on  the  right  bank  of  Alabama;  they  have  fields  on  hoih  sides 
of  the  river;  but  their  chief  dependence  is  a  high,  rich  island,  at  the  mouth  of  Coosau. 
They  have  some  fences,  good  against  cattle  only,  and  some  families  have  small  patches 
fenced,  near  the  town,  for  potatoes. 

These  Indians  are  not  Creeks,  although  they  conform  to  their  ceremonies;  the  men 
work  with  the  women  and  make  great  plenty  of  corn;  all  labor  is  done  by  the  joint 
labor  of  all,  called  public  work,  except  gathering  in  the  crop.  Diuring  the  season 
for  labor,  none  are  exempted  from  their  share  of  it,  or  suffered  to  go  out  hunting. 

There  is  a  rich  flat  of  land  nearly  five  miles  in  width,  opposite  the  town,  on  the 
left  side  of  the  river,  on  which  are  numbers  of  conic  mounds  of  earth.  Back  of  the 
town  it  is  pine  barren,  and  continues  so  westward  for  sixty  to  one  hundred  miles. 

The  Coo-sau-dee  generally  go  to  market '  by  water,  and  some  of  them  are  good  oars- 
men. A  part  of  this  town  moved  lately  beyond  the  Mississippi,  and  have  settled 
there.  The  description  sent  back  by  them  that  the  country  is  rich  and  healthy,  and 
abounds  in  game,  is  likely  to  draw  others  after  them.  But  as  they  have  all  tasted 
the  sweets  of  civil  life,  in  having  a  convenient  market  for  their  products,  it  is  likely 
they  will  soon  return  to  their  old  settlements,  which  are  in  a  very  desirable  country 
well  suited  to  the  raising  of  cattle,  hogs  and  horses;  they  have  a  few  hogs,  and  seventy 
or  eighty  cattle,  and  some  horses.  It  is  not  more  than  three  years  since  they  had  no^ 
a  hog  among  them.  Robert  Walton,*  who  was  then  the  trader  of  the  town,  gave  the 
women  some  pigs,  and  this  is  the  origin  of  their  stock.^ 

In  1832  eighty-two  Koasati  were  enumerated  in  the  old  nation.* 
After  their  emigration  west  of  the  Mississippi  they  formed  two 
towns — Koasati  No.   1   and  Koasati  No.  2.     But  few  now  remain 

I  Seep.  205. 

*  Stiggixis,  MS. 

«  The  Lib.  of  Cong.  1C8.  Ims  "  to  MobUe  "  inserted  here. 

*  He  waa  trader  there  in  1797  when  Hawkins  describes  him  as  "an  active  man,  more  attentive  to  his 
character  now  than  heretofore."  (Ga.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  ix,  p.  \m.)  He  also  gives  the  names  of  two  other 
traders, "  Francis Tusant,  an  Idle  Frenchman  in  debt  to  Mr.  Panton  and  to  the  factory/'  and  "  John  McL»eod 
of  bad  character."    (Ibid.) 

»  Oa.  Hist.  Soc.  CoUs.,  m,  pp.  35-36. 

*  Senate  Doo.  512, 23d  Cong.,  1st  sess.,  iv,  p.  267. 


there  who  can  speak  the  language.     Some  of  these  still  remember 
that  a  part  went  to  Texas. 

Sti^ins's  account  above  given  of  the  Koasati  migration  to  Lou- 
isiana and  Texas  seems  to  be  considerably  abbreviated.  There 
were  probably  several  distinct  movements,  or  at  least  the  tribe 
split  into  several  distinct  bands  from  time  to  time.  It  is  very  likely 
that,  as  in  the  case  of  so  many  other  tribes,  the  Koasati  first  settled 
on  Red  River,  but  that  part  of  them  soon  left  it.  Sibley's  account 
of  their  movements  in  Louisiana  is  more  detailed  than  that  of  Stig- 
gins.     He  says: 

Conchattas  are  almost  the  same  people  as  the  Allibamia,  but  came  over  only  ten 
years  ago;  first  lived  on  Bayau  Chico,  in  Appelousa  district,  but,  four  years  ago, 
moved  to  the  river  Sabine,  settled  themselves  on  the  east  bank,  where  they  now 
live,  in  nearly  a  south  direction  from  Natchitoch,  and  distant  about  eighty  miles. 
They  call  their  number  of  men  one  hundred  and  si:|ty,  but  say,  if  they  were  alto- 
gether, they  would  amount  to  two  hundred.  Several  families  of  them  live  in  detached 
settlements.  They  are  good  hunters,  and  game  is  plenty  about  where  they  are.  A 
few  days  ago,  a  small  party  of  them  were  here,*  consisting  of  fifteen  persons,  men, 
women,  and  children,  who  were  on  their  return  from  a  bear  hunt  up  Sabine.  They 
told  me  they  had  killed  one  hundred  and  eighteen;  but  this  year  an  uncommon 
number  of  bears  have  come  down.  One  man  alone,  on  Sabine,  during  the  Summer 
and  Fall,  huntiug,  killed  four  hundred  deer,  sold  his  skins  at  forty  dollars  a  hundred. 
The  bears,  this  year,  are  not  so  fat  as  common;  they  usually  yield  from  eight  to  twelve 
gallons  of  oil,  each  of  which  never  sells  for  less  than  a  dolliur  a  gallon,  and  the  skin  a 
dollar  more;  no  great  quantity  of  the  meat  is  saved;  what  the  hunters  don't  use 
when  out,  they  generally  give  to  their  dogs.  The  Conchattas  are  friendly  with  all 
other  Indians,  and  speak  well  of  their  neighbors  the  Carankouas,  who,  they  say,  live 
about  eighty  miles  south  of  them,  on  the  bay,  which  I  believe,  is  the  nearest  point 
to  the  sea  from  Natchitoches.  A  few  families  of  Chactaws  have  lately  settled  near  them 
from  Bayau  Beauf.  The  Conchattas  speak  Creek,  which  is  their  native  language, 
and  Chactaw,  and  several  of  them  English,  and  one  or  two  of  them  can  read  it  a  little.' 

They  may  have  been  on  Red  River  previous  to  their  settlement 
on  Bayou  Chicot.  Schermerhom'  states  that  in  1812  the  Koasati 
on  the  Sabine  nimibered  600,  but  most  of  these  must  have  left  before 
1822,  because  Morse  in  his  report  of  that  year  estimates  50  Koasati 
on  the  Neches  River  in  Texas  and  240  on  the  Trinity,  while  350  are 
set  down  as  living  on  the  Red  River  in  Louisiana.^  These  last  are 
elsewhere  referred  to  as  a  band  which  had  obtained  permission 
from  the  Caddo  to  locate  near  them.  Whether  they  were  part  of  the 
original  settlers  from  lower  down  the  river  or  had  moved  over  from 
the  Sabine  is  not  apparent.  By  1850  most  of  these  had  gone  to 
Texas,  where  Bollaert  estimated  that  the  nimiber  of  their  warriors 
then  on  the  lower  Trinity  was  500  in  two  villages  called  Colfite  and 
Batista.^    All  of  the  Koasati  did  not  leave  Louisiana  at  that  time, 

1  He  is  writing  from  the  post  of  Natchitoches. 

« Sibley  in  Annals  of  Congress,  9th  Cong.,  2d  sess.,  10fi5-86  (1806-7). 

*  Kass.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  2d  ser.,  ii,  p.  26, 18H. 

*  Morse,  Rept.  to  Sec.  of  War,  p.  373. 
^BoUaert,  in  Jour.  Ethn.  Soc.  London,  ii,  p.  282. 



[bull.  73 

however,  a  considerable  body  continuing  to  occupy  the  wooded 
country  in  Calcasieu  and  St.  Landry  Parishes.  Later  the  two 
Texas  villages  were  reduced  to  one,  which  in  turn  broke  up,  probably 
on  account  of  a  pestilence,  part  uniting  with  the  Alabama  in  Polk 
County,  but  the  greater  part  returning  to  Louisiana  to  join  their 
kindred  there.  At  the  present  time  about  10  are  still  living  with 
the  Alabama.  Those  in  Louisiana  are  more  numerous,  counting 
between  80  and  90,  and  here  is  the  only  spot  where  the  tribe  still 
maintains  itself  as  a  distinct  people.  Their  village  is  in  the  pine 
woods  about  7  miles  northeast  of  Kinder,  Allen  Parish,  La.,  and  2  J 
miles  north  of  a  flag  station  called  Lauderdale  on  the  Frisco  Railroad. 
E^ewhere  very  few  of  this  tribe  are  now  to  be  found  who  speak  pure 
Koasati  uncorrupted  by  either  Creek  or  Alabama. 

A  band  of  Koasati  probably  joined  the  Seminole,  since  we  find 
a  place  marked  ''Coosada  Old  Town"  on  the  middle  course  of 
Choctawhatchee  River  in  Vignoles's  map  of  Florida,  dated  1823. 

Associated  with  the  Koasati  we  find  an  Upper  Creek  town  called 
Wetumpka,  which  means  in  Muskogee  ** tumbling  or  falling  water." 
It  must  not  be  confoimded  with  a  Lower  Creek  settlement  of  the 
same  name,  an  outvillage  of  Coweta  Tallahassee.  It  is  also  claimed 
that  Wiwohka  (q.  v.)  was  originally  so  called.  The  Wetumpka  with 
which  we  have  to  deal  was  on  the  east  bank  of  Coosa  River,  in 
Elmore  County,  Alabama,  near  the  falls.  At  one  time  there  were 
two  towns  here,  known  as  Big  Wetumpka  and  Little  Wetumpka  re- 
spectively, the  former  on  the  site  of  the  modem  town  of  Wetumpka, 
the  latter  above  the  falls  in  Coosa  River.*  Possibly  this  tribe  may 
be  identical  with  the  Tononpa  or  Thomapa,  which  appears  on  French 
maps  at  the  western  end  of  the  falls.  (See  map  of  De  Tlsle,  1732,  and 
DeCrenay,  1733.)'  It  is  probably  represented  by  the  '^Welonkees" 
of  the  enumeration  of  1761,  classed  with  a  town  which  appears  to 
have  been  the  principal  town  of  the  Alabama.'  It  is  noted  by  Bar- 
tram  as  one  of  those  speaking  the  ** Stinkard''  language — i.  e.,  some- 
thing other  than  Muskogee.*  He  places  it  beside  that  of  the 
Koasati,  and  it  would  seem  likely  that  this  indicates  the  true  posi- 
tion of  its  people,  for  when  the  Koasati  moved  to  Tombigbee  River 
Wetumpka  accompanied  them.  On  January  16,  1772,  Romans 
passed  **the  remains  of  the  old  Weetumpkee  settlement,''  7  miles 
above  a  point  which  Hamilton  identifies  as  Cameys  Biuff,^  on  the 
Tombigbee  River.  The  removal  was  probably  recent,  because  on 
April  4  of  the  same  year  Taitt  visited  their  town  "about  one  mile 
E.S.E.  from  this  [Koasati],  up  theTalhipuso  River,"  and  found  them 

»  Swan  in  Schoolcraft,  Ind.  Tribes,  v,  p.  262. 
s  Plate  5;  also  Hamilton,  Col.  Mobile,  p.  190. 
*  Ga.  Col.  Docs.,  vm,  p.  &34. 

<  Bartram,  Travels,  p.  4G1. 

»  Uamilton,  Col.  MobUe,  p.  2M,  1910. 

8  wanton] 



engaged  in  building  a  new  hot  house.*     Presumably  this  was  the  first 
to  be  erected  after  their  return  from  the  Tombigbee. 

Swan's  reference,  1792,  is  the  last  we  hear  of  the  tribe.*  They 
probably  united  with  the  Koasati  or  the  Alabama. 


Still  another  town  in  this  neighborhood  not  speaking  Muskogee 
was  Muklasa.  The  name  means  '  *  friends  "  or  "  people  of  one  nation  " 
in  Alabama^  Koasati,  or  Choctaw,  therefore  it  is  probable  that  the 
town  was  Alabama  or  Koasati,  the  Choctaw  being  at  a  considerable 
distance.  According  to  the  list  of  1761  it  was  then  estimated  to 
contain  30  hunters.  William  Trewin  and  James  Germany  were  the 
traders.'  In  1797  the  trader  was  Michael  Elhart,  "an  industrious, 
honest  man;  a  Dutchman."*  Bartram  visited  it  in  1777,"  and  in  1799 
Hawkins  gives  the  following  account  of  it: 

Mook-lau-eau  is  a  small  town  one  mile  below  Sau-va-noo-gee,  on  the  left  bank  of  a 
fine  little  creek,  and  bordering  on  a  cypress  swamp;  their  fields  are  below  those  of 
Sau-va-no-gee,  bordering  on  the  river;  they  have  some  lots  about  their  houses  fenced 
for  potatoes;  one  chief  has  some  cattle,  horses,  and  hogs;  a  few  others  have  some  cattle 
and  hogs. 

In  the  season  of  floods  the  river  spreads  out  on  this  side  below  the  town,  nearly 
eight  miles  from  bank  to  bank,  and  is  very  destructive  to  game  and  stock.® 

After  the  Creek  war  we  are  informed  that  the  Muklasa  emigrated 
to  Florida  in  a  body.  At  all  events  we  do  not  hear  of  them  again, 
and  the  Creeks  in  Oklahoma  have  forgotten  that  such  a  town  ever 
existed.  Gatschet  says  *  *  a  town  of  that  name  is  in  the  Indian  Ter- 
ritory,"'  but  nobody  could  give  the  present  writer  any  information 
regarding  it. 


Many  dialects  were  spoken  anciently  near  the  jimction  of  the 
Coosa  and  Tallapoosa.     Adair  says: 

I  am  assured  by  a  gentleman  of  character,  who  traded  a  long  time  near  the  late 
Alebahma  garrison,  that  within  six  miles  of  it  live  the  remains  of  seven  Indian  nations, 
who  usually  conversed  with  each  other  in  their  own  different  dialects,  though  they 
understood  the  Muskohge  language;  but  being  naturalized,  they  are  bound  to  observe 
the  laws  and  customs  of  the  main  original  body.^ 

Some  of  these  **nations"  have  already  been  considered.  We  now 
come  to  a  people  whose  language  has  not  been  preserved  to  the 
present  day,  but  they  are  known  from  statements  made  by  Taitt  and 

^  Mereness,  Trav.  Am.  Col.,  pp.  536-537. 

*  Schoolcraft,  Ind.  Tribes,  v,  p.  262. 
«  Ga.  Col.  Does.,  vni,  p.  523. 

*  Hawkins  in  Oa.  Hist.  Soc.  CoUs.,  lx,  p.  169. 

«»  Martram,  Travels,  p.  444  et  seq. 

*  (la.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  m,  p.  35. 

'  Gatschet,  Creek  Mig.  I^.,  i,  p.  138. 

•  Adair,  Hist.  Am.  Inds.,  p.  267. 


Hawkins  to  have  spoken  a  dialect  distinct  from  Muskogee.*  These 
were  the  Tuskegee,'  called  by  Taitt  northern  Indians.  On  in- 
quiring of  some  of  the  old  Tuskegee  Indians  in  Oklahoma  regarding 
their  ancient  speech  I  found  that  they  claimed  to  know  of  it,  and  I 
obtained  the  following  words,  said  to  have  been  among  those 
employed  by  the  ancient  people.  Some  of  these  are  used  at  the  pres- 
ent day,  and  the  others  may  be  nothing  more  than  archaic  Muskogee, 
but  they  perhaps  have  some  value  for  future  students. 

lutcu^&,  a  mug. 

kiias,  to  break. 

aia^to,  I  will  be  going;  modem  form,  aiba8tce^ 

tcibuksa^ktce^,  come  on  and  go  with  us!  (where  one  pensou  comes  to  a  crowd  of  people 

and  aaks  them  to  go  with  him), 
ili-hulto-lutci,  hen  (-utci,  little), 
talu^sutci,  chicken. 

ilifiai^dja,  pot;  modem  form,  lihai^'a  l&'ko. 
apa^,  on  the  other  side;  modem  form,  t&pa^. 
wilik&^pka,  I  am  going  on  a  visit;  modem  form,  tcukupileidja-lani. 

The  town  Tasqui  encountered  by  De  Soto  between  TaU  and  Coosa 
was  perhaps  occupied  by  Tuskegee.  Ran j  el  is  the  only  chronicler 
who  mentions  it,  and  it  can  not  have  impressed  the  Spaniards  as  a 
place  of  great  importance.'  In  1567  Vandera  was  informed  by 
some  Indians  and  a  soldier  that  beyond  Satapo,  the  farthest  point 
reached  by  the  Pardo  expedition,  two  days'  journey  on  the  way  to 
Coosa,  was  a  place  called  Tasqui,  and  a  little  beyond  another  known 
as  Tasquiqui.*  The  second  of  these  was  certainly,  the  other  prol)- 
ably,  a  Tuskegee  town.  It  is  possible  that  a  fission  was  just  taking 
place  in  this  tribe. 

Later  in  the  seventeenth  century,  when  English  and  French  began 
to  penetrate  into  the  r^on,  we  find  the  Tuskegee  divided  into  two 
or  more  bands,  the  northernmost  on  the  Tennessee  River.  Coxe, 
who  gives  their  name  under  the  distorted  form  Kakigue,  places 
these  latter  upon  an  island  in  the  river.*  While  they  are  noticed  in 
documents  and  on  maps  at  rare  intervals  (I  find  the  forms  Cacougai, 
Cattougui,  Caskighi),  the  clearest  light  upon  their  later  history 
and  ultimate  fate  is  thrown  by  Mr.  Mooney  in  his  ''Myths  of  the 
Cherokee. "  •    He  says : 

Another  relugee  tribe  incorporated  partly  with  the  Cherokee  and  partly  with  the 
Creeks  was  that  of  the  Taskigi,  who  at  an  early  period  had  a  large  town  of  the  same 
name  on  the  south  side  of  the  Little  Tennessee,  just  above  the  mouth  of  Tellico, 

1  Taitt  in  Trav.  in  Amer.  Col.,  p.  541 :  Hawkins,  see  p.  210.  Jcxlay  some  Indians  repeat  a  tradition  to  the 
effect  that  the  Tuskegee  are  a  branch  of  the  Tulsa,  but  this  is  evidently  a  Inte  fabrication  based  on  the 
ftriendship  which  in  later  years  has  subsisted  between  these  Vwo  towns. 

•  This  name  perhaps  contains  the  Alabama  and  Choctaw  word  for  warrior,  tAska. 

•  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  n,  p.  111. 
« Ruidiaz,  La  Florida,  ii,  p.  485. 

»  French,  Hist.  Colls.  La.,  1850,  p.  230. 

•  19th  Ann.  Rept.  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn.,  pp.  382^389. 




in  Monroe  County,  Tennessee.  Sequoya,  the  inventor  of  the  Cherokee  alphabet, 
lived  here  in  his  boyhood,  about  the  time  of  the  Revolution.  The  land  was  sold  in 
1819.  There  was  another  settlement  of  the  name,  and  perhaps  once  occupied  by  the 
same  people,  on  the  north  bank  of  Tennessee  River,  in  abend  just  below  Chattanooga, 
Tennessee,  on  land  sold  also  in  1819.  Still  another  may  have  existed  at  one  time  on 
Tuskegee  Creek,  on  the  south  bank  of  Little  Tennessee  River,  north  of  Robbinsville, 
in  Graham  County,  North  Carolina,  on  land  which  was  occupied  until  the  removal 
in  1838.  It  is  not  a  Cherokee  word,  and  Cherokee  informants  state  positively  that  the 
Taskigi  were  a  foreign  people,  with  distinct  language  and  customs.  They  were  not 
Creeks,  Natchez,  Uchee,  or  Shawano,  with  all  of  whom  the  Cherokee  were  well  ac- 
quainted under  other  names.  In  the  town  house  of  their  settlement  at  the  mouth 
of  Tellico  they  had  an  upright  pole,  from  the  top  of  which  hung  their  protecting 
** medicine,*'  the  image  of  a  human  figure  cut  from  a  cedar  log.  For  this  reason  the 
Cherokee  in  derision  sometimes  called  the  place  Atsln&k  taiifi  ("Hanging-cedar 
place'*).  Before  the  sale  of  the  land  in  1819  they  were  so  nearly  extinct  that  the 
Cherokee  had  moved  in  and  occupied  the  ground. 

While  part  of  these  people  may  have  removed  to  the  south  to 
jom  theh"  friends  among  the  Creeks,  the  majority  were  probably 
absorbed  in  the  surrounding  Cherokee  population. 

A  few  maps,  such  as  one  of  the  early  Homann  maps  and  the  Seale 
map  of  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth  century,  place  Tuskegee 
near  the  headwaters  of  the  Coosa.  This  may  be  intended  to  rep- 
resent the  Tennessee  band  of  Tuskegee  or  it  jnay  show  that  the 
migration  of  the  Alabama  Tuskegee  southward  was  a  comparatively 
late  movement,  something  which  took  place  late  in  the  seventeenth 
centirry  or  very  early  in  the  eighteenth. 

The  Tuskegee  are  placed  on  the  Coosa  north  of  the  Abihka  Indians 
on  the  Couvens  and  Mortier  map  of  the  early  part  of  the  eighteenth 
century.  Perhaps  these  were  the  southern  band  mentioned  by 
Adair,  in  the  badly  misprinted  form  Tae-keo-ge,  as  one  of  those  which 
the  Muskogee  had  "artfully  decoyed  to  incorporate  with  them.*'  * 
He  is  confirmed  in  substance  by  Milf ort,  who  states  that  they  were 
a  tribe  who  had  suffered  severely  from  their  enemies  and  had  in  con- 
sequence sought  refuge  with  the  Creeks.^  The  town  appears  in  the 
census  estimates  of  1750.^  In  the  enumeration  of  1761  we  find  ' '  Tus- 
kegee including  Coosaw  old  Town'*  with  40  hunters.*  The  name 
does  not  occur  in  Bartram's  list,  but,  as  I  have  said  elsewhere,  it 
appears  to  be  the  town  which  he  calls  Alabama.*  Hawkins  (1799) 
has  the  following  to  say  regarding  it: 

Tu8-kee-gee:  This  little  town  is  in  the  fork  of  the  two  rivers,  Coo-sau  and  Tal-la-poo- 
sa,  where  formerly  stood  the  French  fort  Toulouse.  The  town  is  on  a  bluff  on  the  Coo- 
sau,  forty-six  feet  abbve  low-water  mark;  the  rivers  here  approach  each  other  ^^'ithin  a 
quarter  of  a  mile,  then  curve  out,  making  a  flat  of  low  land  of  three  thousand  a<res, 
which  has  been  rich  canebrake;  and  one-third  under  cultivation  in  times  past;  the 

1  Adair,  Hist.  Am.  Inds.,  p.  257. 
>  Milfbrt.  M^oire,  p.  287. 
•  MS.,  AyerColl. 

14S061**— 22 14 

*  (ia.  Col.  Docs,,  vui,  p.  524. 

•  liartram,  Travels,  p.  461;  see  also  p.  197. 

210  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [boll.  73 

center  of  this  flat  Ib  rich  oak  and  hickory,  margined  on  both  sides  with  rich  cane  swamp ; 
the  land  back  of  the  town,  for  a  mile,  is  flat,  a  whitish  clay;  small  pine,  oak,  and  dwarf 
hickory,  then  high  pine  forest. 

There  are  thirty  buildings  in  the  town,  compactly  situated,  and  from  the  bluff  a 
fine  view  of  the  flat  lands  in  the  fork,  and  on  the  right  bank  of  Coosau,  which  river  is 
here  two  hundred  yards  wide.  In  the  yard  of  the  town  house  there  are  five  cannon 
of  iron,  with  the  trunions  broke  off,  and  on  the  bluff  some  brickbats,  the  only  remains 
of  the  French  establishment  here.  There  is  one  ap^le  tree  claimed  by  this  town  now 
in  possession  of  one  of  the  chiefs  of  Book-choie-oo-che  [Okchaiyutci].^ 

The  fields  are  the  left  side  of  Tal-la-poo-sa,  and  there  are  some  small  pat<*hes  well 
formed  in  the  fork  of  the  rivers,  on  the  flat  rich  land  below  the  bluff. 

The  Coosau  extending  itself  a  great  way  into  the  Cherokee  country  and  mountains, 
gives  scope  for  a  vast  accumulation  of  waters,  at  times.  The  Indians  remark  that 
once  in  fifteen  or  sixteen  yeais,^  they  have  a  flood,  which  overflows  the  banks,  and 
spreads  itsolf  for  five  miles  or  more  '  in  width,  in  many  parts  of  A-la-ba-ma.  The  rise 
is  sudden,  and  so  rapid  as  to  drive  a  current  up  the  Tal-la-poo-sa  for  eight  miles.  In 
January,  1796,^  the  flood  rose  fortynsieven  feet,  and  spread  itself  for  three  miles  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  A-la-ba-ma.  The  ordinary  width  of  that  river,  taken  at  the  first 
bluff  below  the  fork,  is  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards.  The  bluff  is  on  the  left  side,  and 
forty-five  feet  high.  On  this  bluff  are  five  conic  mounds  of  earth,  the  largest  thirty 
yards  diameter  at  the  base,  and  seventeen  feet  high;  the  others  are  smaller. 

It  has  been  for  sometime  a  subject  of  enquiry,  when,  and  for  what  purpose,  these 
mounds  were  raised;  here  it  explains  itself  as  to  the  purpose;  unquestionably  they 
were  intended  as  a  place  of  safety  to  the  people,  in  the  time  of  these  floods;  and  this 
is  the  tradition  among  the  old  people.  As  these  Indians  came  from  the  other  side  of 
the  Mississippi,  and  that  river  spreads  out  on  that  side  for  a  great  distance,  it  is  proba- 
ble, the  erection  of  mounds  originated  there;  or  from  the  custom  of  the  Indians  here- 
tofore, of  settling  on  rich  flats  bordering  on  the  rivers,  and  subject  to  be  overflowed.^ 
The  name  is  E-cun-lirgee,  mounds  of  earth,  or  literally,  earth  placed.  But  why  erect 
these  mounds  in  high  places,  incontestably  out  of  the  reach  of  floods?  From  a  super- 
stitious veneration  for  ancient  customs. 

The  Alabama  overflows  its  flat  swampy  margins,  annually;  and  generally,  in  the 
month  of  March,  but  seldom  in  the  summer  season. 

The  people  of  Tuskogee  have  some  cattle,  and  a  fine  stock  of  hogs,  more  perhaps 
than  any  town  of  the  nation.  One  man,  Sam  Macnack  [Sam  Moniack],  a  half  breed, 
has  a  fine  stock  of  cattle.  He  had,  in  1799,  one  hundred  and  eighty  calves.  They 
have  lost  their  language,  and  speak  Creek,  and  have  adopted  the  customs  and  man- 
ners of  the  Creeks.    They  have  thirty-five  gun  men.* 

After  their  removal  west  the  Tuskegee  formed  a  iovm  m  the  south- 
eastern part  of  the  nation.  Later  a  portion,  consistuig  largely  of 
those  who  had  negro  blood,  moved  northwest  and  settled  west  of 
Beggs,  Okla.,  close  to  the  Yuchi. 

Although  our  early  histories,  books  of  travel,  and  documents  are 
well-nigh  silent  on  the  subject,  it  is  evident  from  maps  of  the  southern 
regions  that  part  of  the  Tuskegee  got  very  much  farther  east  at  an 
early  date.  A  town  of  Tuskegee,  spelled  most  frequently  ''Jaska- 
ges,"  appears  on  Giattahoochee  River  below  a  U>ynx  of  the  Atasi  and 
above  a  town  of  the  Kasihta.     This  appears  on  the  maps  of  Popple 

1  The  Lib.  Coog.  MS.  has  "  Hook-choie."  «  The  Lib.  Cong.  MS.  has  "  flvo  or  six  miJes." 

s  The  Ub.  CoDg.  MS.  has  "fllteen  or  twenty        <  The  Lib.  Cong.  MB.  has  "  1795." 
years."  *  Oa.  Hist.  Soo.  Colls.,  m,  pp.  37-39. 


(1733),  D'Anville  (1746,  1755),  Bellin  (1750-55),  John  Rocque 
(1754-61),  Bowen  and  Gibson  (1755),  S'  Le  Roque  (1755),  MitcheD 
(1755,  1777),  Bowles  (1763?),  D'Anville  altered  by  Bell  (1768), 
D'Anville  by  Evans  (1771),  and  Andrews  (1777).  Another  appears 
on  the  Ocmnlgee,  oftenest  on  a  small  southern  affluent  of  it,  in  the 
maps  of  Moll  (1720),  Popple  (1733),  Bellin  (1750-55),  and  in  Ho- 
mann's  Atlas  (1759).  This  seems  to  mean  that  there  was  a  Tuskegee 
village  among  the  Lower  Creeks,  originally  on  Ocmulgee  River,  and 
after  the  Yamasee  war  on  the  C!hattahoochee.  The  town  is  referred 
to  in  a  letter  of  Matheos,  the  Apalachee  lieutenant  tmder  the  governor 
of  Florida,  written  May  19,  1686.*  Evidently  it  was  then  on  or  near 
the  Ocmulgee.  In  a  letter  of  September  20,  1717,  Diego  Pena  in 
narrating  his  journey  to  the  Lower  CSreeks  says  that  he  spent  the 
night  at  "Tayquique,"  evidently  intended  for  Tasquique,  "within 
a  short  league "  of  Coweta.  It  must  have  been  on  the  Chattahoo- 
chee, at  a  place  given  on  none  of  the  maps.' 


We  have  had  occasion  to  notice  several  tribes  or  portions  of  tribes 
in  the  valley  of  the  Tennessee  or  even  farther  north  whose  history  is  in 
some  way  boimd  up  with  that  of  the  better-known  peoples  of  the  Creek 
Confederacy.  Thus  the  Tamahita  came  from  the  upper  Tennessee 
or  one  of  its  branches,  part  of  the  Koasati  and  part  of  the  Tuskegee 
were  on  the  Tennessee,  and  there  are  indications  that  the  same  was 
true  of  part  of  the  Tamaii.  Perhaps  another  case  of  the  kind  is  fur- 
nished by  the  Oconee."  Still  another  people  divided  into  a  northern 
and  southern  band  were  the  Yuchi,  whose  principal  residence  was 
Savannah  River,  but  part  of  whom  were  on  the  Tennessee.  There 
were,  however,  two  tribes  in  the  north  not  certainly  represented 
among  the  southern  Muskhogeans  and  not  certainly  Muskhogean, 
but  of  sufficient  importance  in  connection  with  the  general  problem 
of  southern  tribes  to  receive  notice  here. 

One  of  these  was  the  TaU,  a  tribe  which  appears  first  in  the  De 
Soto  narratives.  It  is  not  mentioned  by  Biedma  or  Garcilasso,  and 
Elvas  gives  it  but  scant  attention,^  but  from  what  Ranjel  says  it  was 
evidently  of  some  importance.     His  account  is  as  follows: 

Friday,  July  9  [1540],  the  commander  and  his  army  departed  from  Coete  and  crossed  the 
other  branch  of  the  river  and  passed  the  night  on  its  banks.  And  on  the  other  side 
was  Tali,  and  since  the  river  flows  near  it  and  is  large,  they  were  not  able  to  cross  it. 
And  the  Indians,  believing  that  they  would  cross,  sent  canoes  and  in  them  their  wives 

1  Serrano  y  Sam,  Doo.  Hist.,  pp.  194-105. 

I  Ibid.,  p.  339.    For  a  more  particular  account  of  the  later  oondition  and  ethnology  of  these  people 
see  Speck,  The  Creek  Indians  of  Taskigi  town,  in  Mem.  Am.  Anthr.  Asso.,  n,  pt.  2. 
*  See  p.  179. 
4  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  pp.  80-81. 

212  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

and  sons  and  clothes  from  the  other  side;  but  they  were  all  taken  suddenly,  and  as 
they  were  going  with  the  current,  the  governor  forced  them  all  to  turn  l>ack,  which 
was  the  reason  that  this  chief  came  in  peace  and  took  them  across  to  the  other  «ide  in 
his  canoes,  and  gave  the  Christians  what  they  had  need  of.  And  he  did  this  also  in 
his  own  land  as  they  passed  through  it  afterwards,  and  they  set  out  Sunday  and  passed 
the  night  in  the  open  country. 

Monday  they  crossed  a  river  and  slept  in  the  open  country.  Tuesday  they  crossed 
another  river  and  slept  at  Tasqui.  During  all  the  days  of  their  march  from  Tali  the 
chief  of  Tali  had  com  and  mazamorras  and  cooked  beans,  and  everything  that  could 
be  brought  from  his  villages  bordering  the  way.' 

The  Tali  now  disappear  from  sight  and  are  not  heard  of  again  until 
late  in  the  seventeenth  century,  when  they  are  found  in  approxi- 
mately the  same  position  as  150  years  earlier.^  Daniel  Coxe  gives 
them  as  one  of  four  small  nations  occupying  as  many  islands  in  the 
Tennessee  River .^  He  represents  them  as  the  nation  farthest  up- 
stream.. In  the  summer  of  1701  five  Canadians  ascended  the  Ten- 
nessee and  reached  South  Carolina,  and  from  one  of  these  SauvoUe, 
Iberville's  brother,  who  had  been  left  in  conunand  of  the  French  fort 
at  Biloxi,  obtained  considerable  information  regarding  the  tribes  then 
settled  along  that  river.  He  embodied  it  in  an  official  letter  dated 
at  Biloxi,  August  4,  1701.  From  this  it  appears  that  the  Canadians 
first  came  upon  a  Chickasaw  town/ 'about  140  leagues''  from  the  mouth 
of  the  Ohio,  then  upon  the  "Taougal6,"  a  band  of  Yuchi,  an  unspeci- 
fied distance  higher  up,  and  "after  that  the  Tal6,  where  an  English- 
man is  established  to  purchase  slaves,  as  they  make  war  with  many 
other  nations.'*  * 

On  the  maps  of  the  latter  part  of  the  seventeenth  and  early  part  of 
the  eighteenth  centuries  this  name  is  persistent.  The  tribe  is  gen- 
erally placed  above  the  Tahogale,  now  known  to  have  been  a  band  of 
Yuchi,  and  below  the  Kaskinampo  and  Shawnee.  The  name  of  the 
Tennessee  band  of  Koasati  rarely  appears.  In  another  set  of  maps 
we  find  a  different  group  of  towns,  one  of  which  is  called  Taligui, 
and  in  still  another,  from  the  French,  a  set  in  which  a  town  Talicouet 
is  in  evidence.  There  can  be  no  doubt  that  Talicouet  is  the  Cherokee 
town  Tellico,  since  the  maps  show  it  in  the  proper  position,  and  of 
the  three  other  towns  one,  Aiouache,  is  evidently  Hiwassee  or 
Ayuhwa'si;  while  another,  Amobi,  is  the  Cherokee  town  Amoye  which 
appears  on  some  maps.  The  fourth,  Tongeria,  is  the  Tahogale  of  other 
cartographers.  Taligui  is  evidently  intended  for  the  same  town  as 
Talicouet.  These  two  forms  combined  with  a  well-known  Algon- 
quian  suffix  would  produce  a  name  almost  identical  with  that  of 
the  Talligewi  of  Delaware  tradition.  Mr.  Mooney  believes  that  the 
Talligewi  were  the  Cherokee,*  and  this  would  tend  to  confirm  the  iden- 

>  Boame,  Karr.  of  De  Soto,  n,  pp.  111-112. 

*Here,  as  throogliout  the  presoDt  paper,  I  accept  that  theory  of  De  Soto's  route  which  carries  him  as 
fEur  north  as  the  Tennessee. 

•  French,  Hist.  Colls.  La.,  1860,  p.  230. 

*  MS.  in  Library  of  the  La.  Hist.  8oc.;  Louisiane,  Correspondence  G^n^rale,  1678-1706,  pp.  40a-4O4:  ef. 
French,  Hist.  Colls.  La.,  1851,  p.  238.    In  French  the  name  Tal^s  has  been  miscopied  ''CaUs." 

» 19th  Ann.  Rept.  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn.,  pp.  184-185. 

8  wanton] 



tification,  since  the  whole  tribe  may  have  received  its  name  from  the 
Tellico  towns.  This  is  a  matter  which  does  not,  however,  concern  us 
here.  The  important  question  is.  Were  the  Tali,  Taligui,  and  Tali- 
couet  identical  ?  If  so,  then  the  Tali  are  at  once  established  as  Cher- 
okee. That  the  Cherokee  country  extended  in  later  times  as  far 
as  the  great  bend  of  the  Tennessee  is  well  known,  but  this  fact  neces- 
sarily tends  to  cast  doubt  upon  any  earlier  tradition  of  such  an  exten- 
sion^ since  it  assxmies  an  intervening  period  of  abandonment. 
Still  it  is  interesting  to  know  that  there  was  such  a  tradition.  In 
an  article  on  ''The  Indians  of  Marshall  County,  Alabama/'  by  Mr. 
O.  D.  Street^  of  OuntersviUe,  Alabama,  we  read: 

The  late  Gen.  S.  K.  Raybum,  who  came  to  this  country  many  years  before  the  re- 
moval of  the  Gherokees  to  the  West  and  was  intimately  acquainted  with  many  of  them, 
told  the  writer  that  he  had  been  informed  by  intelligent  Gherokees  that,  many  thousand 
moons. before,  their  people  had  occupied  all  the  country  westward  to  Bear  Creek  and 
Duck  River,  but  that  on  account  of  constant  wars  with  the  Ghickasaws  they  had  sought 
quiet  by  withdrawing  into  the  eastern  mountains,  though  they  had  never  renounced 
their  title  to  the  country.* 

Our  investigation  has  now  brought  out  the  following  facts.  On 
early  maps  four  or  five  small  tribes  appear  on  the  middle  com^e  of 
Tennessee  River.  One  of  these.  Tali,  bears  the  same  name  as  a  tribe 
found  by  De  Soto  near  the  big  bend  of  the  same  stream.  Maps 
of  a  somewhat  later  date  show  the  same  number  of  towns,  but  they 
are  not  all  identical.  Three  are,  however,  evidently  Cherokee  towns, 
and  one,  Taligui  or  Talicouet,  is  certainly  the  Cherokee  town  of 
Tellico  (Talikwa).  We  also  have  traditional  evidence  that  the  Chero- 
kee were  in  possession  at  an  early  date  of  that  region  where  the  TaU 
lived.  If  the  Taligui  and  Talicouet  of  later  maps  are  the  same  as  the 
Tali  of  earlier  ones  the  identification  is  complete ;  if  there  was  merely  a 
chance  resemblance  between  the  names  they  were,  of  com^e,  distinct. 
The  chances,  in  my  opinion,  are  very  much  in  favor  of  the  identifica- 

The  name  of  another  problematical  tribe  is  spelled  variously  Kaski- 
nampo,  Caskinampo,  KaskinSba,  Caskemampo,  Cakinonpa,  Kaki- 
nonba,  Karkinonpols,  Kasquinanipo.  It  is  applied  also  to  the 
Tennessee  River.  Coxe  speaks  of  the  Tennessee  as  a  river  * '  some  call 
Kasqui,  so  named  from  a  nation  inhabiting  a  little  above  its  mouth. '' ' 
This  spelling  serves  to  connect  the  tribe  with  one  mentioned  by  Dp 
Soto,  and  called  in  the  writings  of  his  expedition  Casqui,^  Icasqui,*  or 
Casquin.*  The  Spaniards  reached  the  principal  town  of  Casqui  about 
a  week  after  they  had  crossed  the  Mississippi,  while  moving  north. 
The  Casqui  were  at  that  time  engaged  in  war  with  another  province 
or  tribe  known  as  Pacaha.     In  the  principal  town  of  Casqui  near  the 

>  Trans.  Ala.  BIst.  Soe.,  iv,  p.  105. 

s  Coxe  in  Freneh,  Hist.  Colls.  La.,  1850,  p.  229. 

•  Bourns,  N^rr.  of  D«  Boto,  I,  p.  128;  n,  p.  138. 

4  Ibid.,  n,  p.  20. 

*  Sbipp,  De  Soto  and  Fla.,  p.  406. 


chiefs  house  was  an  artificial  mound  on  which  De  Soto  had  a  cross 
set.  Ranjel  says,  "It  was  Saturday  when  they  entered  his  village, 
and  it  had  very  good  cabins  and  in  the  principal  one,  over  the  door, 
were  many  heads  of  very  fierce  bulls,  just  as  in  Spain  noblemen  who 
are  sportsmen  mount  the  heads  of  wild  boars  or  bears.  There  the 
Christians  planted  the  cross  on  a  mound,  and  they  received  it  and 
adored  it  with  much  devotioUi  ajid  the  blind  and  lame  came  to  seek 
to  be  healed/'  ^ 

Afterwards  De  Soto  went  on  to  Pacaha  and  finally  made  peace 
between  the  two,  a  peace  which  we  may  surmise  did  not  last  much 
longer  than  the  presence  of  De  Soto  insured  it.  While  at  Pacaha 
the  Spaniards  learned  of  a  province  to  the  north  called  Calu^a^  or 
Calu9.'  This  would  seem  to  be  the  Choctaw  or  Chickasaw  Oka  lusa, 
"black  water,"  from  which  we  may  possibly  infer  the  Muskhogean 
connection  of  Casquin,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  the  name  may  have 
been  obtained  from  interpreters  secured  east  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
may  be  nothing  more  than  a  translation  of  the  original  into  Chick- 
asaw. After  this  sudden  and  rather  dramatic  appearance  of  the 
tribe  we  are  studying  upon  the  page  of  history,  they  disappear  into 
the  dark,  and  all  that  is  preserved  to  us  from  a  later  period  is  the 
reference  of  Coxe,  two  or  three  other  short  notices,  and  the  persistent 
clinging  of  their  name  in  its  ancient  form  to  the  Tennessee;  but 
scarcely  anything  is  known  regarding  them,  either  as  to  their  affini- 
ties or  ultimate  fate.  A  French  description  of  the  province  of  Louisi- 
ana dated  about  1712  states  that  the  '^Caskinanpau^'  were  then  liv- 
ing upon  the  river  now  called  the  Tennessee,  but  that  the  Cimiberland 
was  known  as  ^^the  River  of  the  Caskinanpau''  because  they  had 
formerly  lived  there.*  In  the  letter  of  Sauvolle,  already  quoted,  the 
"Cassoty"  and  "Casquinonpa"  are  represented  as  "on  an  island 
which  the  river  forms,  on  the  two  extremities  of  lyl^ch  are  situated 
these  two  nations. '^  ^  On  very  many  maps  they  appear  associated 
with  the  Shawnee,  and  on  several  a  trail  is  laid  down  from  the  Ten- 
nessee to  St.  Augustine,  with  a  legend  to  the  effect  that  "by  this 
trail  the  Shawnee  and  Kasquinampos  go  to  trade  with  the  Spaniards." 

Besides  these  well-defined,  though  unidentified,  tribes  we  find  a  few 
names  on  early  maps  which  are  perhaps  synonyms  for  some  of  those 
already  considered.  One  is  "  Sabanghiharea, "  placed  on  Tennessee 
River  and  perhaps  identical  with  the  "Wabano"  of  La  Salle.  It 
contains  the  Algonquian  word  for  "east."  On  the  same  map  and  on 
the  same  river  is  "Matahale,"  perhaps  the  "Matohah"  of  Joliet's 

1  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  n,  pp.  138-139. 
« Ibid.,  I,  p.  128. 

•  Ibid.,  n,  p.  30. 

•  French  Transcription,  Lib.  Cong. 

•  If  8.  in  Lib.  La.  Hist.  Soc.,  Louisiane,  Correspondence  0^n<^rale,  pp.  403-4(Vt. 



The  dominant  people  of  the  Creek  Confederacy  called  themselves 
and  their  language  in  later  times  by  a  ^ame  which  has  become  con- 
ventionalized into  Muscogee  or  Muskogee,  but  it  does  not  appear  in 
the  Spanish  narratives  of  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries, 
and  careful  examination  seems  to  show  that  the  people  themselves 
were  complex.  If  we  were  in  possession  of  full  internal  information 
regarding  their  past  history  I  feel  confident  we  should  find  that  the 
process  of  a^regation  which  brought  so  many  known  foreign  elements 
together  had  been  operating  through  a  much  longer  period  an^  had 
brought  extraneous  elements  in  still  earlier.  Evidence  pointing 
toward  a  foreign  origin  for  several  supposedly  pure  Muskogee  tribes 
will  be  adduced  presently.  At  the  same  time  we  are  now  no  longer 
in  a  position  to  separate  the  two  clearly,  and  will  consider  all  under 
one  head.  We  do  know,  however,  that  even  though  they  spoke  the 
Muskogee  language,  there  were  several  distinct  bands,  the  history 
of  each  of  which  must  be  separately  traced. 

The  name  Muskogee  was  of  later  origin,  presumably,  than  the 
names  of  the  constituent  parts.  YThat  it  means  no  Creek  Indian 
seems  to  know.  In  fact  it  does  not  appear  to  be  a  Muskogee 
word  at  all.  Several  explanations  have  been  suggested  for  it, 
but  the  one  to  which  I  am  inclined  to  give  most  weight  is 
that  of  Oatschet,^  who  affirms  that  it  is  derived  from  an  Algonquian 
word  signifying  "swamp"  or  "wet  ground."  Oatschet  devotes  con- 
siderable space  to  a  discussion  of  the  name.  It  was  probably  first 
bestowed  by  the  Shawnee,  who  were  held  in  high  esteem  by  the 
Creeks,  especially  by  those  of  Tukabahchee,  and  probably  came  into 
use  for  want  of  a  native  term  to  cover  all  of  the  Muskogee  tribes. 

The  origin  of  the  English  term  "Creeks"  seems  to  have  been  satis- 
factorily traced  by  Prof.  V.  W.  Crane  to  a  shortening  of  "Ocheese 
Creek  Indians,"  Ocheese  being  an  old  name  for  the  Ocmulgee  River, 
upon  which  most  of  the  Lower  Creeks  were  living  when  the  English 
first  came  in  contact  with  them.^ 

A  careful  examination  of  the  Muskogee  bodies  proper  yields  us 
about  12  whose  separate  existence  extends  back  so  far  that  we 
must  treat  them  independently,  although  we  may  have  a  conviction 
that  they  were  not  all  originally  major  divisions.  On  the  other  hand, 
there  are  a  few  bands  not  included  among  the  12  which  may  have 
had  an  independent  origin,  though  this  seems  very  unlikely.  The 
12  bodies  above  referred  to  are  the  Kasihta,  Coweta,  Coosa,  Abihka, 
Wakokai,  Eufaula,  Hilibi,  Atasi,  Kolomi,  Tukabahchee,  Pakaiia,  and 
Okchai.  As  we  know,  they  were  in  later  times  distinguished  into 
Upper  Creeks  and  Lower  Creeks,  the  former  including  those  residing 

» Gatsohet,  Creek  Mlg.  Leg.,  pp.  58-<i2. 

s  Crane  in  The  Miss.  Val.  Hist.  Rev.,  vol.  5,  no.  3,  Dec,  1918. 

216  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [boll.  73 

Oil  the  C00S4,  Talla})oosa^  aiid  Alabama  Rivers,  aiul  in  the  neighborbig 
country,  and  the  latter  those  on  the  Chattahoochee  and  Flint.  The 
*' Upper  Creeks"  of  Bartram  are  the  Creeks  proper,  while  his  ''Lower 
Creeks"  are  the  Seminole.  Sometimes  a  triple  division  is  made  into 
Upper  Creeks,  Middle  Creeks,  and  Lower  Creeks,  the  first  including 
those  on  the  Coosa  River,  the  Middle  Creeks  those  on  and  near  the 
Tallapoosa,  and  the  last  ad  in  the  previous  classification.  The  first 
are  also  called  Coosa  or  Abihka,  the  second  Tallapoosa,  and  the  last 
Coweta.  The  traditions  of  nearly  all,  so  far  as  information  has  come 
down  to  us,  point  to  an  origin  in  the  west,  but  these  will  be  taken  up 
in  a  ^parate  volume  when  we  come  to  treat  of  Creek  social  organiza- 
tion. That  the  drift  of  population  throughout  most  of  this  area  had 
been  from  west  to  east  can  hardly  be  doubted,  but  it  is  plain  that  prac- 
tically all  of  the  Muskogee  tribes  had  completed  the  movement  before 
De  Soto's  time,  though  all  can  not  be  identified  in  the  narratives  of  his 
expedition.  The  prime  factors  in  the  formation  of  the  confederacy 
were  the  Kasihta  and  Coweta,  which  I  will  consider  first. 

The  Kasihta 

The  honorary  name  of  this  tribe  in  the  Creek  Confederacy  was 
Kasihta  lako,  "Big  Kasihta."  According  to  the  earUest  form  of  the 
Creek  migration  legend  that  is  available — that  related  to  Governor 
Oglethorpe  by  Chikilli  in  1735 — the  Kasihta  and  Coweta  came  from 
the  west  **as  one  people,"  but  in  time  those  dwelling  toward  the  east 
came  to  be  called  Kasihta  and  those  to  the  west  Coweta.^  This  an- 
cient unity  of  origin  appears  to  have  been  generally  admitted  down 
to  the  present  time.  According  to  John  Goat,  an  aged  Tulsa  Lidian, 
they  were  at  first  one  town,  and  when  they  separated  the  pot  of 
medicine  which  had  been  buried  imder  their  busk  fire  was  dug  up 
and  its  contents  divided  between  them.  He  also  maintained  that 
anciently  Kasihta  was  the  larger  and  more  important  of  the  two, 
and  others  state  the  same,  while  on  the  point  of  numbers,  they  are 
confirmed  by  the  census  of  1832.^  Oftener  the  Coweta  were  given 

The  first  appearajice  of  the  Kasihta  in  documentary  history  is,  I 
beheve,  in  the  De  Soto  chronicles  as  the  famous  province  of  Cofita- 
chequi,'  Cutifachiqui,*  Cotitachyque,*  Cofitachique,*  or  Cofaciqui.* 
Formerly  it  was  generally  held  that  this  was  Yuchi.  The  name  has, 
however,  a  Muskhogean  appearance,  and  Dr.  F.  G.  S})eck,  our  leading 
Yuchi  authority,  is  unable  to  find  any  Yuchi  term  resembling 
it.     In  fact,  with  one  doubtful  exception,  he  is  unable  to  discover 

»  Gatschet,  Creek  Mig.  Leg.,  i,  pp.  244-251.  •  Ibid.,  1,  i>.  fi9. 

a  See  p.  430.  »Ibid.,u,  p.  H. 

*  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  u,  p.  93.  •  Garcilasso  In  Shipp,  De  Soto  and  Fla.,  p.  352. 


aiiy  name  iu  the  De  Soto  narratives  which  resembles  a  Yuchi  word 
even  remotely.* 

The  specific  identification  of  this  place  with  Kasihta  rests  mainly 
upon  the  early  documents  of  the  colony  of  South  Carolina.  In  a 
letter  from  Henry  Woodward,  interpreter  for  the  colonists,  to  Sir 
John  Yeamans,  dated  September  10,  1670,  the  writer  states  that  he 
had  visited  "Chufytachyqj  y*  fruitfull  Provence  where  ye  Emperour 
resides.''  "It  lys,"  he  says,  "West  &  by  Northe  nearest  from  us  14 
days  trauell  after  ye  Indian  manner  of  marchinge.''^  He  is  writing 
from  near  where  Charleston,  S.  C,  was  afterwards  built.  In  a  letter 
to  the  Lords  Proprietors  from  the  same  place,  dated  September  11, 
1670,  the  Council  of  the  new  colony  mentions  this  expedition  again, 
and  calls  the  country  "Chufytachyque."'  It  is  also  referred  to  in  a 
letter  written  to  Lord  Ashley  by  Stephen  Bull,  only  that  the  distance 
is  given  as  ten  days'  journey.^  In  a  letter  from  William  Owen  to 
Lord  Ashley,  written  September  15,  1670,  we  read:' 

The  Emperour  of  Tatchequiha,  a  verie  fruitfull  countrey  som  8  days  ioumey  to  ye 
Northwest  of  vs,  we  expect  here  within  4  days,  som  of  his  people  being  alreadie  com 
with  whom  he  would  haue  bein  had  not  he  heard  in  his  way  y^  ye  Spaniard  had  de- 
feated vs.  His  friendiv  with  us  is  very  considerable  against  ye  Westoes  if  euer  they 
intend  to  Molest  us.  He  hath  often  defeated  them  and  is  euer  their  Master.  The 
Indian  Doctor  tells  us  y^  where  he  lines  is  exceedinge  rich  and  fertill  generally  of  a 
red  mould  and  hillie  with  most  pleasant  vallies  and  springes  haueing  plentie  of  white 
and  black  Marble  and  abundantly  stored  with  Mulberries  of  w*'^  fruite  they  make  cakes 
w<*  I  have  tasted.' 

From  the  context  it  is  evident  that  Tatchequiha  and  Chufytachyqj 
were  the  same.  Mr.  Thomas  Colleton  adds  the  information  that  this 
potentate  had  a  thousand  bowmen  in  his  town.®  In  the  memoranda 
in  John  Locke's  handwriting  we  find  other  spellings,  ''Caphatach- 
aques,"^  and  Chufytuchyque.*  In  still  another  place  he  speaks  of 
'^  the  Emperor  Cotachico  at  Charles  town  with  100  Indians."*  In  his 
instructions  to  Henry  Woodward,  dated  May  23,  1674,  Lord  Shaftes- 
bury says: 

You  are  to  consider  whether  it  be  best  to  make  a  peace  with  the  Westoes  or 
GussitawB,  which  are  a  more  powerful  mition  said  to  have  pearle  and  silver  and  by 
whose  Assistance  the  Westoes  may  be  rooted  out,  but  no  peace  is  to  be  made  with 
either  of  them  without  Including  our  Neighbour  Indians  who  are  at  amity  with  us.*^ 

Kivers  has  the  following: 

Order  for  trade  with  the  Westoes  &  Cussatoes  Indians,  10  April  1677. 
Whereas  ye  .discovery  of  ye  Country  of  ye  Westoes  &  ye  Cussatoes  two  powerful 
and  warlike  nations,  hath  bine  made  at  ye  charge  of  ye  Earle  of  Shaftsbury,  dec, 

1  The  exception  is  the  name  Yubaha  which  I  *  Ibid.,  p.  249.        , 

have  disoovered  to  be  from  Timucua;  see  p.  81.  ^  Ibid.,  p.  258. 

3  S.  C.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  V,  p.  186.  •  Ibid.,  p.  262. 

>  Ibid.,  p.  101.  » Ibid.,  p.  388. 

« Ibid.,  p.  104.  10  Ibid.,  p.  446. 
» Ibid.,  p.  901. 


and  by  the  Industry  A  hazard  of  D'.  Henry  Woodward,  and  a  strict  peace  &  amity 
made  Betweene  those  said  nations  and  our  people  in  o'  province  of  Gorolina,  &c.^ 

We  could  wish  there  wjere  more  information^  but  this  is  sufficient 
to  show  that  the  early  EngUsh  colonists  called  the  Kasihta  by  a  name 
corresponding  very  closely  with  that  used  by  De  Soto's  companions. 
They  give  the  tribe  so  called  the  prominent  position  which  it  had  in 
his  day  and  which  it  afterwards  occupied,  and  distinguish  it  clearly 
from  the  Westo,  who  I  believe  to  have  been  Yuchi.'  We  have, 
therefore,  a  valid  reason  for  concluding  that  the  Cofitachequi  and 
Kasihta  were  one  and  the  same  people. 

That  this  was  not  the  only  body  of  Kasihta  Indians  in  the  Creek 
country  seems  to  be  shown  by  the  name  of  a  town,  Casiste,  which 
the  Spaniards  in  De  Soto's  time  passed  through  somewhere  near 
the  Tallapoosa.' 

On  Saturday,  May  1, 1540,  after  having  lost  his  way  and  spent  some 
days  floundering  about  among  the  wastes  of  southeastern  Geoi^ia, 
De  Soto  with  the  advance  guard  of  his  army  came  to  the  river  on  the 
other  side  of  which  was  Cofitachequi,  was  met  by  the  chieftainess 
of  that  place — or  by  her  niece,  for  authorities  differ — and  was  re- 
ceived into  her  town  in  peace.  May  3  the  rest  of  the  army  came  up 
and  they  were  given  half  of  the  town.  On  the  12th  or  13th  they  left. 
They  fotmd  here  a  temple  or  ossuary  which  the  Spaniards  call  a 
'^mosque  and  oratory,"  and  which  they  opened,  finding  there  bodies 
covered  with  pearls  and  a  number  of  objects  of  European  manufacture, 
from  which  they  inferred  that  they  were  near  the  place  in  which 
Ayllon  and  his  companions  had  come  to  grief.^  Elvas  says  of  the 
people  of  that  province: 

The  inhabitants  are  brown  of  skin,  well  formed  and  proportioned.  They  are  more 
civilized  than  any  people  seen  in  all  the  territories  of  Florida,  wearing  clothes  and 
shoes.  This  country,  according  to  what  the  Indians  stated,  had  been  very  populous, 
but  it  had  been  decimated  shortly  before  by  a  pestilence.' 

The  location  of  Cofitachequi  has  been  discussed  by  many  writers. 
Most  of  the  older  maps  place  it  upon  the  upper  Santee  or  the  Saluda, 
in  what  is  now  Soutli  Carolina,  but  this  is  evidently  too  far  to  the 
east  and  north.  Later  opinion  has  inclined  to  the  view  that  it  was 
on  the  Savannah,  and  the  point  of tenest  fixed  upon  is  what  is  now 
known  as  Silver  Bluff.  The  present  writer  in  a  paper  published 
among  the  Proceedings  of  the  Mississippi  Valley  Historical  Associ- 
ation* expressed  the  opinion  that  it  was  on  or  near  the  Savannah  but 
lower  down  than  Silver  Bluff,  on  the  ground  that  the  Yuchi,  who  have 

1  Riven,  Hist,  of  S.  C,  p.  389. 
s  See  pp.  28»-291. 

*  Bourse,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  i,  p.  87;  n,  p.  116.    Elvas  calls  it  "a  large  town":  Ranjel,  "a  small  village." 
In  later  Spanish  documents  the  name  of  Kasihta  is  spelled  Caslsta. 

« Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  i,  p.  09;  n,  pp.  ia-15, 98-102. 
» Ibid.,  I,  pp.  05-07. 

•  Proc.  Mln:  Val.  Hist.  Asm.,  v,  pp.  147-167. 


usually  been  regarded  as  earlier  occupants  of  this  territory  than  the 
Creeks,  extended  down  the  river  as  far  as  Ebenezer  Creek. 

Later  researches  have  tended  to  show,  however,  that  in  De  Soto's 
time  the  Yuchi  were  not  on  the  Savannah  River  at  all,  while  the  Pardo 
narratives  indicate  that  the  position  of  Cofitachequi  was  at  least  as  far 
inland  as  Barnwell  or  Hampton  Counties,  S.  C.  Elvas  says  that  the 
sea  "was  stated  to  be  two  days'  travel"  from  Cofitachequi,*  and 
Biedma  has  this:  "  From  the  information  given  by  the  Indians,  the  sea 
should  be  about  30  leagues  distant.''' 

In  Vandera's  account  of  the  Pardo  expedition  of  1566-67  Cofitache- 
qui is  said  to  be  50  leagues  from  Santa  EHena  and  20  from  the  mouth 
of  the  river  on  which  it  was  located.'  It  is  probable  that  the  first  of 
these  figures  is  too  high  and  the  second  too  low.  All  things  considered. 
Silver  Bluff  would  seem  to  be  too  far  inland;  a  point  is  indicated 
between  Mount  Pleasant  and  Sweet  Water  Creek,  in  Barnwell  or 
Hampton  Counties,  S.  C. 

From  the  prominent  position  assigned  to  Cofitachequi  by  the  De 
Soto  chroniclers,  by  Pardo  and  Vandera,  and  by  the  later  English 
settlers,  it  is  altogether  probable  that  this  was  the  town  which 
Laudonnidre  and  the  Frenchmen  left  at  Charlesfort  believed  was 
being  described  to  them  as  lying  inland  and  ruled  by  a  great  chief 
called  Chiquola.     Laudonnidre  says: 

Those  who  survived  from  the  first  voyage  have  assured  me  that  the  Indians  have 
made  them  understand  by  intelligible  signs  that  farther  inland  in  the  same  northerly 
direction  was  a  great  inclosure,  and  within  it  many  beautiful  houses,  in  the  midst  of 
which  lived  Chiquola.^ 

Laudonnidre  evidently  stumbled  upon  the  name  Chiquola  from 
having  asked  about  the  Chicora  of  the  Ayllon  expedition,  with  the 
story  of  which  he  was  familiar.  The  Indians,  who  probably  had  no 
r  in  their  language,  changed  the  sound  to  I  and  at  the  same  time 
perhaps  gave  him  a  distorted  form  of  one  name  for  the  Kasihta,  a 
name  which  we  seem  to  find  again  in  the  form  'Tatchequiha"  in 
Owen's  letter  to  Lord  Ashley.^  The  location  indicated  also  agrees 
very  well  with  that  in  which  Pardo  found  Cofitachequi  a  few  years 
later.  Vandera  gives  the  following  account  of  the  country  occupied 
by  these  people  in  his  time: 

From  Gruiomaez  he  started  directly  for  Canos,  which  the  Indians  call  Canosi,  and 
by  another  name  Gofetazque;  there  arct  three  or  four  rather  lai^e  rivers  within  this 
province,  one  of  them  even  carrying  much  water  or  rather  two  are  that  way;  there 
are  few  swamps,  but  anybody,  even  a  child,  can  pass  them  afoot.  There  are  deep 
valleys  surrounded  by  rocks  and  stones,  and  cliffs.  The  soil  is  reddish  and  fertile, 
very  much  better  than  all  those  before  mentioned. 

>  Bonnie,  Nait.  of  De  Soto,  i,  p.  66.  <  Laudonni^re,  Hist.  Not.  de  la  Floride,  p.  31. 

s  n>id.,  n,  p.  14.  A  See  p.  217. 

*  Rnidkut,  La  Fkflda,  n,  p.  482. 


Canos  is  a  country  through  which  flows  one  of  the  two  powerful  rivers;  it  contains 
that  and  many  small  rivulets;  it  has  great  meadows  and  very  good  ones,  and  here  and 
from  here  on,  the  maize  is  abundant;  the  grapes  are  plentiful,  big,  and  very  good; 
there  are  also  bad  ones,  thick  skinned  and  small,  in  fact,  there  are  very  many  varie- 
ties. It  is  a  country  in  which  a  big  town  can  be  settled.  To  Santa  Elena  there  are 
50  leagues  and  to  the  sea  about  twenty,  and  it  is  possible  to  leach  it  by  way  of  the  big 
river  crossing  the  country  and  [to  go]  much  further  inland  by  the  same  river;  and 
equally  could  one  go  by  the  other  river  which  passes  near  Guiomaez.' 

The  first  of  these  rivers  can  have  been  only  the  Savannah;  the 
second  probably  the  Coosawhatchie,  the  Salkehatchie,  or  Briar 
Creek.  The  name  Canosi  is  perhaps  perpetuated  in  Cannouchee 
River,  a  branch  of  the  Ogeechee,  upon  which  the  Elasihta  may  once 
have  dwelt. 

In  1 628  Pedro  de  Torres  was  sent  inland  by  the  governor  of  Florida, 
Luis  de  Rojas  y  Borjas.  He  went  as  far  as  **Cafatachiqui''  (or 
"Cosatachiqui"),  "more  than  two  hundred  leagues  inland,"  and 
the  governor  states  in  his  letter  to  the  king  describing  this  expedi- 
tion that  the  men  in  his  party  were  the  first  Spaniards  to  visit  it 
since  De  Soto's  time.  This  last  statement  is,  of  course,  an  error. 
The  governor  says  little  more  except  that  all  the  chiefs  in  the  coimtry 
were  under  the  chief  of  Cofitachequi,  and  the  rivers  there  abounded 
in  pearls,  which  the  natives  appear  to  have  gathered  in  a  manner 
described  by  Garcilasso.* 

By  the  time  the  English  came  to  South  Carolina  it  is  evident  that 
the  Kasihta  had  changed  their  location.  This  is  apparent  both  from 
Henry  Woodward's  Westo  narrative  and  from  what  we  learn  of  his 
visit  to  them.  The  Westo  were  then  on  Savannah  River;  the 
Kasihta,  or  '^Chufytachyqj"  ais  he  calls  them,  were  14  days'  travel 
west  by  north  ** after  ye  Indian  manner  of  marchiiige."  *  The  loca- 
tion is  uncertain,  but  must  have  been  near  the  upper  Savannah. 
It  was  certainly  farther  away  than  that  of  the  Westo  and  more  to 
the  north.  In  Elbert  County,  Gk. ,  on  Broad  River,  a  few  miles  south 
of  Oglesby,  is  an  old  village  site  which  would  answer  very  well  to 
the  probable  location  of  the  tribe  at  this  period.  At  any  rate,  from 
1670  until  some  time  before  1 686  the  Kasihta  were  in  northern  Georgia, 
near  Broad  River,  perhaps  ranging  across  to  the  Tennessee.  Maps 
of  the  period  locate  the  Kasihta  and  Coweta  in  this  area,  about  the 
heads  of  the  Chattahoochee  and  Coosa.  South  Carolina  documents 
place  this  tribe  on  Ocheese  Creek  in  1702,  Ocheese  Creek  being  an  old 
name  for  the  upper  part  of  the  Ocmulgee,*  and  it  seems  probable  from 
an  examination  of  the  Spanish  documents  that  they  were  settled 
there  as  early  as  1680-1685.  From  the  context  of  a  letter  written 
May  19,  1686,  by  Antonio  Matheos,  lieutenant  of  Apalachee,  to 

1  Ruldlas,  La  Florida,  n,  p.  482.  *  S.  C.  Hist.  Soe.  Colls.,  v,  p.  186. 

I  QarcflaMO  in  Shipp,  De  Soto  and   Fla.,  pp.        *  Jour,  of  the  Commons  Uoiise  of  Assembly,  HS. 


Cabrera,  the  governor  of  Florida,  it  appears  that,  shortly  before, 
the  Spaniards  had  undertaken  an  expedition  against  the  Creek 
Indians  and  l^d  burned  several  of  their  villages.  The  letter  states 
that  two  of  four  Apalachee  Indians  sent  among  the  Apalachicolas 
[i.  e..  Lower  Creeks]  as  spies  had  returned  the  day  before.  He  con- 
tinues as  follows : 

They  report  that  they  have  viaited,  as  I  ordered  them  to  do,  all  the  places  of  said 
province,  where  they  were  well  received,  except  at  Gasista  and  Caveta.  The  people 
of  these  two  places  had  sent  them  two  messengers  before  they  reached  the  said  vil- 
lages, telling  them  that  they  did  not  want  them  to  come  there,  because  they  were 
from  Apalache  and  consequently  their  enemies.  Thus  they  should  not  try  to  go 
there,  for  they  would  not  have  peace.  Notwithstanding,  the  spies  resolved  to  go 
there,  risking  whatever  might  happen  to  them,  sending  word  with  the  last  messenger 
[sent  them]  that  they  were  not  Apalachinoe,  but  Thamas,  and  that  they  did  not  come 
for  any  other  reason  than  to  see  their  relatives  and  buy  several  things,  and  that  there- 
fore they  should  permit  them  to  come.  And  the  two  spies  arriving  near  these  two 
places  at  the  time  when  they  [the  inhabitants  of  both  villages]  were  playing  ball, 
they  remained  there  .until  the  game  was  ended  without  anybody  in  the  meantime  com- 
ing to  them,  although  on^  of  them  had  relatives  there.  And  when  they  approached 
Casista,  the  cacique  of  that  village  came  to  meet  them  before  they  could  enter  it, 
and  he  asked  them  where  they  were  going.  Had  he  not  told  them  not  to  come  into 
his  village?  That  besides  there  not  being  an^^thing  to  eat  in  the  village,  nobody 
would  speak  to  them;  that  he  knew  that  they  were  sent  for  a  certain  purpose;  that 
consequently  they  were  his  enemies  and  should  not  come  to  his  village.  Being 
given  a  canoe  to  cross  the  river,  they  went  to  Tasquique,  where,  as  well  as  in  Colome, 
they  were  very  well  received  and  entertained.  These  people  told  them  that  although 
the  Christians  had  burnt  their  villages  they  were  patient  [forbearing],  because  they 
knew  it  was  their  own  &ult,  although  it  had  been  mainly  the  fault  of  the  caciques 
of  Casista  and  Caveta,  who  had  deceived  and  involved  the  rest  of  them,  bringing  the 
English  in  and  forcing  them  to  receive  them  and  go  into  the  forests,  for  which  cause 
their  village  had  been  burnt  down.  That  if  another  occasion  should  arise  [that 
the  Spaniards  should  come]  they  would  not  flee  for  they  knew  now  how  the  Spaniards 
acted .  At  Caveta  they  received  them  the  same  way  as  in  Casista,  giving  them  to  un- 
derstand that  although  they  were  sowing,  they  had  no  intention  of  remaining  there. 
The  said  spies  say  that  in  those  two  places  there  is  not  a  thing  done  or  begun,  whereas 
at  the  other  two,  i.e.  Colome  and  Tasquique,  there  are  a  great  many  [things]  as  well 
accomplished  as  started.* 

From  the  text  it  is  impossible  to  say  where  the  four  towns  men- 
tioned were  located,  but  the  reference  to  a  river  combined  with  our 
later  knowledge  regarding  these  Indians  indicates  the  Ocmulgee. 

In  1695  an  expedition,  composed  of  7  Spaniards  and  400  Indians, 
marched  against  the  Lower  Creeks  to  seek  revenge  for  injuries  in- 
flicted upon  them  in  numerous  attacks.  They  reached  the  town 
sites  of  the  '*Cauetta,  Oconi,  Casista,  and  Tiquipache.^'  In  one 
they  captured  about  50  Indians;  the  others  were  found  burned 
and  abandoned.'    After  the  Yamasee  war  the  Kasihta  settled  on  the 

1  Serrano  y  Sans,  Doo.  Hist.,  pp.  193-195;  also  Lowery  MSS.    The  first  writer  dates  this  letter  1600 
instead  of  1686. 
s  SenBoo  y  Sans,  Doc^  Hist.,  p.  225. 


Chattahoochee.  Maps  representing  the  location  of  tribes  at  that 
time  give  the  Easihta  under  the  name  Gitasee.  This  is  made  evi- 
dent when  we  come  to  compare  early  and  late  maps,  which  are 
fotind  to  agree  in  nearly  all  particulars  except  that  some  variant  of 
the  name  Easihta  is  substituted  for  Gitasee.  The  reason  for  the 
use  of  Gitasee  is  entirely  unknown.  As  laid  down  on  these  maps  the 
Easihta  were  between  the  Okmulgee  on  the  south  and  a  body  of 
Tuskegee  on  the  north.  In  the  census  list  of  1761  they  were  assigned 
to  John  Rae  as  trader.^  In  January,  1778,  Bartram  passed  this  town, 
which  he  calls  ''Usseta/'  and  he  says  that  it  joined  Chiaha,  but  that 
the  two  spoke  radically  different  languages.'  The  traders  located 
there  in  1797  were  Thomas  Carr  and  John  Anthony  Sandoval,  the 
latter  a  Spaniard.'  Hawkins  gives  the  following  description  of  Ea- 
sihta as  it  was  in  1799,  which  shows  incidentally  that  the  town  had 
been  moved  once  after  it  was  located  on  the  river: 

Cus-se-tuh;  this  town  is  two  and  a  half  miles  below  Cow-e-tuh  Tal-lau-hcjs-see,  on 
the  left  bank  of  the  river.  They  claim  the  land  above  the  falls  on  their  side.  In 
descending  the  river  path  from  the  falls  in  three  miles  you  cross  a  creek  nmning  to 
the  right,  twenty  feet  wide;  this  creek  joins  the  river  a  quarter  of  a  mile  above  the 
Cowetuh  town  house;  the  land  to  this  creek  is  good  and  level  and  extends  back  from 
the  river  from  half  to  three-quarters  of  a  mile  to  the  pine  forest;  the  growth  on  the 
level  is  oak,  hickory,  and  pine;  there  are  some  ponds  and  slashes  back  next  to  the 
pine  forest,  bordering  on  a  branch  which  runs  parallel  with  the  river;  in  the  pine 
forest  there  is  some  reedy  branches. 

The  creek  has  its  source  nearly  twenty  miles  from  the  river,  and  runs  nearly  paral- 
lel with  it  till  within  one  mile  of  its  junction ;  there  it  makes  a  short  bend  round  north, 
thence  west  to  the  river;  at  the  second  bend,  about  two  hundred  yards  from  the  river, 
a  fine  little  spring  creek  joins  on  its  right  bank.  .  .  . 

The  flat  of  good  land  on  the  river  continues  two  and  a  half  miles  below  this  creek, 
through  the  Cussetuh  fields  to  Hat-che-thluc-co.  At  the  entrance  of  the  fields  on 
the  right  there  is  an  oblong  moimd  of  earth;  one-quarter  of  a  mile  lower  there  is  a 
conic  mound  forty-five  yards  in  diameter  at  the  base,'  twenty-five  feet  high,  and  flat 
on  the  top,  with  mulberry  trees  on  the  north  side  and  evergreens  on  the  south.  From 
the  top  of  this  mound  they  have  a  fine  view  of  the  river  above  the  flat  land  on  both 
sides  of  the  river,  and  all  the  field  of  one  thousand  acres  ;^  the  river  makes  a  short 
bend  round  to  the  right  opposite  this  mound,  and  there  is  a  good  ford  just  below 
the  point.  It  is  not  easy  to  mistake  the  ford,  as  there  is  a  flat  on  the  left,  of  gravel 
and  sand;  the  waters  roll  rapidly  over  the  gravel,  and  the  eye,  at  the  first  view, 
fixes  on  the  most  fordable  part;  there  are  two  other  fords  below  this,  which  communi- 
cate between  the  fields  on  both  sides  of  the  river;  the  river  from  this  point  comes  round 
to  the  west,  then  to  the  east;  the  island  ford  is  below  this  turn,  at  the  lower  end  of  a 
small  island;  from  the  left  side,  enter  the  river  forty  yards  below  the  island,  and 
go  up  to  the  point  of  it,  then  turn  down  as  the  ripple  directs,  and  land  sixty  yards 
below;  this  is  the  best  ford;  the  third  is  still  lower,  from  four  to  six  hundred  yards. 

The  land  back  from  the  fields  to  the  east  rises  twenty  feet  and  continues  flat  for 
one  mile  to  the  pine  forest;  back  of  the  fields,  adjoining  the  rise  of  twenty  feet,  is  a 
beaver  pond  of  forty  acres,  capable  of  being  drained  at  a  small  expense  of  labor;  the 
laige  creek  bounds  the  fields  and  the  flat  land  to  the  south. 

>  Oa.  Col.  Docs.,  vra,  p.  532.  »  Oa.  Hist.  8oc.  Colls.,  ix,  p.  171. 

t  Bartram,  Travels,  p.  iU.  *  The  Lib.  Cong.  MS.  has  "100  acres." 


Continiiing  on  down  the  river  from  the  creek,  the  land  rises  to  a  high  flat,  formerly 
the  Cuflsetuh  town,  and  afterwards  a  Chickasaw  town.  This  flat  is  intersected  with 
one  branch.  From  the  southern  border  of  this  flat,  the  Cussetuh  town  is  seen  below, 
on  a  flat,  just  above  flood  mark,  surrounded  with  this  high  flat  to  the  north  and  east, 
and  the  river  to  the  west;  the  land  about  the  town  is  poor,  and  much  exhausted;  they 
cultivate  but  little  here  of  early  com;  the  principal  dependence  is  on  the  rich  fields 
above  the  creek;  to  call  them  rich  must  be  understood  in  a  limited  sense;  they  have 
been  so,  but  being  cultivated  beyond  the  memory  of  the  oldest  man  in  Cussetuh,  they 
are  almost  exhausted;  the  produce  is  brought  from  the  fields  to  the  town  in  canoes  or  on 
horses;  they  make  barely  a  sufficiency  of  com  for  their  support;  they  have  no  fences 
around  their  fields,  and  only  a  fence  of  three  poles,  tied  to  upright  stakes,  for  their 
potatoes;  the  land  up  the  river,  above  the  fields,  is  fine  for  culture,  with  oak,  hickory, 
blackjack  and  pine. 

The  people  of  Cussetuh  associate,  more  than  any  other  Indians,  with  their  white 
nei^^bors,  and  without  obtaining  any  advantage  from  it;  they  know  not  the  season 
for  planting,  or,  if  they  do,  they  never  a'\^  themselves  of  what  they  know,  as  they 
always  plant  a  month  too  late. 

This  town  with  its  villages  is  the  laigest  in  the  Lower  Creeks;  the  people  are  and 
have  been  friendly  to  white  people  and  are  fond  of  visiting  them;  the  old  chiefs  are 
very  orderly  men  and  much  occupied  in  governing  their  young  men,  who  are  rude  and 
disorderly,  in  proportion  to  the  intercourse  they  have  had  with  white  people;  they 
frequently  complain  of  the  intercourse  of  their  young  people  with  the  white  people  on 
the  frontiers,  as  being  very  prejudicial  to  their  morals:  that  they  are  more  rude,  more 
inclined  to  be  tricky,  and  more  difficult  to  govern,  than  those  who  do  not  associate 
with  them. 

The  settlements  belonging  to  the  town  are  spread  out  on  the  right  side  of  the  river; 
here  they  appear  to  be  industrious,  have  forked  fences,  and  more  land  enclosed  than 
they  can  cultivate.  One  of  them  desires  particularly  to  be  named  Mic  £-maut-Jau. 
This  old  chief  has,  with  his  own  labor,  made  a  good  worm  fence,  and  built  himself  a 
comfortable  house;  they  have  but  a  few  peach  trees,  in  and  about  the  town;  the  main 
trading  path,  from  the  upper  towns,  passes  through  here;  they  estimate  their  number 
of  gun  men  at  three  hundred;  but  they  cannot  exceed  one  hundred  and  eighty. 

Au-put-tau-e  fApatdna,  bull  frog  village?];^  a  village  of  Cussetuh,  twenty  miles  from 
the  river,  on  Hat-che  thluc-co;  they  have  good  fences,  and  the  settlers  under  [enjoy?  | 
the  best  characters  of  any  among  the  Lower  Creeks;  they  estimate  their  gun  men  at 
forty-three.  On  a  visit  here  the  agent  for  Indian  affairs  was  met  by  all  the  men,  at 
the  house  of  Tus-se-kiah  Micco.  That  chief  addressed  him  in  these  words:  Here,  I 
am  glad  to  see  you;  this  is  my  wife,  and  these  are  my  children;  they  are  glad  to  see 
you;  these  are  the  men  of  the  village;  we  have  forty  of  them  in  all;  they  are  glad  to  see 
you;  you  are  now  among  those  on  whom  you  may  rely.  I  have  been  six  years  at  this 
village,  and  we  have  not  a  man  here,  or  belonging  to  our  village,  who  ever  stole  a 
horse  from,  or  did  any  injury  to  a  white  man. 

The  village  is  in  the  forks  of  Hatche  thlucco,  and  the  situation  is  well  chosen;  the 
land  is  rich,  on  the  margins  of  the  creeks  and  the  cane  flats;  the  timber  is  large,  of 
poplar,  white  oak,  and  hickory;  the  uplands  to  the  south  are  the  long-leaf  pine;  and 
to  the  north  waving  oak,  pine,  and  hickory;  cane  is  on  the  creeks  and  reed  in  all  the 

At  this  village,  and  at  the  house  of  Tus-se-ki-ah  Micco,  the  agent  for  Indian  affairs 
has  Introduced  the  plough;  and  a  farmer  was  hired  in  1797  to  tend  a  crop  of  com,  and 
with  so  good  success,  as  to  induce  several  of  the  villagers  to  prepare  their  fields  for  the 
plough.    Some  of  them  have  cattle,  hogs  and  horses,  and  are  attentive  to  them. 

1  Ostschet  derives  this  name  from  apatayas,  I  cover,  and  says  it  means  "a  sheet-like  covering."  A 
native  informant  suggested  to  the  writer  ap&tana,  bullfrog.  This  is  probably  the  village  which  Hawkins 
elsewliereoaUs  Ttiknotisoaubatche,  after  Flint  River .—Qa.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  ix,  p.  172. 

224  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

The  range  is  a  good  one,  but  cattle  and  horses  require  salt;  they  have  some  thriving 
peach  trees,  at  several  of  the  settlements. 

On  Auhe-gee  creek,  called  at  its  junction  with  the  river,  Hitchetee,  there  is  one 
settlement  which  deserves  a  place  here.  It  belongs  to  Mic-co  thluc-co,  called  by  the 
white  people,  the  ''Bird  tail  King  [Fus  hadji]. "  The  plantation  is  on  the  right  side 
of  the  creek,  on  good  land,  in  the  neighborhood  of  pine  forest:  the  creek  is  a  fine  flo^iing 
one,  maigined  with  reed ;  the  plantation  is  well  fenced,  and  cultivated  with  the  plough : 
this  chi^f  had  been  on  a  visit  to  New  York,  and  seen  much  of  the  ways  of  white  people, 
and  the  advantages  of  the  plough  over  the  slow  and  laborious  hand  hoe.  Yet  he  had 
not  firmness  enou^,  till  t^is  year,  to  break  through  the  old  habits  of  the  Indiani^. 
The  agent  paid  him  a  visit  this  spring,  1799,  with  a  plough  completely  fixed,  and  spent 
a  day  with  him  and  showed  him  how  to  use  it.  He  had  previously,  while  the  old 
man  was  in  the  woods,  prevailed  on  the  family  to  clear  the  fields  for  the  plough. 
It  has  been  used  with  effect,  and  much  to  the  approbation  of  a  numerous  family, 
who  have  more  than  doubled  tlieir  crop  of  com  and  potatoes;  and  who  begin  to  know 
how  to  turn  their  cotn  to  account,  by  giving  it  to  their  hogs,  cattle,  and  horses,  and 
begin  to  be  very  attentive  to  them;  he  has  some  apple  and  peach  trees,  and  grape 
vines,  a  present  from  the  agent. 

The  Cussetuhs  have  some  cattle,  horses,  and  hogs;  but  they  prefer  roving  idly 
through  the  woods,  and  down  on  the  frontiers,  to  attending  to  farming  or  stock  raising.* 

In  notes  taken  two  years  earlier  Hawkins  thus  speaks  of  another 
Kasihta  village,  located  on  Flint  River: 

Salenojuh,  8  miles  [below  Aupiogee  Greek].  H^re  was  a  compact  town  of  Cusseta 
people,  of  70  gunmen  in  1787,  and  they  removed  the  spring  after  Colonel  Alexander 
killed  7  of  their  people  near  Shoulderbone.  Their  fields  extended  three  miles  above 
the  town;  they  had  a  hothouse  and  square,  water,  fields  well  fenced;  their  situation 
fine  for  hogs  and  cattle.  Just  above  the  old  fields  there  are  two  curves  on  each  side  of 
the  river  of  150  acres,  rich,  which  have  been  cultivated.  Just  below  the  town  the 
Sulenojuhnene  ford,  the  lands  level  on  the  right  bank.  There  is  a  small  island  to  the 
right  of  the  ford ;  on  the  left  a  ridge  of  rocks.  The  lands  on  the  left  bank  high  and  broken. 
Above  the  town  there  is  a  good  ford,  level,  shallow,  and  not  rocky;  the  land  flat  on 
both  sides. ' 

Another  description  of  Kasihta  is  given  by  Hodgson,  an  English 

missionary  who  passed  through  the  Creek  country  in  1820.     He  says: 

It  [Kasihta]  ^  appeared  to  consist  of  about  100  houses,  many  of  them  elevated  on 
poles  from  two  to  six  feet  high,  and  built  of  unhewn  logs,  with  roofs  of  bark,  and  little 
patches  of  Indian  com  before  the  doors.  The  women  were  hard  at  work,  digging  the 
ground,  pounding  Indian  corn,  or  carrying  heavy  loads  of  water  from  the  river;  the 
men  were  either  setting  out  to  the  woods  with  their  guns  or  lying  idle  before  the 
doors;  and  the  children  were  amusing  themselves  in  little  groups.  The  whole  scene 
reminded  me  strongly  of  some  of  the  African  towns  described  by  Mungo  Park.  In  the 
centre  of  the  town  we  passed  a  large  building,  with  a  conical  roof,  supported  by  a  cir- 
cular wall  about  three  feet  high;  close  to  it  was  a  quadrangular  space,  enclosed  by 
four  open  buildings,  with  rows  of  benches  rising  alx)ve  one  another;  the  whole  was 
appropriated,  we  were  informed,  to  the  Great  Council  of  the  town,  who  meet  under 
shelter  or  in  the  open  air,  according  to  the  weather.  Near  the  spot  was  a  high  pole, 
like  our  may-poles,  with  a  bird  at  the  top,  round  which  the  Indians  celebrate  their 
Green-Corn  Dance.    The  town  or  township  of  Coeito  is  said  to  l>e  able  to  muster  700 

»  Oa.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  in,  pp.  52-«l.    For  some  recent  information  regarding  the  site  of  Kasihta,  see 
P.  A.  Brannon  in  Amer.  Anthrop.,  n.  s.  vol.  xi,  p.  195. 
s  Ga.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  tx,  p.  172. 
<  HodgsoQ  spells  the  name  Cosito. 


wamoTB,  while  the  number  belonging  to  the  whole  nation  ia  not  estimated  at  more 
than  3,500.1 

Seven  separate  Kasihta  settlements  are  enumerated  in  the  census 
of  1832,  as  follows: 

On  little  Euchee  Creek,  211,  besides  105  slaves;  on  Tolarnulkar  Uatchee,  480,  and 
4  slaves; on  Opillikee  Hatchee,  Tallassee  town,  171;  on  Chowv^okoloha tehee,  118;  at 
Secharlitcha  [''under  black-jack  trees"],  214;  on  Osenubba  Hatchee,  or  Tuckabatchee 
Haijo's  town,  269,  and  8  slaves;  near  West  Point,  or  Tuskehenehaw  Chooley's  town, 
399;  total,  1,868  Indians  and  117  slaves.' 

The  principal  chiefs  and  their  households  are  omitted  from  the 
enumeration.  Oatschet  mentions  another  branch  called  ^'Tusilgis 
tco'ko  or  clapboard  house." '  After  their  removal  they  settled  in  the 
northern  part  of  the  Creek  Nation  in  the  west  with  the  other  Lower 
Creeks,  where  their  descendants  for  the  most  part  still  are. 

The  Coweta* 

The  Coweta  were  the  second  great  Muskogee  tribe  among  the 
Lower  Creeks,  and  they  headed  the  war  side  as  Kasihta  headed  the 
peace  side.  Their  honorary  title  in  the  confederacy  was  Kawita 
ma'ma'yi,  **tall  Coweta."  Although  as  a  definitely  identified  tribe 
they  appear  later  in  history  and  in  the  migration  legends  which  have 
been  preserved  to  us  the  Kasihta  are  given  precedence,  the  Coweta 
were  and  still  are  commonly  accounted  the  leaders  of  the  Lower 
Creeks  and  often  of  the  entire  nation.  By  many  early  writers  all  of 
the  Lower  Creeks  are  called  Coweta,  and  the  Spaniards  and  French 
both  speak  of  the  Coweta  chief  as  ''emperor"  of  the  Creeks.  An 
anonymous  Frenfch  writer  of  the  eighteenth  century  draws  the  follow- 
ing picture  of  his  power  at  the  time  of  the  Yamasee  uprising: 

The  nation  of  the  CaoQita  is  governed  by  an  emperor,  who  in  1714  [1715]  caused  to 
be  killed  all  the  English  there  were,  not  only  in  his  nation,  but  also  among  the  A1)eca, 
Talapouches,  Alibamons,  and  Cheraqui.  Not  content  with  that  he  went  to  commit 
depredations  as  far  as  the  gates  of  Carolina.  The  English  were  excited  and  wanted 
to  destroy  them  by  making  them  drag  pieces  of  ordinance  loaded  with  grape-shot,  by 
tying  two  ropee  to  the  collar  of  the  tube,  on  each  one  of  which  they  put  sixty  savages, 
whom  they  killed  in  the  midst  of  their  labors  by  putting  lire  to  the  cannon ;  l>ut  as  they 
saw  they  would  take  vengeance  with  interest,  they  made  very  great  presents  to  the 
emperor  to  regain  his  friendship  and  that  of  his  nation.  The  French  do  the  same 
thing,  and  alBO  the  Spaniards,  which  makes  him  very  rich,  for  the  French  who  go  to 
visit  him  are  served  in  a  silver  dish.  He  is  a  man  of  a  good  appearance  and  good  char- 
acter. He  has  numbers  of  slaves  who  are  busy  night  and  day  cooking  food  for  those 
going  and  coming  to  visit  him.  He  seldom  goes  on  foot,  always  [riding  on|  well  har- 
nessed hOTses,  and  followed  by  many  of  his  village.     He  is  a1>8olute  in  his  nation.     He 

1  Hodgson,  Remarks  during  Jour,  through  N.  Am.,  pp.  265-266. 

I  Senate  Doc.  512, 23d  Cong.,  Istsess.;  Schoolrraft,  Ind.  Tribes,  iv,  p.  57S.     In  the  sheets  as  published 
one  figure  is  too  large  t>y  2  and  one  too  small  by  1.    I  have  corrected  these  mistakes. 

•  Marginal  note  In  Creek  Mig.  Leg.,  i,  MS. 

*  On  the  maps  I  have  spelled  this  phonetically,  Kawita.    The  above  is  the  form  which  has  been 
adopted  into  popular  usage. 


226     I  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN    ETHNOLOGY  Ibull.  73 

has  a  quantity  of  cattle  and  kills  them  sometimes  to  feast  his  friends.  No  one  has 
ever  been  able  to  make  him  take  sides  with  one  of  the  three  European  nations  who 
know  him,  he  alleging  that  he  wishes  to  see  everyone,  to  be  neutral,  and  not  to  espouse 
any  of  the  quarrels  which  the  French,  English,  and  Spaniards  have  with  one  another.* 

Traditionally  the  name  is  supposed  to  have  had  some  connection 
with  the  eastward  migration  of  this  tribe,  and  it  is  associated  with 
the  word  ayetaj  to  go.  No  reliance  can  be  placed  upon  this,  how- 
ever, any  more  than  on  Gatschet's  derivation  from  the  Yuchi  word 
meaning  ^'man."^ 

As  the  principal  body  of  Muskogee  in  Georgia,  aside  from  the 
Kasihta,  it  is  possible  that  these  are  the  Chisi,  Ichisi,  or  Achese  of 
the  De  Soto  chroniclers,'  since  Ochisi  (Otci'si)  is  a  name  applied  to 
the  Muskogee  by  Hitchiti-speaking  peoples.*  Spanish  dealings 
with  them  in  the  seventeenth  century  have  already  been  recounted.* 
In  the  period  between  1670  and  1700  we  find  them  placed  on  maps, 
along  with  the  Kasihta,  about  the  headwaters  of  the  Chattahoochee 
and  Coosa,  but  when  they  are  first  clearly  localized  they  are  on  the 
upper  course  of  the  Ocmulgee  not  far  from  Indian  Springs,  Butts 
County,  Georgia.  On  French  maps  the  Altamaha  and  Ocmulgee 
together  are  often  called  **Rivi6re  des  Caouitas.'^  After  the  general 
westward  movement,  which  took  place  after  the  Yamasee  war,  they 
settled  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Chattahoochee  River  between  the 
Yuchi  on  the  south  and  a  town  known  as  Chattahoochee. 

This  last-mentioned  place  was  the  first  Muskogee  settlement  on 
Chattahoochee  River  and  is  said  to  have  been  established  to  enable 
its  occupants  to  open  trade  with  the  Spaniards.  Bartram  says  that 
the  people  of  this  town  spoke  the  true  Muskogee  language,  and  it  is 
probable  that  it  branched  off  from  the  Coweta,  though  it  may  have 
been  made  up  from  several  settlements.  It  was  in  Troup  or  Heard 
Counties,  Georgia,  and  was  abandoned  before  Hawkinses  time, 

The  first  Coweta  settlement  on  the  Chattahoochee  was  probably 
at  a  place  afterwards  called  Coweta  Tallahassee,  though  at  the  period 
last  mentioned  it  was  occupied  by  people  from  Likatcka,  itself  a 
branch  of  Coweta.®  D.  I.  Bushnell,  Jr.,  has  published  parts  of  a 
journal  kept  by  a  member  of  General  Oglethorpe's  expedition  tx)  the 
Creek  towns  in  1740,  in  which  he  gives  some  account  of  the  people  of 
Coweta.^  In  1761  they  had  130  hunters  and  their  trader  was  George 
Galpin.*    In  1797  Hawkins  gives  the  names  of  five  traders,  Thomas 

>  MS  In  Aycr  Coll.,  Newberry  Lib.    The  story  about  slaught^tring  Indians  who  were  pulling  a  cannan 
crops  up  in  connection  with  the  Popham  colony  (see  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.,  1st  ser..  i,  p.  252). 
»  Gatschet,  Cri'ek  Mip.  Ixig.,  i,  j).  19. 
«  Bourne,  Narr.  of  Dc  Soto,  i,  p.  10;  ii,  p.  'H. 

•  Hence  the  name  "Ochee>-e  lUver"  (p.  21.')).    bee  Hawkins  in  Ga.  Hist.  Soc.  Colls.,  ix,  p.  209;  and 
p.  148. 

•  See  pp.  220-222. 

•  Oa.  Hist.  See.  Colls.,  ix,  p.  ti:i. 

T  Amer.  Anthrop.,  n.s.,  vol.  x,  pp.  572-574, 1908. 

•  Q%.  Col.  Does.,  vnx,  p.  522. 


Marshall,  John  Tarvin,  James  Darouzeaux,  Hardy  Read,  and  Christian 
Russel)  the  last  a  Silesian.^  Adair  enumerates  Coweta  as  one  of  the 
six  principal  towns  of  the  Muskogee  confederacy  but  does  not  mention 
Kasihta.'  Hawkins  furnishes  the  following  accounts  of  Coweta, 
Coweta  Tallahassee,  and  a  branch  of  the  latter  known  as  Wetumpka, 
as  they  appeared  in  1799: 

Cow-«-tuh,  on  the  right  bank  of  Chat-to-ho-che,  three  miles  below  the  falls,  on  a 
flat  extending  back  one  mile.  The  land  is  fine  for  com;  the  settlements  extend  up 
the  river  for  two  miles  on  the  river  flats.  These  are  bordered  with  broken  pine  land; 
the  fields  of  the  settlers  who  reside  in  the  town,  are  on  a  point  of  land  formed  by  a 
bend  of  the  river,  a  part  of  them  adjoining  the  point,  are  low,  then  a  rise  of  fifteen 
feet,  spreading  back  for  half  a  mile,  then  another  rise  of  fifteen  feet,  and  flat  a  half 
mile  to  a  swamp  adjoining  the  highlands;  the  fields  are  below  the  town. 

The  river  is  one  hundred  and  twenty  yards  wide,  with  a  deep  steady  current  from 
the  isll;  these  are  over  a  rough  coarse  rock,  forming  some  islands  of  rock,  which  force 
the  water  into  two  narrow  channels,  in  time  of  low  water.  One  is  on  each  side  of 
the  river,  in  the  whole  about  ninety  feet  wide;  that  on  the  right  is  sixty  feet  wide, 
with  a  perpendicular  fall  of  twelve  feet;  the  other  of  thirty  feet  wide,  is  a  long  sloping 
curve  very  rapid,  the  fall  fifteen  feet  in  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet;  fish  may  ascend 
in  this  channel,  but  it  is  too  swift  and  strong  for  boats;  here  are  two  fisheries;  one  on 
the  right  belongs  to  this  town;  that  on  the  left,  to  the  Cussetuhs;  they  are  at  the 
termination  of  the  falls;  and  the  fish  are  taken  with  scoop  nets;  the  fish  taken  are  the 
hickory  shad,  rock,  trout,  perch,  catfish,  and  suckers;  there  is  sturgeon  in  the  river, 
but  no  white  shad  or  herring;  during  spring  and  summer,  they  catch  the  perch  and 
rock  with  hooks.  As  soon  as  the  fish  make  their  appearance,  the  chiefs  send  out  the 
women,  and  make  them  fish  for  the  square.  This  expression  includes  all  the  chiefs 
and  warriors  of  the  town. 

The  land  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  at  the  falls  is  a  poor  pine  barren,  to  the 
water's  edge;  the  pines  are  small;  the  falls  continue  three  or  four  miles  nearly  of  the 
same  width,  about  one  hundred  and  twenty  yards;  the  river  then  expands  to  thrice 
that  width,  the  bottom  l)eing  gravelly,  shoal  and  rocky.  There  are  several  small 
islands  within  this  scope;  one  at  the  part  where  the  expansion  commences  is  rich 
and  some  part  of  it  under  cultivation:  it  is  half  a  mile  in  length,  but  narrow;  here  the 
river  is  fordable;  enter  the  left  bank  one  hundred  yards  above  the  upper  end  of  the 
island  and  cross  over  to  it,  and  down  to  the  fields,  thence  across  the  other  channel; 
at  the  termination  of  the  falls,  a  creek  twenty  feet  wide,  (0-cow-ocuh-hat-che,  falls 
creek),  joins  the  right  side  of  the  river.  Just  below  this  creek,  and  alx)ve  the  last 
reef  of  rocks,  is  another  ford.    The  current  is  rapid,  and  the  bottom  even. 

On  the  left  bank  of  the  river  at  the  falls,  the  land  is  level;  and  in  approaching  them 
one  is  surprised  to  find  them  where  there  is  no  alteration  in  the  trees  or  unevenness 
of  land.  This  level  continues  Imck  one  mile  to  the  poor  pine  barren,  and  is  fine  for 
com  or  cotton;  the  timber  is  red  oak,  hickory,  and  pine:  the  banks  of  the  river  on  this 
side  below  the  falls.Are  fifty  feet  high,  and  continue  so,  down  l)elow  the  town  house; 
the  flat  of  good  land  continues  still  lower  to  Hat-che  thluc-co  (big  creek). 

Ascending  the  river  on  this  bank,  a1x)ve  the  falls,  the  following  stages  are  noted  in 

2^  miles,  the  flat  land  terminates:  thence  3^  miles,  to  Chis-se  Hul-cuh  running 
to  the  left:  thence  4  miles,  to  Chusse  thluc-co  twenty  feet  wide,  a  rocky  lx)ttom. 

5  miles  to  Ke-ta-le,  thirty  feet  wide,  a  l>old,  shoally  rocky  creek,  abounding  in 
moss.    Four  miles  up  this  creek  there  is  a  village  of  ton  families  at  Hat-che  Uxau 

i  Ga.  Hist.  Soo.  Colls.,  ix,  pp.  170-171.  >  Adair,  Hist.  Am.  Inds.,  p.  257. 

228  BUREAU   OF   AMERICAN   ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

(head  of  a  creek).  The  land  is  broken  with  hickory,  pine,  and  chestnut;  there  is  cane 
on  the  borders  of  the  creek  and  reed  on  the  branches;  there  are  some  settlements  of 
Gowetuh  people  made  on  these  creeks;  all  who  have  settled  out  from  the  town  have 
fenced  their  fields  and  begin  to  be  attentive  to  their  stock. 

The  town  has  a  temporary  fence  of  three  poles,  the  first  on  forks,  the  other  two  on 
stakes,  good  against  cattle  only;  the  town  fields  are  fenced  in  like  manner;  a  few  of 
the  neighboring  fields^ detached  from  the  town,  have  good  fences;  the  temporary, 
three  pole  fences  of  the  town  are  made  every  spring,  or  repaired  in  a  slovenly  manner. 

Cow-e-tuh  Tal-lau-hasHsee;  from  Cow-e-tuh,  Tal-lo-fau,  a  town,  and  basse,  old. 
It  is  two  and  a  half  nules  below  Cowetuh,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river.  In  going 
down  the  path  between  the  two  towns,  in  half  a  mile  cross  Kotes-ke-le-jau,  ten  feet 
wide,  running  to  the  left  is  a  fine  little  creek  sufficiently  large  for  a  mill,  in  all  but  the 
dry  seasons.  On  the  right  bank  enter  the  fiat  lands  between  the  towns.  These  are  good, 
with  oak,  hard-shelled  hickory  and  pine;  they  extend  two  miles  to  Che-luc-in-ti-ge- 
tuh,  a  small  creek  five  feet  wide,  bordering  on  the  town.  The  town  is  half  a  mile 
from  the  river,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  creek ;  it  is  on  a  high  flat,  bordered  on  the  east 
by  the  fiats  of  the  river,  and  west  by  high  broken  hills;  they  have  but  a  few  settlers 
in  the  town;  the  fields  are  on  a  point  of  land  three-quarters  of  a  mile  below  the  town, 
which  is  very  rich  and  has  been  long  imder  cultivation;  they  have  no  fence  around 
their  fields. 

Here  is  the  public  establishment  for  the  Lower  CreekSy  and  here  the  agent  resides. 
He  has  a  garden  well  cultivated  and  planted,  with  a  great  variety  of  vegetables, 
fruits,  and  vines,  and  an  orchard  of  peach  trees.  Arrangements  have  been  made  to 
fence  two  hundred  acres  of  land  fit  for  cultivation,  and  to  introduce  a  regular  hus- 
bandry to  serve  as  a  model  and  stimulus,  for  the  neighborhood  towns  who  crowd  the 
public  shops  here,  at  all  seasons,  when  the  hunters  are  not  in  the  woods. 

The  agent  entertains  doubts,  already,  of  succeeding  here  in  establishing  a  regular 
husbandry,  from  the  difficulty  of  changing  the  old  habits  of  indolence,  and  sitting  daily 
in  the  squares,  which  seem  peculiarly  attractive  to  the  residenters  of  the  towns. 
In  the  event  of  not  succeeding,  ho  intends  to  move  the  establishment  out  from  the 
town,  and  aid  the  villagers  where  success  seems  to  be  infallible. 

They  estimate  their  number  of  gun  men  at  one  hundred ;  but  the  agent  has  ascer-' 
tained,  by  actual  enumeration,  that'they  have  but  sixty-six,  including  all  who  reside 
hen»,  and  in  the  villages  belonging  to  the  town. 

They  have  a  fine  body  of  land  below,  and  adjoining  the  town,  nearly  two  thousand 
acres,  all  well  timbered;  and  including  the  whole  above  and  below,  they  have  more 
than  is  sufficient  for  the  accommodation  of  the  whole  town;  they  have  one  village 
belonging  to  the  town,  We-tumcau. 

We-tum-cau;  from  We-wau,  water;  and  tum-cau,  rumbling.  It  is  on  the  main 
branch  of  U-choe  creek  and  is  twelve  miles  northwest  from  the  town.  These  people 
have  a  small  town  house  on  a  poor  pine  ridge  on  the  left  bank  of  the  creek  below  the 
Mis;  the  settlers  extend  up  the  creek  for  three  miles,  and  they  cultivate  the  rich  bends 
in  the  creek;  there  is  cane  on  the  creek  and  fine  reed  on  its  branches;  the  land  higher 
up  the  creek,  and  on  its  branches  is  waving,  with  pine,  oak,  and  hickor>*,  fine  for  culti- 
vation, on  the  flats  and  out  from  the  branches;  the  range  is  good  for  stock,  and  some  of 
the  settlers  have  cattle  and  hogs,  and  begin  to  be  attentive  to  them;  they  have  been 
advised  to  spread  out  their  settlements  on  the  waters  of  this  creek,  and  to  increase 
their  attention  to  stock  of  ever>'  kind.* 

The  trader  in  1797  was  James  Lovet.'  Wetumpka  is  probably 
the  Wituncara  of  the  Popple  map  (pi.  4). 

The  census  of  1832  enumerated  Hve  bands  of  Coweta  Indians,  as 
folloves:  Koochkalecha  town,  276  besides  12  slaves;  on  Toosilkstor- 

1  O*.  Hist.  8oc.  CoUs. ,  m,  pp.  53-^7.  >  n>id.,  ix,  p.  03. 


koo  Hatchee,  85  and  15  slaves;  on  Warkooche  Hatchce,  30;  on  Halle- 
wokke  Yoaxarhatchee,  191;  at  Cho-lose-parp  Kar,  or  Kotchar, 
Tus-tun-nuckee'a  town,  275  and  24  slaves;  total  857  Indians  and  51 
slaves.^    Chiefs'  families  are  not  included. 

The  inferiority  of  this  town  in  numbers  to  Kasihta  was  perhaps 
due  to  the  fact  that  it  had  given  off  another  settlement  which  after- 
wards constituted  an  independent  town  with  its  own  busk  groimd. 
This  was  Likatcka,  or  '^  Broken  Arrow  ^'  as  the  name  has  been  rudely 
translated  into  English.  It  is  said  to  have  been  founded  by  some 
families  who  went  off  by  themselves  to  a  place  where  they  could  break 
reeds  with  which  to  make  arrows.  According  to  William  Berryhill, 
an  old  Coweta,  however,  it  was  not  so  much  on  accoimt  of  the  place 
where  they  had  settled  as  because  they  considered  themselves  to  have 
"broken  away"  from  the  parent  band  in  much  the  same  manner  as 
a  reed  is  broken.  This  town  is  said  to  have  been  situated  on  a  trail 
and  ford  12  miles  below  Kasihta.  It  appears  to  be  noted  first  by 
Swan  (1791).^  Hawkins  in  his  Sketch  of  the  Creek  Coimtry  does 
not  speak  of  it,  but  in  a  journal  dated  1797  says  that  the  people  of 
Coweta  Tallahassee  had  come  from  it.*  In  the  American  State  Papers  * 
he  mentions  it  as  having  been  destroyed  in  1814,  but  it  was  soon 
restored,  for  it  was  represented  at  the  treaty  of  November  15,  1827,* 
and  in  tJie  census  of  1832.  In  this  latter  five  settlements  belonging 
to  the  town  are  enumerated,  but  it  is  probable  that  only  the  first 
two  of  these  are  correctly  designated.  One  of  these  latter  was  on 
Uchee  Creek;  the  situation  of  the  other  is  not  specified.  Together 
they  numbered  418  inhabitants,  not  counting  slaves  and  free  negroes.* 

Coweta  and  its  chief,  Mcintosh,  played  a  conspicuous  part  in  the 
removal  of  the  Creek  Indians  to  the  west.  Mcintosh  was  the  leader 
of  that  party  which  favored  removal  and  was  killed  by  the  conserva- 
tive element  in  consequence.  After  the  emigration  Coweta  and  its 
branches  settled  in  the  northern  part  of  the  new  country  on  the 
Arkansas,  where  most  of  their  descendants  still  live.  Their  square 
groimd  was  first  located  about  2  mUes  west  of  the  present  town  of 
Coweta.  After  that  site  was  fenced  in  and  plowed  up  they  moved 
it  to  some  low-lying  land  close  to  Coweta,  and  later  busks  of  a  rather 
irr^ular  character  were  held  in  other  places,  but  the  observance  soon 
died  out.  Nevertheless  the  busk  medicines  are,  or  until  recently  were, 
still  taken  in  an  informal  manner  by  the  Coweta  men  four  times  a  year, 
corresponding  to  the  times  of  the  three  "stomp''  dances  and  the  busk. 
According  to  one  informant,  shortly  before  the  Civil  War,  Coweta, 

i  Senate  Doc.  512;  a3d  Coog.,  1st  sess.,  iv,  pp.  37^-386.    A  mLstAke  in  addition  has  bt'en  made  on  one 
sbeet,  which  I  have  rectified, 
s  Schooknaft,  Ind.  Tribes,  v,  p.  262. 

•  Ga.  Hist.  See.  CoOi.,  IX,  p.  63. 

«  Am.  State  Papers,  Ind.  Aflkira,  i,  858, 1832. 
» Indian  Treaties  1828,  pp.  561^564. 

•  Senate  Doc.  512;  23d  Omg.,  1st  sess.,  iv,  pp.  386-394. 


Kasihta,  Tukabahchee,  and  Yuchi  planned  to  come  together  in  one 
big  town,  but  the  war  put  an  end  to  the  project.  In  late  times  the 
Coweta  and  Chiaha  were  such  close  friends  that  it  is  said  '*  a  man  of 
one  town  would  not  whip  a  dog  belonging  to  the  other."  This  friend- 
ship also  extended  to  the  Osochi. 

The  Coosa  and  Their  Descendants 

In  De  Soto's  time  the  most  powerful  Upper  Creek  town  was  Coosa. 
The  first  news  of  this  seems  to  have  been  obtained  in  Patofa  (or 
Tatofa),  a  province  in  southern  Georgia,  where  the  natives  said 
"that  toward  the  northwest  there  was  a  province  called  Co^a,  a 
plentiful  country  having  very  large  towns."* 

The  expedition  reached  Copa  after  leaving  Tali  and  Tasqui,  and 
after  passing  through  several  villages  which  according  to  Mvas 
were  "subject  to  the  cacique  of  Co^a."^  On  Friday,  July  16,  1540, 
they  entered  the  town.  The  chief  of  Coosa  came  out  to  meet  them 
in  a  litter  borne  on  the  shoulders  of  his  principal  men,  and  with 
many  attendants  playing  on  flutes  and  singing.'  "  In  the  barbacoas," 
says  Elvas,  "was  a  great  quantity  of  maize  and  beans;  the  country, 
thickly  settled  in  numerous  and  large  towns,  with  fields  between, 
extending  from  one  to  another,  was  pleasant,  and  had  a  rich  soil 
with  fair  river  margins.  In  the  woods  were  many  ameixas  [plums 
and  persinunons],  as  well  those  of  Spain  as  of  the  country;  and  wild 
grapes  on  vines  growing  up  into  the  trees,  near  the  streams;  like- 
wise a  kind  that  grew  on  low  vines  elsewhere,  the  berry  being  large 
and  sweet,  but,  for  want  of  hoeing  and  dressing,  had  large  stones."* 

After  a  slight  difference  with  the  natives,  who  naturally  objected 
to  having  their  chief  virtually  held  captive  by  De  Soto,  the  Spaniards 
secured  the  bearers  and  women  they  desired  and  started  on  again 
toward  the  south  or  southwest  on  Friday,  August  20.*  It  would 
appear  that  the  influence  of  the  Coosa  chief  extended  over  a  large 
number  of  the  towns  later  called  Upper  Creeks,  although  this  was 
probably  due  rather  to  ties  of  alliance  and  respect  than  to  any 
actual  overlordship  on  his  part.  At  a  town  called  Tallise,  perhaps 
identical  with  the  later  Tulsa,  this  authority  seems  to  have  come 
to  an  end,  and  farther  on  were  the  Mobile  quite  beyond  the  sphere  of 
his  influence. 

In  1 559  a  gigantic  effort  was  made  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards  to 
colonize  the  region  of  our  Gulf  States.  An  expedition,  led  by  Tristan 
de  Luna,  started  from  Mexico  with  that  object  in  view.  We  have 
already  mentioned  the  landing  of  this  colony  in  Pensacola  Harbor,  or 
Mobile  Bay,  and  their  subsequent  removal  northward  to  a  town  called 

>  Bourne,  Narr.  of  De  8oto,  i.  p.  6().  *  Ibid,,  i,  p.  83. 

>  Ibid.,  p.  81.  »  Ibid.,  ii,  p.  113. 
s  Ibid.,  p.  81;  n,  pp.  16, 112. 


Nanipacna.  Being  threatened  with  starvation  here,  De  Luna  sent  a 
sei^eant  major  with  six  captains  and  200  soldiers  northward  in  search 
of  Coosa,  whither  some  of  his  companions  had  accompanied  De  Soto 
20  years  before,  and  which  they  extoDed  highly.  They  came  first  to  a 
place  called  Olibahali,  of  which  we  shall  speak  again,  and  after  a  short 
stay  there  continued  still  farther  toward  the  north.  The  narrative 
continues  as  follows : 

The  whole  province  was  called  Coza,  taking  its  name  from  the  most  famous  city 
within  its  boundaries.  It  was  God's  will  .that  they  should  soon  get  within  sight  of 
that  place  which  had  been  so  far  famed  and  so  much  thought  about  and,  yet,  it  did 
not  have  above  thirty  houses,  or  a  few  more.  There  were  seven  little  hamlets  in 
its  district,  five  of  them  smaller  and  two  larger  than  Coza  itself,  which  name  prevailed 
for  the  fame  it  had  enjoyed  in  its  antiquity.  It  looked  so  much  worse  to  the  Spaniards 
for  having  been  depdcted  so  grandly,  and  they  had  thought  it  to  be  so  much  better. 
Its  inhabitants  had  been  said  to  be  innumerable,  the  site  itself  as  being  wider  and 
more  level  than  Mexico,  the  springs  had  been  said  to  be  many  and  of  very  clear  water, 
food  plentiful  and  gold  and  silver  in  abundance,  which,  without  judging  rashly,  was 
that  which  the  Spaniards  desired  most.  Truly  the  land  was  fertile,  but  it  lacked 
cultivation.  There  was  much  forest,  but  little  fruit,  because  as  it  was  not  cultivated 
the  land  was  all  unimproved  and  full  of  thistles  and  weeds.  Those  they  had  brought 
along  as  guides,  being  people  who  had  been  there  before,  declared  that  they  must 
have  been  bewitched  when  this  country  seemed  to  them  so  rich  and  populated  aa 
they  had  stated.  The  arrival  of  the  Spaniards  in  former  years  had  driven  the  Indians 
up  into  the  forests,  where  they  preferred  to  live  among  the  wild  beasts  who  did  no  harm 
to  them,  but  whom  they  could  master,  than  among  the  Spaniards  at  whose  hands  they 
received  injuries,  although  they  were  good  to  them.  Those  from  Coza  received  the 
guests  well,  liberally,  and  with  kindness,  and  the  Spaniards  appreciated  this,  the  more 
so  as  the  actions  of  their  predecessors  did  not  call  for  it.  They  gave  them  each  day 
four  fanegas^  of  com  for  their  men  and  their  horses,  of  which  latter  they  had  fifty  and 
none  of  which,  even  during  their  worst  sufferings  from  hunger,  they  had  wanted  to 
kill  and  eat,  well  knowing  that  the  Indians  were  more  afraid  of  horses,  and  that  one 
horse  gave  them  a  more  warlike  appearance,  than  the  fists  of  two  men  together.  But 
the  soldiers  did  not  look  for  maize;  they  asked  most  diligently  where  the  gold  could 
be  found  and  where  the  silver,  because  only  for  the  hopes  of  this  as  a  dessert  had  they 
endured  the  fasts  of  the  painful  journey.  Every  day  little  groups  of  them  went  search- 
ing through  the  country  and  they  found  it  all  deserted  and  without  news  of  gold. 
Prom  only  two  tribes  were  there  news  alx)ut  gold — one  was  the  Oliuahali  which  they 
had  just  left;  the  others  were  the  Napochiee,  who  lived  farther  on.  Those  were  enemies 
to  those  of  Coza,  and  they  had  very  stubborn  warfare  with  each  other,  the  Napochies 
avenging  some  offense  they  had  received  at  the  hands  of  the  people  of  Coza.  The  latter 
Indians  showed  themselves  such  good  friends  of  the  Spaniards  that  our  men  did  not 
know  what  recompense  to  give  them  nor  what  favor  to  do  them.  The  wish  to  favor 
those  who  humiliate  themselves  goes  hand  in  hand  with  ambition.  The  Spaniards 
have  the  fiame  of  not  being  very  humble  and  the  people  of  Coza  who  had  surrendered 
themselves  experienced  now  their  favors.  Not  only  were  they  careful  not  to  cause 
them  any  damage  or  injury,  but  gave  them  many  things  they  had  brought  along, 
outside  of  what  they  gave  in  the  regular  exchange  for  maize.  Their  gratitude  went  even 
so  bir  that  the  sergeant  major,  who  accompanied  the  expedition  as  captain  of  the  200 
men,  told  the  Indians  that  if  they  wanted  his  favor  and  the  strength  of  his  men  to 
make  war  on  their  enemies,  they  could  have  them  readily,  just  as  they  had  been  ready 

1  About  ihB  samt  number  of  English  bushels. 

232  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN"  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

to  receive  him  and  his  men  and  favor  them  with  food.  Those  of  Coza  thought  very 
highly  of  this  offer,  and  in  the  hope  of  its  fulfillment  kept  the  Spaniards  suc^h  a  long 
time  with  them,  giving  them  as  much  maize  each  day  as  was  possible,  the  land  being 
BO  poor  and  the  villages  few  and  small.  The  Spaniards  were  nearly  300  men  between 
small  and  big  [young  and  old]  ones,  masters  and  servants,  and  the  time  they  all  ate 
there  was  three  months,  the  Indians  making  great  efforts  to  sustain  such  a  heavy  ex- 
pense for  the  sake  of  their  companionship  as  well  as  for  the  favors  they  expected 
from  them  later.  All  the  deeds  in  this  life  are  done  for  some  interested  reason  and, 
just  as  the  Spaniards  showed  friendship  for  them  that  they  might  not  shorten  their 
provisions  and  perhaps  escape  to  the  forests,  so  the  Indians  showed  their  friendship, 
hoping  that  with  their  aid  they  could  take  full  vengeance  of  their  enemies.  And  the 
friars  were  watching,  hoping  that  a  greater  population  might  be  discovered  to  convert 
and  maintain  in  the  Christian  creed.  Those  small  hamlets  had  until  then  neither 
seen  friars  nor  did  they  have  any  commodities  to  allow  monks  to  live  and  preach 
among  them;  neither  could  they  embrace  and  maintain  the  Christian  faith  without 
their  assistance.  .  .  . 

Very  bitter  battles  did  the  Napochies  have  with  those  from  Coza,  but  justice  was 
greatly  at  variance  with  success.  Those  from  Coza  were  in  the  right,  but  the  Napochies 
were  victorious.  In  ancient  times  the  Napochies  were  tributaries  of  the  Coza  people^ 
because  this  place  (Coza)  was  always  recognized  as  head  of  the  kingdom  and  its  lord 
was  considered  to  stand  above  the  one  of  the  Napochies.  Then  the  people  from  Coza 
began  to  decrease  while  the  Napochies  were  increasing  until  they  refused  to  be  their 
vassals,  finding  themselves  strong  enough  to  maintain  their  liberty  which  they  abused. 
Then  those  of  Coza  took  to  arms  to  reduce  the  rebels  to  their  former  servitude,  but  the 
most  victories  were  on  the  side  of  the  Napochies.  Those  from  Coza  remained  greatly 
affronted  as  well  from  seeing  their  ancient  tribute  broken  off,  as  because  they  found 
themselves  without  strength  to  restore  it.  On  that  account  they  had  lately  stopped 
their  fights,  although  their  sentiments  remained  the  same  and  for  several  months  they 
had  not  gone  into  the  battlefield,  for  fear  lest  they  return  vanquished,  as  before.  When 
the  Spaniards,  grateful  for  good  treatment,  offered  their  assistance  against  their  enemies, 
they  accepted  immediately,  in  view  of  their  rabid  thirst  for  vengeance.  All  the  love 
they  showed  to  the  Spaniards  was  in  the  interest  that  they  should  not  forget  their 
promise.  Fifteen  days  had  passed,  when,  after  a  consultation  among  themselves, 
the  principal  men  went  before  the  captain  and  thus  spoke: 

"Sir,  we  are  ashamed  not  to  be  able  to  serve  you  better,  and  as  we  would  wish,  but 
this  is  only  because  we  are  afflicted  with  wars  and  trouble  with  some  Indians  who  are 
our  neighyx)r8  and  are  called  Napochies.  Those  have  always  been  our  tributaries 
acknowledging  the  nobility  of  our  superiors,  but  a  few  years  ago  they  rebelled  and 
stopped  their  tribute  and  they  killed  our  relatives  and  friends.  And  when  they  can 
not  insult  us  with  their  deeds,  they  do  so  with  words.  Now,  it  seems  only  reasonable, 
that  you,  who  have  so  much  knowledge,  should  favor  and  increase  ours.  Thou, 
Sefior,  hast  given  us  thy  word  when  thou  knowest  our  wish  to  help  us  if  we  should 
need  thy  assistance  against  our  enemies.  This  promise  we,  thy  servants,  beg  of  thee 
humbly  now  to  fulfill  and  we  promise  to  gather  the  greatest  army  of  our  men  [people], 
and  with  thy  good  order  and  efforts  helping  U8,  we  can  assure  our  victory.  And  when 
once  reinstated  in  our  former  rights,  we  can  serve  thee  ever  so  much  better." 

When  the  captain  had  listened  to  the  well  concerted  reasoning  of  those  of  Coza,  he 
replied  to  them  with  a  glad  countenance,  that,  aside  from  the  fact  that  it  had  always 
been  his  wish  to  help  and  assist  them,  it  was  a  common  cause  now,  and  he  considered 
it  convenient  or  even  necessary  to  communicate  with  all  the  men,  especially  with  the 
friars,  who  were  the  ministers  of  God,  and  the  spiritual  fathers  of  the  army;  that  he 
would  treat  the  matter  with  eagerness,  pn)curing  that  their  wishes  he  attended  to 
and  that  the  following  day  he  would  give  them  the  answer,  according  to  the  resolutions 
taken  in  the  matter. 

swahton)  early  history  OF  THE  CREEK  INDIANS  233 

He  [the  captain]  called  to  council  the  friars,  the  captains,  and  all  the  others,  who, 
according  to  custom  had  a  right  to  be  there,  and ,  the  case  being  proposed  and  explained , 
it  was  agreed  that  only  two  captains  with  their  men  should  go,  one  of  cavalry,  the  other 
of  infantry,  and  the  other  four  bodies  of  their  little  army  remain  in  camp  with  the 
rest  of  the  people.  Then  they  likewise  divided  the  monks.  Fray  Domingo  de  la 
Antmdadon  going  with  the  new  army  and  Fray  Domingo  de  Salazar  remaining  with 
the  others  in  Coza.  The  next  day,  those  who  wished  so  very  dearly  that  it  be  in  their 
favor,  came  for  the  anBwer.  The  captain  gave  them  an  account  of  what  had  been 
decided,  ordeltng  them  to  get  ready,  because  he  in  person  desired  to  accompany  them 
with  the  two  Spanish  regiments  and  would  take  along,  if  necessary,  the  rest  of  the 
Spanish  anny,  which  would  readily  come  to  their  assistance.  The  people  from  Coza 
were  very  glad  and  thanked  the  captain  very  much,  offering  to  dispose  everything 
quickly  for  the  expedition.  Within  six  days  they  were  all  ready.  The  Spaniards  did 
not  want  to  take  more  than  fifty  men,  twenty-five  horsemen  and  twenty-five  on  foot. 
The  Indians  got  together  almost  three  hundred  archers,  very  slqllful  and  certain  in 
the  use  of  that  arm,  in  which,  the  fact  that  it  is  the  only  one  they  have  has  afforded 
them  remarkable  training.  Every  Indian  uses  a  bow  as  tall  as  his  body;  the  string  is 
not  made  of  hemp  but  of  animal  nerve  sinew  well  twisted  and  tanned.  They  all  use  a 
quiver  fuU  of  arrows  made  of  long,  thin,  and  very  straight  rods,  the  points  of  which  are 
of  flint,  curioujsly  cut  in  triangular  form,  the  wings  very  sharp  and  mostly  dipped  in 
B(»ne  very  poisonous  and  deadly  substance.'  They  also  use  three  or  four  feathers  tied 
on  their  arrows  to  insure  straight  flying,  and  they  are  so  skilled  in  shooting  them 
that  they  can  hit  a  flying  bird.  The  force  of  the  flint  arrowheads  is  such  that  at  a 
moderate  distance  they  can  pierce  a  coat  of  mail. 

The  Indians  set  forward,  and  it  was  beautiful  to  see  them  divided  up  in  eight  differ- 
ent groups,  two  of  which  marched  together  in  the  four  directions  of  the  earth  (north^ 
south,  east,  and  west),  which  is  the  style  in  which  the  children  of  Israel  used  to  march, 
three  tribes  together  in  the  four  directions  of  the  world  to  signify  that  they  would 
occupy  it  all.  They  were  well  disposed,  and  in  order  to  fight  their  enemies,  the 
Napochies,  better,  tiiey  lifted  their  bows,  arranged  the  arrows  gracefully  and  shifted 
the  band  of  the  quiver  as  if  they  wanted  to  beseech  it  to  give  up  new  shafts  quickly; 
others  examined  the  necklace  [collar]  to  which  the  arrow  points  were  fastened  and 
which  hung  down  upon  their  shoulders,  and  they  all  brandished  their  arms  and 
stamped  with  their  feet  on  the  ground,  all  showing  how  great  was  their  wish  to  fight 
and  how  badly  they  felt  about  the  delay.  Each  group  had  its  captain,  whose  emblem 
was  a  long  stave  of  two  brazas '  in  height  and  which  the  Indians  call  Otatl  ^  and  which 
has  at  its  upper  end  several  white  feathers.  These  were  used  like  banners,  which 
everyone  had  to  respect  and  obey.  This  was  also  the  custom  among  the  heathens 
who  affixed  on  such  a  stave  the  head  of  some  wild  animal  they  had  killed  on  a  hunt, 
or  the  one  of  some  prominent  enemy  whom  they  had  killed  in  battle.  To  carry  the 
white  feathen  was  a  mystery,  for  they  insisted  that  they  did  not  wish  war  with  the 
Napochies,  but  to  reduce  them  to  the  former  condition  of  tributaries  to  them,  the 
Coza  people,  and  pay  all  since  the  time  they  had  refused  obedience.  In  order  to  give 
the  Indian  army  more  power  and  importance  the  captain  had  ordered  a  horse  to  be 
fixed  with  all  its  trappings  for  the  lord  or  cacique  of  the  Indians,  and  as  the  poor 
Indian  had  never  seen  much  less  used  one,  he  ordered  a  negro  to  guide  the  animal. 
The  Indians  in  those  parts  had  seen  horses  very  rarely,  or  only  at  a  great  dif^tance  and 
to  their  sorrow,  nor  were  there  any  in  New  Spain  before  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards. 
The  casque  went  or  rather  rode  in  the  rear  guard,  not  less  flattered  by  the  obsequious- 
ness of  the  captain  than  afraid  of  his  riding  feat.  Our  Spaniards  also  left  Coza,  always 

1  This  ststemtnt  is  probably  erroneoas ,  as  the  use        *  One  braza  is  6  feet. 
of  poisoned  arrows  amoog  oar  soathera  Indians  is        *  Or  oUUlif  a  Nahuatl  word. 
d«Uod  by  all  other  wrttMB. 

234  BUREAU  OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  f  bull.  73 

beiiij;  careful  to  put  up  their  teiit^  or  IcKlgiug?  apart  from  the  ludiaius  «>  that  the  latter 
could  not  commit  any  trea<'hery  if  they  po  intended.  One  day,  after  they  had  all  left 
(  oza  at  a  distance  of  About  eight  leagues,  eight  Indians,  who  appeared  to  be  chiefs, 
entered  the  camp  of  the  Spaniards,  running  and  without  uttering  a  word;  they  also 
passed  the  Indian  camp  and,  arriving  at  the  rearguard  where  their  cacique  was,  took 
him  down  from  his  horse,  and  the  one  who  seemed  to  be  the  highest  in  rank  among  the 
eight,  put  him  on  his  shoulders,  and  the  others  caught  him,  both  by  his  feet  and  arms, 
and  they  ran  with  great  impetuosity  back  the  same  way  they  had  come.  These  runners 
emitted  very  loud  bowlings,  continuing  them  as  long  as  their  breath  lasted,  and  when 
their  wind  gave  out  they  barked  like  big  dogs  until  they  had  recovered  it  in  order  to 
continue  the  howls  and  prolonged  shouts.  The  Spaniards,  though  tired  from  the  sun 
and  hungr>%  observing  the  ceremonious  superstitions  of  the  Indians,  upon  seeing  and 
hearing  the  mad  music  with  which  they  honored  their  lord,  could  not  contain  their 
laughter  in  spite  of  their  sufferings.  The  Indians  continued  their  run  to  a  distance 
of  about  half  a  league  from  where  the  camp  was,  until  they  arrived  on  a  little  plain  near 
the  road  which  had  been  carefully  swept  and  cleaned  for  the  purpose.  There  had  been 
constructed  in  the  center  of  that  plain  a  shed  or  theatre  nine  cubits  in  height  with  a 
few  rough  steps  to  mount.  Upon  arriving  near  the  theatre  the  Indians  first  carried  their 
lord  around  the  plain  once  on  their  shoulders,  then  they  lowered  him  at  the  foot  of  the 
steps,  which  he  mounted  alone.  He  remained  standing  while  all  the  Indians  were 
seated  on  the  plain,  waiting  to  see  what  their  master  would  do.  The  Spaniards  were 
on  their  guard  about  these  wonderful  and  quite  new  ceremonies  and  desirous  to  know 
their  mysteries  and  understand  their  object  and  meaning.  The  cagique  began  to 
promenade  with  great  majesty  on  the  theatre,  looking  with  severity  over  the  world. 
Then  they  gave  him  a  most  beautiful  fly  flap  which  they  had  ready,  made  of  showy 
birds'  plumes  of  great  value.  As  soon  as  he  held  it  in  hi<«  hand  he  pointed  it  towards 
the  land  of  the  Napochies  in  the  same  fashion  as  would  the  astrologer  the  alidade 
[cross-staff],  or  the  pilot  the  sextant  in  order  to  take  the  altitude  at  sea.  After  having 
done  this  three  or  four  times  they  gave  him  some  little  seeds  like  fern  seeds,  and  he 
put  them  into  hb^  mouth  and  began  to  grind  and  pulverize  them  with  his  teeth  and 
molars,  pointing  again  three  or  four  times  towards  the  land  of  the  Napochies  as  he  had 
done  before.  When  the  seeds  were  all  ground  he  b^;an  to  throw  them  from  his  mouth 
around  the  plain  in  very  small  pieces.  Then  he  turned  towards  his  captains  with  a 
glad  countenance  and  he  said  to  them:  "Console  yourselves,  my  friends;  our  journey 
will  have  a  prosperous  outcome;  our  enemies  will  be  conquered  and  their  strength 
broken,  like  those  seeds  which  I  ground  between  my  teeth."  After  pronouncing 
these  few  words,  he  descended  from  the  scaffold  and  mounted  his  horse,  continuing 
his  way,  as  he  had  done  hitherto.  The  Spaniards  were  discussing  what  they  had  seen, 
and  laughing  about  this  grotesque  ceremony,  but  the  blessed  father,  Pray  Domingo 
de  la  Anunciacion,  mourned  over  it,  for  it  seemed  sacrilege  to  him  and  a  pact  with 
the  demon,  those  ceremonials  which  those  poor  people  used  in  their  blind  idolatry. 
They  all  arrived,  already  late,  at  the  banks  of  a  river,  and  they  decided  to  rest  there 
in  order  to  enjoy  the  coolness  of  the  water  to  relieve  the  heat  of  the  earth.  When  the 
Spaniards  wanted  to  prepare  something  to  eat  they  did  not  find  an>^hing.  There  had 
been  a  mistake,  greatly  to  the  detriment  of  all.  The  Indians  had  understood  that  the 
Spaniards  carried  food  for  being  so  much  more  dainty  and  delicate  people,  and  the 
Spaniards  thought  the  Indians  had  provided  it,  since  they  (the  Spaniards)  had  gone 
along  for  their  benefit.  Both  were  U)  blame,  and  they  all  suffered  the  penalty.  They 
remained  without  eating  a  mouthful  that  night  and  until  the  following  one,  putting 
down  that  privation  more  on  the  IL'^t  of  those  of  the  past.  They  put  up  the  two  camps 
at  a  stone's  throw,  being  thus  always  on  guard  by  this  divi.'^ion,  for,  although  the 
Indians  were  at  present  very  much  their  friends,  they  are  people  who  make  the  laws 
of  friendship  doubtful  and  they  had  once  been  greatly  offended  with  the  Spaniards, 
and  were  now  their  reconciled  friends. 


With  more  precaution  than  satiety  the  Spaniards  proc\ired  repose  that  night, 
when,  at  the  tenth  hour,  our  camp  being  at  rest,  a  great  noise  was  heard  from  that  * 
of  the  Indians,  with  much  singing,  and  dances  after  their  fashion,  in  the  luxury  of 
big  fires  which  they  had  started  in  abundance,  there  being  much  firewood  in  that 
place.  Our  men  were  on  their  guard  until  briefly  told  by  the  interpreter,  whom 
they  had  taken  along,  that  there  was  no  occasion  for  fear  on  the  part  of  the  Spaniards, 
but  a  feasting  and  occasion  of  rejoicing  on  that  of  the  Indians.  They  felt  more 
assured  yet  when  they  saw  that  the  Indians  did  not  move  from  their  place  and 
they  now  watched  most  attentively  to  enjoy  their  ceremonials  as  they  had  done  in 
the  past,  asking  the  interpreter  what  they  were  saying  to  one  another.  After  they 
had  sung  and  danced  for  a  long  while  the  cacique  seated  himself  on  an  elevated 
place,  the  six  captains  drawing  near  him,  and  he  b^an  to  speak  to  them  admonishing 
the  whole  army  to  be  brave,  restore  the  glory  of  their  ancestors,  and  avenge  the 
injuries  they  had  received.  "Not  one  of  you,'*  he  said,  "can  help  considering  as 
particularly  his  this  enterprise,  besides  being  that  of  all  in  common.  Remember 
your  relatives  and  you  will  see  that  not  one  among  you  has  been  exempt  from 
mourning  those  who  have  been  killed  at  the  hands  of  the  Napochies.  Renew  the 
dominion  of  your  ancestors  and  detest  the  audacity  of  the  tributaries  who  have  tried 
to  violate  it.  If  we  came  alone,  we  might  be  obliged  to  see  the  loss  of  life,  but  not 
of  our  honor;  how  much  more  now,  that  we  have  in  our  company  the  brave  and 
vigorous  Spaniards,  sons  of  the  sun  and  relatives  of  the  gods.'*  The  captains  had 
been  listening  very  attentively  and  humbly  to  the  reasoning  of  their  lord,  and  as  he 
finished  they  approached  him  one  by  one  in  order,  repeating  to  him  in  more  or  fewer 
words  this  sentence:  "  Sefior,  the  more  than  sufficient  reason  for  what  thou  hast  told 
us  is  known  to  us  all;  many  are  the  damages  the  Napochies  have  done  us,  who 
besides  having  denied  us  the  obedience  they  have  inherited  from  their  ancestors, 
have  shed  the  blood  of  those  of  our  kin  and  country.  For  many  a  day  have  we  wished 
for  this  occasion  to  show  our  courage  and  sen^e  thee,  especially  now,  that  thy  great 
pnidence  has  won  us  the  favor  and  endeavor  of  the  brave  Spaniards.  I  swear  to 
thee,  Sefior,  before  our  gods,  to  serve  thee  with  all  my  men  in  this  battle  and  not 
turn  our  backs  on  these  enemies  the  Napochies,  until  we  have  taken  revenge.'* 
These  words  the  captain  accompanied  by  threats  and  warlike  gestures,  desirous 
(and  as  if  calling  for  the  occasion)  to  show  by  actions  the  truth  of  his  words.  All 
this  was  repeated  by  the  second  captain  and  the  others  in  their  order,  and  this  homage 
finished,  they  retired  for  the  rest  of  the  night.  The  Spaniards  were  greatly  siur- 
prised  to  find  such  obeisance  used  to  their  princes  by  people  of  such  retired  regions, 
usages  which  the  Romans  and  other  republics  of  considerable  civilization  practiced 
before'they  entered  a  war.  Besides  the  oath  the  Romans  made  every  first  of  January 
before  their  Emperor,  the  soldiers  made  another  one  to  the  captain  under  whose 
orders  they  served,  promising  never  to  desert  his  banner,  nor  evade  the  meeting  of 
the  enemy,  but  to  injure  him  in  every  way.  Many  such  examples  are  repeated  since  the 
time  of  Herodianus,  Cornelius  Tacitus,  and  Suetonius  Tranquilus,  with  a  partial lar 
reminiscence  in  the  life  of  Galba.  And  it  is  well  worth  consideration  that  the  power 
of  natiu^  should  have  created  a  similarity  in  the  ceremonials  among  Indians  and 
Romans  in  cases  of  war  where  good  reasoning  rules  so  that  nil  be  under  the  orders  of 
the  superiors  and  personal  grievances  be  set  aside  for  the  common  welfare.  This 
oath  the  captains  swore  on  the  hands  of  their  lord  on  that  night  because  they  expected 
to  see  their  enemies  on  the  following  day  very  near  by,  or  even  be  with  them,  and 
the  same  oath  remained  to  be  made  by  the  soldiers  to  their  captains.  At  daybreak 
hunger  made  them  rise  early,  hoping  to  reach  the  first  village  of  the  Napochies  in 
order  to  get  something  to  eat,  for  they  needed  it  very  much.  They  traveled  all  that 
day,  mftlHwg  their  night's  rest  near  a  big  river  which  was  at  a  distance  of  two  leagues 
from  the  finrt  village  of  the  enemy.  There  it  seemed  most  convenient  for  the  army 
to  rest,  in  order  to  fall  upon  the  \dllage  by  surprise  in  the  dead  of  night  and  kill  them 


all,  this  being  the  intention  of  those  from  Coza.  In  order  to  attain  better  their 
intentions,  they  begged  of  the  captain  not  to  have  the  trumpet  sounded  that  evening, 
which  was  the  signal  to  all  for  prayer,  greeting  the  queen  of  the  Angels  with  the  Ave 
Maria,  which  is  the  custom  in  all  Christendom  at  nightfall.  **The  Napochiee''  said 
the  people  of  Coza,  *'are  ensnarers  and  always  have  their  spies  around  those  fields, 
and  upon  hearing  the  trumpet  they  would  retire  into  the  woods  and  we  would  remain 
without  the  victory  we  desire;  and  therefore  the  trumpet  should  not  be  sounded." 
Thus  the  signal  remained  unsounded  for  that  one  night,  but  the  blessed  father  Fray 
Dcuningo  de  la  Anunciacion,  with  his  pious  devotion,  went  around  to  all  the  sol- 
diers telling  them  to  say  the  Ave  Maria,  and  he  who  was  bugler  of  the  evangile  now 
had  become  bugler  of  war  in  the  service  of  the  Holy  Virgin  Mary.  That  night  those 
of  Coza  sent  their  spies  into  the  village  of  the  Napochies  to  see  what  they  were  doing 
and  if  they  were  careless  on  account  of  their  ignorance  of  the  coming  of  the  enemy; 
or,  if  kncwing  it,  they  were  on  the  warpath.  At  midnight  the  spies  came  back, 
well  content,  for  they  had  noticed  great  silence  and  lack  of  watchfulness  in  that 
village,  where,  not  only  was  there  no  sound  of  arms,  but  even  the  ordinary  noises 
of  inhabited  places  were  not  heard.  "They  all  sleep,''  they  said,  ''and  are  entirely 
ignorant  of  oiu:  coming,  and  as  a  testimonial  that  we  have  made  our  investigation  of 
the  enemies'  village  carefully  and  faithfully,  we  bring  these  ears  of  green  com,  these 
beans,  and  calabashes,  taken  from  the  gardens  which  the  Napochies  have  near  their 
own  houses."  With  those  news  the  Coza  people  recovered  new  life  and  animation, 
and  on  that  night  all  the  soldiers  made  their  oath  to  their  captains,  just  as  the  cap- 
tains had  done  on  the  previous  one  to  their  cacique.  And  our  Spaniards  enjoyed 
those  ceremonies  at  closer  quarters,  since  they  had  seen  from  the  first  ceremony 
that  this  was  really  war  against  Indians  which  was  intended,  and  not  craft  against 
themselves.  The  Indians  were  now  very  ferocious,  with  a  great  desire  to  come  in 
contact  with  their  enemies.  .  .  . 

All  of  the  Napochies  had  left  their  town,  because  without  it  being  clear  who 
had  given  them  warning,  they  had  received  it,  and  the  silence  the  spies  had  noticed 
in  the  village  was  not  due  to  their  carelessness  but  to  their  absence.  The  people  of 
Coza  went  marching  towards  the  village  of  the  Napochies  in  good  order,  spreading 
over  the  country  in  small  companies,  each  keeping  to  one  road,  thus  covering  all 
the  exits  from  the  village  in  order  to  kill  all  of  their  enemies,  for  they  thought  they 
were  quiet  and  unprepared  in  their  houses.  When  they  entered  the  village  they 
were  astonished  at  the  too  great  quiet  and,  finding  the  houses  abandoned,  they  saw 
upon  entering  that  their  enemies  had  left  them  in  a  hurry,  for  they  left  even  their 
food  and  in  several  houses  they  found  it  cooking  on  the  fire,  where  now  those  poor 
men  found  it  ready  to  season.  They  found  in  that  village,  which  was  quite  complete, 
a  quantity  of  maize,  beans,  and  many  pots  filled  with  bear  fat,  bears  abounding  in 
that  country  and  their  fat  being  greatly  prized.  The  highest  priced  riches  which 
they  could  carry  off  as  spoils  were  skins  of  deer  and  bear,  which  those  Indians  tanned 
in  a  diligent  manner  \ery  nicely  and  with  which  they  covered  themselves  or  which 
they  used  as  beds.  The  people  of  C'Oza  were  desirous  of  finding  some  Indians  on 
whom  to  demonstrate  the  fury  of  their  wrath  and  vengeance  and  they  went  looking 
for  them  very  diligently,  but  soon  they  saw  what  increased  their  wrath.  In  a  scjuare 
situated  in  the  center  of  the  village  they  found  a  pole  of  about  three  estados  in  height' 
which  served  as  gallows  or  pillory  where  they  atlronted  or  insulted  their  enemies 
and  also  criminals.  As  in  the  past  wars  had  been  in  favour  of  the  Napochies,  that 
pole  was  full  of  scalps  of  people  from  Coza.  It  was  an  Indian  custom  that  the  scalp 
of  the  fallen  enemy  was  taken  and  hung  on  that  pole.  The  dead  had  been  numerous 
and  the  pole  was  quite  peopled  with  scalps.  It  was  a  very  great  soirow  for  the  Coza 
people  to  see  that  testimonial  of  their  ignominy  which  at  once  recalloil  the  memory 

>  Three  times  the  height  of  a  man. 


of  past  injuries.  They  all  raised  their  voices  in  a  furious  wail,  bemoaning  the  deaths 
of  their  relatives  and  friends.  They  shed  many  tears  as  well  for  the  loss  of  theii 
dead  as  for  the  affront  to  the  living.  Moved  to  compassion,  the  Spaniards  tried  to 
console  them,  but  for  a  very  long  time  the  demonstrations  of  mourning  did  not  give 
them  a  chance  for  a  single  word,  nor  could  they  do  more  than  go  around  the  square 
with  extraordinary  signs  of  compassion  or  sorrow  for  their  friends  or  of  wrath  against 
their  enemies  Then  they  [the  Indians]  got  hold  of  one  of  the  hatchets  which  the 
Spaniards  had  brought  with  them,  and  they  cut  down  the  dried  out  tree  close  to 
the  ground,  taking  the  scalps  to  bury  them  with  the  superstitious  practices  of  their 
kind.  With  all  this  they  became  so  furious  and  filled  with  vengeance,  that 
everyone  of  them  wished  to  have  many  hands  and  to  be  able  to  lay  them  all  on  the 
Napochies.  They  went  from  house  to  house  looking  for  someone  like  enfuriated 
lions  and  they  found  only  a  poor  strange  Indian  [from  another  tribe]  who  was  ill 
and  very  innocent  of  those  things,  but  as  blind  vengeance  does  not  stop  to  consider, 
they  tortured  the  poor  Indian  till  they  left  him  dying.  Before  he  expired  though, 
the  good  father  Fray  Domingo  reached  his  side  and  told  him,  through  the  interpreter 
he  had  brought  along,  that  if  he  wished  to  enjoy  the  eternal  blessings  of  heaven,  he 
should  receive  the  blessed  water  of  baptism  and  theieby  become  a  Christian.  He 
furthei  gave  him  a  few  reasonings,  the  shortest  possible  as  the  occasion  demanded, 
but  the  unfortunate  Indian,  with  inherent  idolatry  and  suffering  from  his  fresh  wounds, 
did  not  pay  any  attention  to  such  good  council,  but  delivered  his  soul  to  the  demon 
as  his  ancestors  before  him  had  done.  This  greatly  pained  the  blessed  Father  Do- 
mingo, because,  as  his  greatest  aim  was  to  save  souls,  their  loss  was  his  greatest  sorrow. 

When  the  vindictive  fury  of  the  Coza  people  could  not  find  any  hostile  Napochies 
on  whom  to  vent  itself,  they  wanted  to  bum  the  whole  village  and  they  started  to 
do  so.  This  cruelty  caused  much  grief  to  the  merciful  Fray  Domingo  de  la  Anun- 
ciacion,  and  upon  his  plea  the  captain  told  the  people  of  Coza  to  put  out  the  fires, 
and  the  same  friar,  through  his  interpreter,  condemned  their  action,  telling  them  that 
it  was  cowardice  to  take  vengeance  in  the  absence  of  the  enemies  whose  flight,  if 
it  meant  avowal  of  their  deficiency,  was  so  much  more  glory  for  the  victors.  All 
the  courage  which  the  Athenians  and  the  Lacedemonians  showed  in  their  wars  was 
nullified  by  the  cruelty  which  they  showed  the  vanquished.  *'How  can  we  know," 
said  the  good  father  to  the  Spaniards,  "whether  the  Indians  of  this  village  are  not 
perhaps  hidden  in  these  forests,  awaiting  us  in  some  narrow  pass  to  strike  us  all  down 
with  their  arrows?  Don't  allow,  brethren,  this  cruel  destruction  by  fire,  so  that  God 
may  not  permit  your  own  deaths  at  the  hands  of  the  inhabitants  of  this  place  [these 
houses]."  The  captain  urged  the  cacique  to  have  the  fire  stopped;  and  as  he  was 
tardy  in  ordering  it,  the  captain  told  him  in  the  name  of  Fray  Domingo,  that  if  the 
\illage  was  really  to  be  burnt  down,  the  Spaniards  would  all  return  because 
they  considered  this  war  of  the  fire  as  waged  directly  against  them  by  burning  down 
the  houses,  where  was  the  food  which  they  all  needed  so  greatly  at  all  times.  Fol- 
lowing this  menace,  the  cacique  ordered  the  Indians  to  put  out  the  fire  which  had 
already  made  great  headway  and  to  subdue  which  recjuired  the  efforts  of  the  whole 
army.  When  the  Indians  were  all  (quieted,  the  caci([ue  took  possession  of  the  village 
in  company  with  his  principal  men  and  with  much  singing  and  dancing,  accompanied 
by  the  music  of  badly  tuned  flutes,  they  celebrated  their  victories. 

The  abundance  of  maize  in  that  village  was  greater  than  had  been  supposed  and 
the  cacique  ordered  much  of  it  to  be  taken  to  Coza  '  so  that  the  Spaniards  who  had 
remained  there  should  not  lack  food.  His  main  intention  was  to  reac*h  or  find  the 
enemy,  leaving  enough  people  in  that  village  [of  the  Napochies]  to  prove  his  possession 
and  a  garrison  of  Spanish  soldiers,  which  the  (^ptaiu  asked  for  greater  security.  He 
then  left  to  pursue  the  fugitives.    They  left  in  great  confusion,  because  they  did  not 

1  Aooca  In  tlM  origiiiAl  MS. 

238  BUREAU   OF  AMERICAN  ETHNOLOGY  [bull.  73 

know  where  to  find  a  trace  of  the  flight  which  a  whole  village  had  taken  and  although 
'the  people  of  (^za  endeavored  diligently  to  find  out  whether  they  had  hidden  in 
the  forests,  they  could  not  obtain  any  news  more  certain  than  their  own  conjectures. 
**It  can  not  be  otherwise,"  they  said,  ^' than  that  the  enemy,  knowing  that  we  were 
coming  with  the  Spaniards  became  suspicious  of  the  security  of  their  forests  and 
went  to  hide  on  the  great  water."  When  the  Spaniards  heard  the  name  of  great  water, 
they  thought  it  might  be  the  sea,  but  it  was  only  a  great  river,  which  we  call  the 
River  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  the  source  of  which  is  in  some  big  forests  of  the  country 
called  La  Florida.  It  is  very  deep  and  of  the  width  of  two  harquebuse-shots.  In  a 
certain  place  which  the  Indians  knew,  it  became  very  wide,  losing  its  depth,  so  that 
it  could  be  forded  and  it  is  there  where  the  Napochies  of  the  first  village  had  passed, 
and  also  those  who  lived  on  the  bank  of  that  river,  who,  upon  hearing  the  news,  also 
abandoned  their  village,  passing  the  waters  of  the  Oquechiton,  which  is  the  name 
the  Indians  give  that  river  and  which  means  in  our  language  the  great  water  (la  grande 
agua).^  Before  the  Spaniards  arrived  at  this  little  hamlet  however,  they  saw  on  the 
flat  roof  (azotea)  of  an  Indian  house,  two  Indians  who  were  on  the  lookout  to  see 
whether  the  Spaniards  were  pursuing  the  people  of  the  two  villages  who  had  fled 
across  the  river.  The  horsemen  spurred  their  horses  and,  when  the  Indians  on  guard 
saw  them,  they  were  so  surprised  by  their  monstrosity  [on  horseback]  that  they 
threw  themselves  down  the  embankment  towards  the  river,  without  the  Spaniards 
being  able  to  reach  them,  because  the  bank  was  very  steep  and  the  Indians  very 
swift.  One  of  them  was  in  such  a  great  hurry  that  he  left  a  great  number  of  anows 
behind  which  he  had  tied  up  in  a  skin,  in  the  fashion  of  a  quiver. 

All  the  Spaniards  arrived  at  the  village  but  found  it  deserted,  containing  a  great 
amount  of  food,  such  as  maize  and  beans.  The  inhabitants  of  both  villages  were  on 
the  riverbank  on  the  other  side,  quite  confident  that  the  Spaniards  would  not  be  able 
to  lord  it.  They  ridiculed  and  made  angry  vociferations  against  the  people  from  Coza. 
Their  mirth  was  short  lived,  however,  for,  as  the  Coza  people  knew  that  country,  they 
found  the  ford  in  the  river  and  they  started  crossing  it,  the  water  reaching  the  chests 
of  those  on  foot  and  the  saddles  of  the  riders.  Fray  Domingo  de  la  Anunciacion 
remained  on  this  side  of  the  water  with  the  cacique,  because  as  he  was  not  of  the  war 
party  it  did  not  seem  well  that  he  should  get  wet.  When  our  soldiers  had  reached 
about  the  middle  of  the  river,  one  of  them  fired  his  flint  lock  which  he  had  charged 
with  two  balls,  and  he  felled  one  of  the  Napochies  who  was  on  the  other  side.  When 
the  others  saw  him  on  the  ground  dead,  they  were  greatly  astonished  at  the  kind  of 
Spanish  weapon,  which  at  such  a  distance  could  at  one  shot  kill  men.  They  put  him 
on  their  shoulders  and  hurriedly  carried  him  ofT,  afraid  that  other  shots  might  follow 
against  their  own  persons.  All  the  Napochies  fled,  and  the  people  of  Coza  upon 
passing  the  river  pursued  them  until  the  fugitives  gathered  on  the  other  side  of  an  arm 
of  the  same  stream,  and  when  those  from  Coza  were  about  to  pass  that  the  Napochies 
called  out  to  them  and  said  that  they  would  fight  no  longer,  but  that  they  would  be 
friends,  because  they  [the  Coza  people]  brought  with  them  the  power  of  the  Spaniards; 
that  they  were  ready  to  return  to  their  former  tributes  and  acknowledgment  of  what 
they  owed  them  [the  Coza  people].  Those  from  Coza  were  glad  and  they  called  to 
them  that  they  should  come  in  peace  and  present  themselves  to  their  cacique .  They  all 
came  to  present  their  obedience,  the  captain  of  the  Spaniards  requesting  that  the  van- 
quished be  treated  benignly.  The  cacique  received  them  with  severity,  reproach- 
ing them  harshly  for  their  past  rebellion  and  justifying  any  death  he  might  choose  to 
give  them,  as  well  for  their  refusal  to  pay  their  tributes  as  for  the  lives  of  so  many  Coza 
people  which  they  liad  taken,  but  that  the  intervention  of  the  Simniards  was  so  highly 
appreciated  that  he  admitted  them  into  his  reconciliation  and  grace,  restoring  former 

I  This  is  pure  Choctiw,  from  oka,  water,  and  the  objective  form  of  chito,  big.    This  river  was  not  the 
Mississippi,  as  Padilla  supposes,  but  probably  the  Blaclc  Warrior. 


conditions.  The  vanquished  were  very  grateful,  throwing  the  blame  on  bad  roun- 
seloFB,  as  if  it  were  not  just  as  bad  to  listen  to  the  bad  which  is  advised  as  to  advise  it. 
They  capitulated  and  peace  was  made. 

The  Napochies  pledged  themselves  to  pay  as  tributes,  thrice  a  year,  game,  or  fruits, 
chestnuts,  and  nuts,  in  confirmation  of  their  [the  Coza  people's]  superiority,  which 
had  been  recognized  by  their  forefathers.  This  done,  the  whole  army  returned  to 
the  first  village  of  the  Napochies,  where  they  had  left  in  garrison  Spanish  soldiers  and 
Coza  people.  As  this  village  was  convenient  they  rested  there  three  days,  imtil  it 
seemed  time  to  return  to  Coza  where  the  150  Spanish  soldiers  were  waiting  for  them. 
The  journey  was  short  and  they  arrived  soon,  and  although  they  found  them  all  in 
good  health,  including  Father  Fray  Domingo  de  Salazarwho  had  remained  with  them, 
all  had  suffered  great  hunger  and  want,  because  there  were  many  people  and  they 
had  been  there  a  long  time.  They  began  to  talk  of  returning  to  Nanipacna,  where  they 
had  left  their  general,  not  having  found  in  this  land  what  had  been  claimed  and  hoped 
for.  As  it  means  valor  in  war  sometimes  to  flee  and  temerity  to  attack,  thus  is  it  pru- 
dence on  some  occasions  to  retrace  one's  steps,  when  the  going  ahead  does  not  bring 
any  benefit.' 

Barcia's  account  of  this  expedition  is  much  shorter  and  contains 
little  not  given  in  the  narrative  of  Padilla.  He  says  that  Father 
Domingo  de  la  Anunciacion  ' '  asked  the  Indians  about  a  man  called 
Falco  Herrado,'  a  soldier  of  low  rank,  who  remained  voluntarily  at 
Coza  when  Hernando  de  Soto  passed  through  there ;  and  he  also  asked 
about  a  negro,  by  the  name  of  Robles,  whom  De  Soto  left  behind  sick,' 
and  he  was  informed  that  they  had  lived  for  11  or  12  years  among 
those  Indians,  who  treated  them  very  well,  and  that  8  or  9  years  before 
they  died  from  sickness."  * 

After  consultation  the  Spaniards  determined  to  send  messengers 
back  to  De  Luna,  the  bulk  of  the  force  remaining  where  it  was  until 
they  learned  whether  he  would  join  them.  They  foimd  that  the 
Spanish  settlers  had  withdrawn  to  the  port  where  they  had  originally 
landed,  and,  arrived  there,  they  received  orders  to  return  to  the  Span- 
iards in  Coza  and  direct  them  to  abandon  the  country  and  unite  with 
the  rest  of  the  colony.  As  soon  as  the  messengers  reached  them  they 
set  out  **to  the  great  grief  of  the  Indians  who  accompanied  them  two 
or  three  days'  journey  weeping,  with  great  demonstrations  of  love, 
but  not  for  their  religion,  since  only  one  dying  Indian  asked  for 
baptism,  which  Father  Salazar  administered  to  him.  In  the  begin- 
ning of  November  they  reached  the  port  after  having  been  seven 
months  on  this  exploration. "  * 

We  leam  from  this  narrative  that  the  nucleus  of  the  Coosa  River 
Creeks  and  the  Tallapoosa  River  Creeks  was  already  in  existence,  and 
that  the  Coosa  and  Hotiwahali  tribes  were  then  most  prominent 

1  Davfla  PBdillB,  Historia,  pp.  205-217.    Translation  by  Mrs.  F.  Randdfcr. 

*  Ranjel  in  Botune,  Narr.  of  De  Soto,  D,  p.  113;  he  gives  this  man's  name  as  Feryada,  and  calls  him  a 

•  Ibid.,  p.  114. 

«  Barcia,  La  Florida,  p.  3S. 
»  n>id.,  pp.  37-aO. 


in  the  respective  groups.  It  is  probable  that  most  of  the  other  tribes 
afterwards  found  upon  Tallapoosa  River  were  at  this  time  in  Georgia, 
and  it  is  likely  that  the  Abihka  had  not  yet  come  to  settle  beside  the 
Coosa.  In  spite  of  an  evident  confusion  in  the  minds  of  the 
Spaniards  of  Indian  and  feudal  institutions  there  must  have  been 
some  basis  for  the  overlordship  said  to  have  been  enjoyed  by  the 
Indians  of  Coosa.  The  Napochies  seem  to  have  been  a  Choctaw- 
speaking  people  on  the  Black  Warrior  and  Tombigbee  Rivers.  Mr. 
Grayson  informs  me  that  the  name  was  preserved  until  recent  years 
as  a  war  title  among  the  Creeks.  They  were  probably  identical  with 
the  Napissa,  whom  Iberville  notes  as  having  already  in  his  time 
(1699)  imited  with  the  Chickasaw.* 

In  1567  Juan  Pardo  came  toward  this  country,  advancing  beyond 
Chiaha  on  the  Tennessee  to  a  place  called  Satapo,  from  which  some 
Indians  and  a  soldier  proceeded  to  Coosa.  On  the  authority  of  the 
soldier,  Vandera  gives  the  following  description  of  Coosa  town: 

Cooea  is  a  large  village,  the  largest  to  be  met  after  leaving  Santa  Elena  on  the  road 
we  took  from  there.  It  may  contain  about  150  people — that  is,  judging  by  the  size  of 
the  village.  It  seems  to  be  a  wealthier  place  than  all  the  others;  there  are  generally 
a  great  many  Indians  in  it.  It  is  situated  in  a  valley  at  the  foot  of  a  mountain.  All 
around  it  at  one-quarter,  one-half,  and  one  league  there  are  very  many  big  places.  It 
is  a  very  fertile  country;  its  situation  is  at  midday's  sun  or  perhaps  a  little  leas  than 

Fear  of  this  tribe,  allied  with  the  ^'Chisca,  Carrosa,  and  Costehe," 
was  what  decided  Pardo  to  turn  back  to  Santa  Elena.'  While  Van- 
dera seems  to  say  that  Coosa  had  150  inhabitants,  he  must  mean 
neighborhoods,  otherwise  it  certainly  would  not  be  the  largest  place 
the  Spaniards  had  discovered.  Garcilasso  says  that  in  Coosa  there 
were  500  houses,  but  he  is  wont  to  exaggerate.^  At  the  same  time, 
if  Vandera  means  150  neighborhoods  and  Garcilasso  counted  all 
classes  of  buildings,  the  two  statements  could  be  reconciled  very  well. 

And  now,  after  enjoying  such  eaily  prominence,  the  Coosa  tribe 
slips  entirely  from  view,  and  when  we  next  catch  a  glimpse  of  it  its 
ancient  importance  has  gone.  Adair,  the  first  writer  to  notice  the 
town  particularly,  8a\"s: 

In  the  upper  or  meet  western  part  of  the  coimtry  of  the  Muskohge  there  was  an  old 
beloved  town,  now  reduced  to  a  small  ruinous  village,  caUed  Koomh,  which  is  still  a 
place  of  safety  to  those  who  kill  undesignedly.  It  stands  on  commanding  ground, 
overlooking  a  bold  river." 

The  name  appears  in  the  enumerations  of  1738,*  1750,*  and  1760,^ 
and  a  part  at  least  in  the  enumeration  of  1761  .*  In  1796  John  O'Kelly, 
a  half-breed,  was  trader  there,  having  succeeded  his  father." 

» llargry,  X>6o.,  iv.  p.  180.  •  MS.,  Ayqr  CoU. 

s  Vandera  in  Ruidlas,  n,  pp.  48&-486.  '  Miss.  I'nn'.  Arch.,  i,  pp.  94-05. 

>  Ibid.,  p.  471.  •  Col.  Docs.  Oa.,  vm,  p.  612. 

« Garcilasso  In  BhJpp,  De  Soto  and  Florida,  p.  374.  •  Oa.  Hist.  Soc.  CoUs.,  ix,  pp.  84,  lOQ. 

•  Adair,  Hltt.  Am.  ladiM  P*  IM* 


Hawkins  describes  the  town  as  follows,  as  it  existed  in  1799: 

Goo-fsau;  on  the  left  bank  of  Coo-eau,  between  two  creekB,  Eii-fau-lau  and  Nau-chee. 
The  town  borders  on  the  first,  above;  and  on  the  other  river.  The  town  is  on  a  high 
and  beautiful  hill;  the  land  on  the  river  is  rich  and  flat  for  two  hundred  yards,  then 
waving  and  rich,  fine  for  wheat  and  com.  It  is  a  limestone  country,  with  fine  springs, 
and  a  very  desirable  one;  there  is  reed  on  the  branches,  and  pea-vine  in  the  rich  bot- 
toms and  hill  sides,  moss  in  the  river  and  on  the  rock  beds  of  the  creek. 

They  get  fish  plentifully  in  the  spring  season,  near  the  mouth  of  Eu-fau-lau-hat-che; 
they  are  rock,  trout,  buffalo,  red  horse  and  perch.  They  have  fine  stocks  of  horses, 
hogs  and  cattle;  the  town  gives  name  to  the  river,  and  is  sixty  miles  above 

Coosa  had  evidently  fallen  off  very  much  from  its  ancient  grandeur 
and  its  name  does  not  appear  in  the  census  enumeration  of  1832. 
Those  who  lived  there  abandoned  their  town  some  years  after  1799, 
and  settled  a  few  miles  higher  up  on  the  east  side  of  the  river  near 
what  is  now  East  Bend.'  It  is  not  now  represented  by  any  existing 
town  among  the  Creeks,  but  the  name  is  well  known  and  still  appears 
in  war  titles.  From  the  census  list  of  1761  one  might  judge  that  part 
of  the  Coosa  had  moved  down  on  Tallapoosa  River  and  settled  with 
the  Fus-hatchee  people,  with  whom  they  would  have  gone  to  Florida 
and  afterwards,  in  part  at  least,  to  the  southern  part  of  the  Seminole 
Nation,  Oklahoma.'  The  French  census  of  about  1760  associates 
them  rather  with  the  Kan-hatki,  but  the  fate  of  Kan-hatki  and  Fus- 
hatchee  was  the  same.*  What  happened  to  the  greater  portion  of 
them  will  be  told  presently. 

Besides  Coosa  proper  we  find  a  town  placed  on  several  maps  be- 
tween Tuskegee  and  Koasati  and  called  "Old  Coosa/'  or  '^Coussas 
old  village."  From  the  resemblance  of  the  name  to  that  of  the 
Koasati  as  usually  spelled,  and  the  proximity  of  the  two  places, 
Gatschet  thought  it  was  another  term  applied  to  the  latter.^  But  on 
the  other  hand  we  often  find  Coosa-old-town  and  Koasati  on  the  same 
map,  and  both  are  mentioned  separately  in  the  enumerations  of  1760 
and  1761  .•  The  fact  that,  according  to  the  same  lists,  there  were  Coosa 
on  Tallapoosa  River  not  far  away,  associated  with  the  Fus-hatchee 
and  Kan-hatki^  would  strengthen  the  belief  that  there  were  really  some 
Coosa  Indians  at  this  place.  Even  if  there  were  not,  the  name  itself 
clearly  implies  that  the  site  had  once  been  occupied  by  Coosa  Indians, 
and  by  inference  at  a  time  anterior  to  the  settlement  of  the  Coosa 
already  considered.  Without  traceable  connection  with  any  of  these 
bodies  is  ''a  Small  Settlement  of  Indians  called  thoCousah  old  Fields" 

1  Oa.  Hist.  Soc  Colls.,  m,  p.  41. 

s  Plate  8;  Roywin  18th  Ana.  Kept.  Bur.  Amer.  Ethn.,  pt.  2,  pi.  cvm,  map  of  Alabama. 

>  Oa.  CoL  Docs.,  vm,  p.  523. 

•  Miss.  Prov.  Arch.,  i,  p.  04. 

•  Cre^  MiC.  LeK.«  i.  p.  137. 

•  Miss.  Plov.  Aioh.,  I,  p.  04;  Oa.  Col.  Docs.,  vm,  p.  534. 

148061*— 22 16 



[bull.  T8 

encountered  in  1778  between  the  Choctawhatchee  and  Apalachicola 
Rivers  by  a  BritisR  expedition  under  David  Hobnes  sent  into  East 
Florida  from  Pensacola.* 

Still  another  branch  of  this  tribe  was  in  all  probability  the  Coosa 
of  South  Carolina  which  has  been  elsewhere  considered.' 

By  common  tradition  and  the  busk  expression, "  We  are  Kos-istagi, '' 
still  used  by  them,  we  know  that  there  are  several  other  towns 
descended  from  Coosa,  though  no  longer  bearing  the  name.  The 
most  important  of  these  was  Otciapofa,  commonly  called  "Hickory 
Ground,''  whose  people  came  from  Little  Tulsa.  Little  Tulsa  was 
the  seat  of  the  famous  Alexander  McGillivray  and  was  located  on  the 
east  bank  of  Coosa  River  3  miles  above  the  falls.  After  his  death  the 
inhabitants  all  moved  to  the  Hickory  Ground,  Otciapofa,  which  was  on 
the  same  side  of  the  river  just  below  the  falls.'  Tlie  condition  of  this 
latter  town  in  1799  is  thus  described  by  Hawkins: 

0-cho-au-po-fau ;  from  Oche-ub,  a  hick(>r>'  tree,  and  po-fau,  in  (»r  among,  called  by 
the  traders,  hickory  ground.  It  is  on  the  left  bank  of  tlie  Coosau,  two  miles  above  the 
fork  of  the  river,  and  one  mile  below  the  falls,  on  a  flat  of  poor  land,  just  below  a  small 
stream ;  the  fields  are  on  the  right  side  of  the  river,  on  rich  flat  land ;  and  this  flat 
extends  back  for  two  miles,  with  oak  and  hickor>*,  then  pine  fon^et;  the  range  out  in 
thisiorest  is  fine  for  cattle;  reed  is  abiuidant  in  all  the  branches. 

The  falls  can  be  easily  passed  in  canoes,  either  up  or  down;  the  rock  is  very  different 
from  that  of  Tallapoosa;  here  it  is  rajrged  and  very  coarse  granite;  the  land  bordering 
on  the  left  side  of  the  falls  is  broken  or  wa\ang,  gravelly,  not  rich.  At  the  termina- 
tion of  the  falls  there  is  a  fine  little  stream,  large  enough  for  a  small  mill,  called,  from 
the  clearness  of  the  water,  We-hemt-le,  good  water. ^  Three  and  a  half  miles  above  the 
town  are  ten  apple  trees,  planted  by  the  late  General  McGilli\Tay ;  half  a  mile  further 
up  are  the  remains  of  Old  Tal-e-see,*  formerly  the  residence  of  Mr.  Lochlan  *  and  his 
son,  the  general.  1  lere  are  ten  apple  trees,  planted  by  the  father,  and  a  stone  chimney, 
the  remains  of  a  house  built  by  the  son,  and  these  are  all  the  improvements  left  by 
the  father  and  son . 

These  people  are,  some  of  them,  industrious.  They  have  forty  gunmen,  nearly 
three  himdred  cattle,  and  some  horses  and  hogs;  the  family  of  the  general  belong  to 
this  town;  he  left  one  son  and  two  daughters;  the  son  is  in  Scotland,  with  his  grand- 
father, and  the  daughters  with  Sam  Macnack  [Moniac],  a  half-breed,  their  uncle;  the 
property  is  much  of  it  wasted.  The  chiefs  have  rerjuested  tho  agent  for  Indian  affairs 
to  take  charge  of  the  property  for  the  son,  to  prevent  its  being  wasted  by  the  sisters 
of  the  general  or  by  their  children.  Mrs.  Durant,  the  oldest  sister,  has  eight  children. 
She  is  industrious,  but  has  no  economy  or  management.  In  )X)ssession  of  fourteen 
working  negroes,  she  seldom  makes  bread  enough,  and  they  live  poorly.  She  can 
spin  and  weave,  and  is  making  some  feeble  efforts  to  obtain  clothing  for  her  family. 
The  other  sister,  Sehoi,  has  about  thirty  negroes,  is  extravagant  and  heedless,  neither 
spins  nor  weaves,  and  has  no  government  of  her  family.  She  has  one  son,  Da\'id  Tale 
[Tate?]  who  has  been  educated  in  Philadelphia  and  Scotland.  He  promises  to  do 

» Copy  of  MS.,.  Lib.  Cong. 

«  See  p.  25. 

>  Hawkins  in  Ga.  Fiist.  Soo.  Colls.,  ix,  p.  4}. 

«  >VI  hIli-"goo(i  water." 

»  I-ittloTulsu. 

•  Tho  Lib.  Conjf.  MS.  h:»s  "Mr.  Jxjchlan  McCfUil- 

■Ca.  IIi>t.  8oc.  Colls.,  in,  pp.  3JM0. 


The  town  is  given  in  the  lists  of  1760  and  1761,  by  Bartrain,  by 
Swan,  and  in  the  census  of  1832/  and,  probably  in  a  distorted  form, 
in  1750.2 

Big  Tulsa,  which  separated  from  the  town  last  mentioned,  may 
be  identical  with  that  which  appears  in  the  De  Soto  chronicles 
imder  the  synonymous  terms  Tahsi,  Tallise,  and  Talisse.^  Biedma 
does  not  mention  it.  The  other  three  chroniclers  describe  it  as  a 
large  town  by  a  great  river,  having  plenty  of  com. .  Elvas  states 
that  "other  towns  and  many  fields  of  maize  were  on  the  opposite 
shore.^'*  Garcilasso  says  that  this  place  was  *Hhe  key  of  the 
coimtry,'*  and  that  it  was  '*  palisaded,  invested  with  very  good 
terraces,  and  almost  surrounded  bj'^  a  river.''  He  adds  that  ''it 
did  not  heartily  acknowledge  the  cacique  [of  Coosa],  because  of 
a  neighboring  chief,  who  endeavored  to  make  the  people  revolt 
against  him.''*  We  may  gather  from  this  that  Tulsa  had  at  that 
time  become  such  a  large  and  strong  town  that  it  no  longer  leaned 
on  the  mother  town  of  Coosa,  as  would  be  the  case  with  a  new  or 
weak  offshoot.  There  may  indeed  be  some  question  whether  this 
was  the  Tulsa  of  later  history,  but  there  does  not  appear  to  be  a 
really  valid  reason  to  deny  this,  although  the  name  from  which  it  is 
thought  to  have  been  derived  is  a  very  common  one.  Spanish  docu- 
ments of  1597-9S  speak,  for  instance,  of  a  town  called  Talaxe  (or 
Talashe)  in  Guale  and  a  river  so  called,  evidently  the  Altamaha. 
Woodward  says  that  'Hhe  Tallasse^  never  settled  on  the  Tallapoosa 
River  before  1756;  they  were  moved  to  that  place  by  James  McQueen" 
from  the  Talladega  country,*  but  the  name  occurs  here  on  the  earliest 
maps  available,  at  a  date  far  back  of  any  period  of  which  Woodward 
could  have  had  information.  Probably  his  statement  applies  to  an 
independent  body  of  Tulsa  entered  in  the  list  dating  from  1750,^ 
as  in  the  Abihka  country,  and  appearing  on  the  Purcell  map  (pi.  7) 
as  '  *Tallassehase,"  Tulsa  old  town.  The  history  of  this  settlement 
is  otherwise  unknown.  In  De  Soto's  time  the  several  towns  may  not 
have  become  separated,  but  of  that  we  have  no  knowledge.  My 
opinion  is  that  in  either  case  the  town  entered  by  De  Soto  was  farther 
toward  the  southwest  than  the  position  in  which  Big  Tulsa  was  later 
found,  somewhere,  in  fact,  between  the  site  of  Holiwahali  and  that 
of  the  present  St.  Clair,  in  Lowndes  County,  Alabama.^ 

The  name  of  this  town  occurs  fre